Chaniotis The Polis after Sunset

Franz Steiner Verlag Sonderdruck aus: The Polis in the Hellenistic World Edited by Henning Börm and Nino Luraghi Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS Henning Börm and Nino Luraghi Foreword 7 Clifford Ando The Political Economy of the Hellenistic Polis: Comparative and Modern Perspectives 9 Christel Müller Oligarchy and the Hellenistic City 27 Henning Börm Stasis in Post-Classical Greece: The Discourse of Civil Strife in the Hellenistic World 53 Anna Magnetto Interstate Arbitration as a Feature of the Hellenistic Polis: Between Ideology, International Law and Civic Memory 85 Peter Funke Poleis and Koina: Reshaping the World of the Greek States in Hellenistic times 109 5 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Table of Contents Frank Daubner Peer Polity Interaction in Hellenistic Northern Greece: Theoroi going to Epirus and Macedonia 131 Graham Oliver People and Cities: Economic Horizons beyond the Hellenistic Polis 159 Angelos Chaniotis The Polis after Sunset: What is Hellenistic in Hellenistic Nights? 181 Nino Luraghi Documentary Evidence and Political Ideology in Early Hellenistic Athens 209 Hans-Ulrich Wiemer A Stoic Ethic for Roman Aristocrats? Panaitios’ Doctrine of Behavior, its Context and its Addressees 229 General Index 259 6 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 8 THE POLIS AFTER SUNSET: WHAT IS HELLENISTIC IN HELLENISTIC NIGHTS? Angelos Chaniotis* 1. Introduction: The historicity of the night The mother of all night stories set in a Classical Greek polis is the narrative given by Euphiletos, the defendant in Lysias’ speech On the Murder of Eratosthenes. Explaining the circumstances under which he had killed his wife’s lover, Euphiletos describes night-time activities in a non-elite Athenian household in the early fourth century bce.1 I have a modest, two-storey house, which has equal space for the women’s and men’s quarters on the upper and lower floors. When our child was born its mother nursed it, and, so that she would not risk a fall on her way downstairs whenever the baby needed bathing, I took to living on the upper level while the women lived downstairs. From that time, then, it became such a regular arrangement that my wife would often go downstairs to sleep with the child to nurse it and to stop it crying. This was the way we lived for quite a while, and I never had any cause for concern, but carried on in the foolish belief that my wife was the most proper woman in the city. Time passed, gentlemen, and I came home unexpectedly from the farm. After dinner, the child started to cry and become restless. It was being deliberately provoked by our slave girl into behaving like this, because that individual was in the house; I found out all about this later. So, I told my wife to go away and nurse the * All dates are bce, unless explicitly stated otherwise. The abbreviations of epigraphic publications are those of the Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. I would like to thank Ross Brendle for correcting my English. 1 Lysias 1.9–14 and 22–26 (transl. Caroline Faulkner). 181 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis child to stop it crying. To begin with, she did not want to go, claiming that she was glad to see me home after so long. When I got annoyed and ordered her to leave she said: “Yes, so you can have a go at the young slave here. You made a grab at her before when you were drunk.” I laughed, and she got up, closed the door as she left, pretending it was a joke, and drew the bolt across. Thinking there was nothing serious in this, and not suspecting a thing, I happily settled down to sleep as I had come back from my farm work. About dawn my wife returned and opened the door. When I asked why the doors had made a noise in the night, she claimed that the lamp near the baby had gone out, and so she had gone to get a light from the neighbors. I said nothing, as I believed this was the truth. I noticed though, gentlemen, that her face was made up, although her brother had died not thirty days earlier. Still, I said nothing at all about it, and I left without a word … Then, the defendant explains how he received information concerning his wife’s extramarital adventures, and prepared a plan to catch the seducer (22–26): Sostratos is my friend, and is well disposed towards me. I met him at sunset as he was coming home from his farm. Realizing that none of his family would be at home at that time to welcome him on his return, I invited him to have dinner with me. We came to my house, went upstairs and had dinner. After he had had a good meal, he left, and I went to bed. Eratosthenes came in, gentlemen, and the girl woke me immediately and informed me that he was inside. I told her to mind the door, and went downstairs, leaving without making a sound. I went around to different neighbors, and found that some were not at home and others were out of town. Gathering the largest group I could find of those who were at home, I made my way back to the house. We took torches from the nearest inn, and entered – the door was open because the girl had seen to it. We pushed open the door of the bedroom, and those of us who were the first to enter saw him still lying next to my wife; the ones coming in later saw him standing naked on the bed. I struck him, gentlemen, and knocked him down. Then I twisted him round and tied his hands behind his back. I asked him why he was disgracing my house by entering it. He confessed that he was in the wrong, and he begged and entreated me not to kill him, but to agree to a financial settlement. I said to him: “Your executioner is not I, but the law of the city, whose violation you thought less important than your pleasures. It was your choice to commit an offence like this against my wife and my children, rather than to obey the laws and behave properly.” I have chosen this passage as an introduction to this study, firstly because of the information it provides about aspects of Athenian nights, some more familiar than others: dining, getting drunk, having sex, inviting a friend, spending time in an inn, and having the segmented sleep that seems to have been quite common in European culture before the invention of the uninterrupted 8-hour sleep at the time of the Industrial 182 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset Revolution,2 a sleep often interrupted by various activities – going to the neighbors to get light, feeding a child, opening the door to receive a lover, going to the neighbors to seek help, going to an inn to get torches, arresting and killing an adulterer. Secondly, I chose this passage because it also clearly indicates the historical dimensions of the night. As an astronomical phenomenon the night is universally defined as the period between sunset and sunrise, between twilight and dawn. But beyond this clear and simple definition, everything that fills the night with life, differs depending on age, gender, social position, occupation, and historical context.3 Already in the brief narrative in Lysias we observe that the night is experienced in a different manner by the infant and the grown-ups, the man and the woman, the master and the slave, the farmer who returns from the fields exhausted and those who still have the energy to go to an inn, the inhabitant of an urban center and the population of the countryside. Such parameters that differentiate the way the night is experienced differ both synchronically, from one culture to another, and diachronically, from one historical period to another. The reality of the night was not the same in a Cretan city, in which common meals in the men’s houses continued to take place until the Roman conquest, and in cosmopolitan Rhodes or Delos; in the harbor town of the small island of Anaphe, fearing the attacks of pirates, and in Chalkis, under the control of a Macedonian garrison.4 The impact of parameters such as those mentioned before make the night into a subject of historical enquiry and justify the question raised by the title of this study: What is Hellenistic in the nights of the Hellenistic poleis? How did the changes that occurred around the time of Alexander and continued in the following centuries affect nightlife? For the longest part of human history the night has been a period in which human activities were impeded by darkness and the inadequacies of artificial light. This does not mean, however, that the night was a time of inertia and rest; on the contrary, many daytime activities had their nocturnal counterpart – hunting, fighting, socializing, performing religious rituals, dancing, creating literature, and so on. When individual daytime activities are systematically contrasted to their nocturnal counterpart, we observe that the night-time version of a daytime activity sometimes has its own peculiarities and is subject to a different perception and evaluation. In some cases 2 Cf. Ekirch 2005: 300–323. 3 Cf. Schivelbusch 1988, Delattre 2000, Ekirch 2005, Bronfen 2008, Cabantous 2009, Koslofsky 2012, Wishnitzer 2014, and Chaniotis 2018b. 4 On Syssitia in Hellenistic Crete see Chaniotis 1996: 4, 18, 20–21, 94, 103, 123, 133, 170, 172, 175, 187, 261, 313, 374, 414. Pirate attack in Amorgos: IG XII.7.386; Bielman 1994: no. 38. Macedonian garrison in Chalkis: Hatzopoulos 2001: 29–32. 183 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis such contrasts have been observed and studied, in others they have not. For instance, the conscious contrast between sacrifice during the day and by night is a well-known phenomenon, as is the difference between a prayer made during a sacrifice and the nocturnal magical prayer.5 Let us take for instance a very common activity: writing on the walls. When texts were chiseled on stone during the day, this was an activity sanctioned by authority, dictating norms, insinuating communality, and done by professionals. Writing on the walls in the night is a different matter: it is individual, not communal; it is divisive, subversive, and offensive.6 Or let us take the case of debates. In democratic theory and in part in democratic practice debate primarily took place in locations accessible to all the citizens: the assembly, the courts, the agora, or the gymnasion. What these places have in common is that they were only accessible from sunrise to sunset. But debates, and important debates at that, took place on a daily basis during the joint evening dining of councilors; and one of the most important political factors, the conspiracy of like-minded, politically engaged men, is a child of the night. Political companionship was forged through convivial drinking in the night, and its products were political ambitions, plans, conspiracies, and sometimes acts of violence.7 Debate during the day was at least in theory open to all; debate in the night – not only political but also philosophical debate – was a matter of small groups; it often was exclusive and undemocratic, secretive, and potentially subversive. Similarly, there are differences between day- and night-time fighting, competing, drinking, sleeping, dreaming, writing, having processions, eating and so on. But apart from such contrasts, which can best be observed in synchronic contexts, the night has a historical dimension also in a diachronic perspective, and this brings me to the Hellenistic period, its poleis, and its nights. A contextualized study of the night allows us to recognize a development and a transformation not of the perception of the night but of its reality in urban centers. 5 The difference between sacrifices at daytime (for the heavenly gods) and during the night is explained, for instance, in an oracle of Sibylla quoted by Zosimos 2.6. Nocturnal sacrifice and prayer: cf. e. g. Petrovic 2007: 10–40 (magic sacrifice and prayer); Petropoulou 2008: 35 f. (chthonic sacrifice); Parisinou 2000: 145–147 (lamp-lit sacrifices). 6 Chaniotis 2018c. 7 See e. g. the incident of the hermokopidai in Athens: Thuc. 6.27.1; Bearzot 2013: 12–15. On hetaireia see Bearzot 2013: 53–62, 145–149. 184 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset 2. The markedness of the night: stereotypes and emotional enhancement Although life in many historical periods reached extremely high levels of sophistication – through urbanization, technological advancement, and increased social complexity, among other factors – the principal activities, experiences, and perceptions of the night have demonstrated surprising persistence. The night offers time for rest, thus it is a common metaphor for death.8 Although sexual intercourse can take place any time, erotic desire is usually linked with the time between dusk and dawn. For instance, the idea of spending the night in love-making is expressed by a graffito in Hellenistic Nymphaion: “Theodora to Pithon, greetings; you shall treat me well, you shall keep me awake all night”.9 The night never ceased to require defense measures;10 the prevailing emotions connected with it are, therefore, fear and anxiety; the expression ‘nocturnal fear’ is proverbial.11 The night was the most effectual time for the private communication between mortals and the gods, the living and the dead.12 Perennially, the night provides the setting for conviviality and entertainment – joint consumption of food, storytelling, singing, and dancing – usually in small groups: the family, the members of associations, and conspirators. On special occasions the night gathers masses of the like-minded and communities of worshippers in all-night celebrations and vigils. For this reason, the night plays a great part in the creation of a sense of togetherness – initiation rites in ancient mystery cults and contemporary secret societies alike usually take place in the night. Part of the unchanged perception of the night is the polarity between day and night, which has made the ‘night’ into a culturally marked term, a term which is bearer of special significance, giving emphasis to a statement and enhancing emotional display. In 220 the young men in the Cretan city of Dreros swore eternal enmity towards the Lyttians:13 Truly, I will never be benevolent towards the Lyttians, in no way and through no pretension, neither by day nor by night; and I will try, to the best of my capacity, to harm the city of the Lyttians. 8 Cf. e. g. Merkelbach/Stauber 1998: no. 05/01/64 (third century ce); Lattimore 1942: 164–165. 9 SEG 58, 894 (third century): [Θ]εοδώρα | Πίτθωνι χαί|ρειν· καλῶς | ποήσεις με, ἀγρυπνίσεις με. 10 Chaniotis 2017. 11 Orphic Hymn to the Night 3.14 ed. Quandt: φόβους νυχαυγεῖς; Psalm 90: οὐ φοβηθήσῃ ἀπὸ φόβου νυκτερινοῦ. 12 On epiphanic dreams, see Harris 2009: 23–90; Renberg 2010 and 2017; for their equivalent in early modern Greece (dreaming of saints), see Stewart 2012. 13 I.Cret. I.ix.1; cf. Chaniotis 1996: 195–201 no. 7. 185 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis By formulating the text in this manner, the author of the oath prevented a sophistic interpretation of the oath – hating the Lyttians by day, and doing nothing by night. But the opposition of night and day had more than a practical significance: it also underlined the weight of the obligation. This is why we often find the expression ‘by day and by night’ in ritual performative texts such as oaths and curses.14 The words νύκτωρ, νυκτί, and their synonyms function as enhancers of a statement and as acoustic signals for emotional arousal. But precisely because the night is associated with dangers, sex, and the supernatural, nocturnal events that correspond to these stereotypes are over-represented in our sources: attacks, murders, earthquakes, crimes, and erotic adventures.15 We can see how authors exploit the emotive impact and the dramatic effect of a nocturnal setting in an honorific decree for a statesman in late Hellenistic Olbia. Although the text is heavily restored, the reference to the night is not:16 For this reason the enemies feared the unbreakable strength of his virtue and did not have the courage to openly attack him, but instead they ambushed him by night and murdered him. In response to this, the people seeing this sudden calamity – that the city had lost a virtuous citizen – were deeply grieved because of his goodness and repulsed because of the cruel manner of his death. We will never find out who and how many the enemies were or whether the murder was avenged. But the author made sure to mention that the murder took place during the night, and we do not have to speculate why. The reference to the night is part of the author’s effort to demonstrate the enemies’ cowardice: the enemies were full of fear (δείσα[ντες), they lacked courage (οὐκ [ἐθ]άρρησαν), they ambushed (ἐνεδρεύσα ντες), they killed him using cunningness (δόλος), and treachery (ἐδο[λοφ]όνη[σαν), and they did all that covered by the darkness of the night. In cases such as this an explicit reference to the night amplifies the emotional impact of a narrative. This observation can be confirmed with innumerable examples in Hellenistic literary texts, inscriptions, and papyri. Narratives about captured cities, assaults against cities or sanctuaries, pirate attacks, and street battles acquire a more dramatic note when it is 14 Chaniotis 2018b. 15 On this methodological problem in the study of the night in antiquity see Chaniotis 2018b. 16 IOSPE I2 17: διὸ καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι, τὸ ἀνυπόστατον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρετῆς δείσα[ντες, ἐκ μὲν τοῦ φανεροῦ] οὐκ [ἐθ]άρρησαν ἐπιβαλεῖν, ἐνεδρεύσαντες δὲ αὐτὸν νύκτ<ω>ρ ἐδο[λοφ]όνη[σαν· ὥστε ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ δῆμο]ς, αἰφνίδιον σ<υ>μφορὰν θεασάμενος, τῆς πόλεως ἀποβεβλημένη[ς ἀ]γαθὸν [πολείτην, χαλεπῶς μὲ]ν ἤνενκεν τὸ πένθος αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν χρηστότητα, ἐπαχθῶς δὲ διὰ τὴ[ν τοῦ θανάτου ὠμότητα]. More examples in Chaniotis 2017. 186 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset added that the event occurred during the night.17 In the case of honorific decrees, reference to a nocturnal attack, one of the most fearful experiences for the inhabitant of any Greek city, stresses the magnitude of the danger, in order to also amplify the heroism of the soldiers and justify the honors.18 References to the night are further used to highlight the extraordinary character of an achievement. The Magnesian arbitrators in a territorial dispute between Itanos and Hierapytna in the late second century did more than was expected of them, allowing the advocates for their orations ‘not only the daytime, but also most part of the night’.19 Another reason for explicit references to the night is the occurrence of something extra-ordinary. We do not often find references to people sleeping in the night, but when their sleep leads them to the eternal sleep, this is something that the author of an epitaph will mention.20 Similarly, we find references to the fact that sleep was interrupted by a significant dream,21 anxiety and grief,22 or erotic desire. A nice poem by Meleagros (first century) expresses this idea. It is a prayer to a mosquito to go to Zenophila, the object of his desire, wake her up and bring her to him:23 Fly for me, mosquito, swift messenger, and touching the rim of Zenophila’s ear whisper thus into it: ‘While he lies awake expecting you, you sleep, forgetting those who love you.’ Yes, go! Fly, you lover of music. But speak quietly to her, lest you awake her companion in bed and arouse painful jealousy of me. But if you bring me the girl, I will crown your head, mosquito, with the lion’s skin and give you a club to carry in your hand. 3. ‘Entnachtung’: Historicizing Hellenistic nights Because the night is a marked word, we will not get very far in understanding Hellenistic nights simply by collecting references to the night in literary sources, inscriptions, and papyri. An author’s decision to explicitly mention the night as the background of an event or to create a night-time setting for a fictional narrative is intrinsically con17 Cf. Chaniotis 2017. 18 IG II2 1209 (Athens, late fourth century); IG XII.8.150 (Samothrace, c. 287–281); IG XII.7 386; Bielman 1994: no. 38 (Aigiale, third century bce). 19 I.Cret. III.iv.9 (112 bce). 20 IG X.2.1.719 (Thessalonike, second century CE); SEG 59, 286 (Athens, third century ce). 21 Cf. e. g. Harris 2009: 90 f.; cf. Harrison 2013 and Renberg 2010. 22 See e. g. BGU III 846 (Arsinoite nome, second century ce): γινώσκειν σε θέλω ἀφ᾽ ὡς ἐξῆλθες ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πένθος ἡγούμην νυκτὸς κλαίων ἡμέρας δὲ πενθῶν (“I want you to know that ever since you left me I have been in mourning, weeping at night and lamenting during the day”). 23 AP 5.155; cf. the discussion in Gutzweiler 2010. 187 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis nected with widespread perceptions of the night and with the function of the night as an intensifier of empathy. The image that we will construct based on such sources will be distorted. Some phenomena – sex and violence – will be over-represented. For a historical study of the night one needs to go beyond these textual references, and also beyond the study of Greek myths related with the night. The study of myths might be fruitful for certain concepts but of limited use for a broader study of the night. Myths, as traditional stories, are usually slower to reflect change; sometimes they are narrated as fossils of past perceptions in a changed world, as intentional archaisms and expressions of nostalgia. We therefore need a different approach. We need to ask what the most important new developments were in the Hellenistic period and what impact they had on the night. Roughly from the time of Alexander we observe important transformation processes in Greek culture, society, and institutions: the influence of monarchy, larger mobility of persons including that of women, stronger urbanization, changes in the position of women, and the diffusion of voluntary associations (see below). While the illusions and some forms of democracy, equality, and freedom were maintained, cities were strongly dependent on benefactors; political power – election in offices, initiative in the assembly – became de facto the exclusive, almost hereditary, privilege of a wealthy elite.24 Mystery cults were more strongly diffused than ever before (see below), and at the same time the progress of technology and science, accompanied by the advancement of technical literature, reached an unprecedented peak.25 For most of the Hellenistic period urban centers and rural communities in Greece, Asia Minor, along the coast of the Black Sea, and in the Near East were also confronted with increased violence due to wars. To the traditional wars between Greek cities and federal states, civil wars, barbarian attacks in the periphery of the Greek world, piracy, and brigandage; the Hellenistic period added the wars between cities and kings, the wars of the Roman expansion in Greece and Asia Minor, the bella civilia of the Late Republic.26 Did the developments that I just sketched have an impact on the night as it was lived and experienced in Hellenistic poleis? As I shall argue, from approximately the mid-fourth century bce onwards we may observe an increased effort to invade the territory of the night in order to make the night brighter, safer, more efficient, and 24 Hellenistic aristocratization: Quaß 1993; Hamon 2007; Mann/Scholz 2012. See also the contribution by Christel Müller to the present volume. Euergetism: Gauthier 1985; Quaß 1993; Domingo Gygax 2016. 25 On the emergence and development of technical literature see Meißner 1999. 26 On Hellenistic wars see Chaniotis 2005; Boulay 2014. On civil wars see Gray 2015; cf. also the contribution by Henning Börm to the present volume. 188 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset more filled with life; this effort can be observed both in the technical literature and in the documentary sources. This process only started in the Hellenistic period; it continued and was intensified after Actium, and it culminated in Late Antiquity. From the first to the fifth century ce we also find sources that reveal an awareness of this process among the intellectuals.27 In German, we might call this process ‘Entnachtung’ – the equivalent of the English term ‘denocturnalization’ which was coined to describe a student’s return to normal sleeping hours after a prolonged period of nocturnal work.28 I am not claiming that any of the phenomena that I will be discussing appeared for the first time in the fourth century or during the Hellenistic period. We do, however, observe, first, the culmination of pre-existing trends and, second, an unprecedented diffusion of institutions and phenomena that were only sporadically attested in the Archaic and Classical period. Although it is not possible to have quantitative studies for most aspects of ancient history – the available data do not allow this – this does not mean that we cannot observe trends or that we cannot determine whether certain phenomena are more common in one place than in another or that they occur more often in one period than in another. The Hellenistic polis invites us to see the roots of a process that ultimately filled the urban centers of the later Imperial period in the Roman East with life and light. 4. Securing the night War, arguably the single most important factor that affected the lives of the Hellenistic populations, is the best place to start. War had an impact on the outlook of cities, both because of destructions and defense measures; it affected the supply of goods; it was connected with their economy, political life, and institutions; it determined their relations with kings; and it caused the increased influence of wealthy benefactors.29 Different forms of war – attacks by enemy armies, sieges, pirate raids, and civil wars – were more common in the world of the Greek poleis in the period between Alexander and Cleopatra than in any preceding period. Because of the advantages offered by darkness for sudden attacks, we should not be surprised if references to nocturnal military operations are common in the Hellenistic literary and epigraphic sources.30 27 For the Imperial period see Chaniotis 2018a and Wilson 2018. For Late Antiquity see Dossey 2018 and Carlà-Uhink 2018. 28 For this definition see http://www.geocities.ws/jordy99999/dictionary.html. 29 Cf. Chaniotis 2005. 30 For examples see Chaniotis 2017. 189 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis Needless to say that both attacks during the night and defense measures in response to nocturnal threats (sentinels and patrols) are attested as early as Homer. The Greeks did not have to wait until the Hellenistic period in order to become aware of the nightly challenges to the safety of cities and private houses and to respond to them. That no nocturnal attack is mentioned in an inscription of the Classical period whereas such references are not uncommon after Alexander31 should not be attributed alone to the fact that such attacks were more frequent because of the frequency of wars. It should rather be attributed to the interest of the authors of Hellenistic decrees in dramatic narratives and emotional arousal.32 If nocturnal attacks, the awareness of dangers, and responses to threats were not phenomena peculiar to the Hellenistic period, how did Hellenistic wars and other forms of violence affect the night? The source material suggests that a significant change can be seen in the systematic approach to defense measures – nocturnal guarding, policing, and patrolling – which is directly connected with an important development in Greek science and literature: the emergence of technical handbooks,33 first in medicine (in the fifth century), then in other fields. Military handbooks appear around the mid-fourth century, at a time in which war had become a sophisticated discipline, with new siege techniques and specialized troops; for this reason these manuals often deal with matters pertaining to siege.34 They are continually attested in the Hellenistic period. As far as we can judge from the surviving texts, such handbooks primarily presented pre-existing knowledge in a systematic matter. In his manual on sieges, Philon of Byzantion (third or second century) recommends numerous nocturnal activities to both the assailants and to the besieged: the digging of trenches (A 36), the efforts of the besiegers to listen to the recognition signals of the nightguards (C 35), attacks (C 42, D 73, and D 99), and night-watches (D 94: τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκκοιτίαι).35 The earliest author of a military manual, Aeneas the Tactician (mid-fourth century), explicitly addressed the efficient protection of cities during the night and, unsurprisingly, recommended the organization of night watches (νυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι).36 His recommendation was certainly not innovative, but for many cities it was nevertheless necessary. Neither regular night watches nor the keeping of watchdogs could be taken 31 Cf. e. g. IG II2 1209 (Athens, 319 bce); IG XII.8.150 (Samothrace, c. 287–281); Bielman 1994: no. 38 (Aigiale, third century); IG V.2.412 (Thelphousa, c. 300); IG IX2.1.2.313 (Thyrreion, late second century). 32 On these trends in Hellenistic decrees see Chaniotis 2013a and 2013b. 33 Cf. note 25. 34 Chaniotis 2005, 97–99; Chaniotis 2013c. On the emergence of military handbooks see Burlinga 2008. 35 References are to the edition of Garlan 1974: 291–327. 36 Aeneas Tacticus 22.3. Nightguards are mentioned e. g. in Xenophon, Anabasis 7.2 and 7.3. 190 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset for granted – and some cities lacked the funds for such measures. As late as 100 bce, Tomis did not have a regular force that was specifically dedicated to night watch. It was only during a period of increased threats that Tomis created a special guard of forty men, who were assigned the task of patrolling the city, guarding the gates day and night, and spending the night near the gates (παρακοιτήσοντας τὰς νύκτας).37 Mesambria had day and night patrols (φύλακες ἁμερινοί, φύλακες νυκτερινοί, περίοδοι) in the late second and first centuries, but we do not know how early this institution was introduced.38 Another suggestion given by Aeneas concerns the use of watchdogs in forts and fortifications;39 again, this hardly is a revolutionary innovation. But the explicit praise for commanders who did keep watchdogs presupposes the existence of the neglectful officers who did not.40 Apart from the advice given by the authors of manuals, impulses for measures for the efficient guarding of cities during the night may have come from the administration of kingdoms and from measures taken in royal capitals. Ptolemaic Alexandria had the office of the nyktostrategos (‘general of the night’),41 and this may have served as the model for the analogous office of the ‘general of the night’ (νυκτοστρατηγός, διὰ νυκτὸς στρατηγός, νυκτερινὸς στρατηγός) that is attested in Asia Minor, especially in coastal cities that had been under Ptolemaic control for part of the third century.42 Although nocturnal safety was not a new phenomenon, the evidence suggests the unprecedented determination of civic authorities to address it systematically. But the creation of night guards is only part of a broader picture that includes provisions for the severe punishment of crimes committed during the night and the creation of the office of the gynaikonomoi. The severe punishment of nocturnal acts of injustice is attested already for Classical Athens. According to a law attributed to Solon, theft committed during the day resulted in the death penalty only if the stolen goods had a value of more than fifty drachmas. But if a thief stole anything, however small, by night, the victim had the right to kill or wound him himself.43 According to the Alexandrian laws, “when someone commits an injury to the person while drunk, or by night, or in a sanctuary, or 37 Syll.3 731 = I.Tomis 2 LL. 14–16; Brélaz 2005: 83. 38 IGBulg I2 324; V 5103; Brélaz 2005: 83. 39 Aeneas Tacticus 22.14. 40 SEG 24, 154 ll. 14–15; SEG 26, 1306 ll. 19–20; SEG 41, 76; cf. Plut. Aratos 7.5 and 24; Cf. Chaniotis 2005: 35, 121, 140. 41 Strabo 17.1.12; Hennig 2002: 288–289 with note 34; Brélaz 2005: 80. 42 For the evidence see Brélaz 2005: 79–84; Boulay 2015: 51. 43 Dem. 24.113; cf. a law proposed by Pl., Leg. 874 bc. For early Rome see XII Tab. 2. For early modern Europe see Ekirch 2005, 86–87. 191 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis in the market, he shall pay twice the amount of the prescribed penalty”.44 Similar measures are attested in Hellenistic Stymphalos (c. 300 bce): “When someone steals something from a house or commits theft during the night, let him be killed without punishment.”45 The diffusion of the office of the gynaikonomoi, who supervised the conduct of women in cities and protected them, especially during nocturnal festivals, is truly a Hellenistic innovation, directly connected with two significant developments: the increased visibility of women in public space46 and the frequency of nocturnal religious celebrations (see below). The office of the gynaikonomos is already attested in the first half of the fourth century in Thasos and Samos,47 but it was only during the Hellenistic period that it spread throughout the Greek world. Its introduction in Athens in the late fourth century can be attributed to Lykourgos or, more likely, Demetrios of Phaleron.48 In the Hellenistic period it is also attested in Lesbos, Asia Minor, the Peloponnese, Crete, and Alexandria.49 When the duties of the gynaikonomoi are explicitly mentioned, they usually concern the supervision of women during religious celebrations and funerals.50 An inscription from Methymna directly associates the service of the gynaikonomos with nocturnal rites (παννυχίς), and the same applies to the korybantic rites in Erythrai and the Thesmophoria in Gambreion.51 The authorities were not only concerned about the conduct of women during nocturnal celebrations, they were also concerned 44 P.Halensis 1 LL. 193–195 (259 bce): ὅταν τις τῶν εἰς τὸ σῶ[μ]α ἀδικημάτ[ων] μεθύων ἢ νύκτωρ ἢ ἐν ἱερῶι ἢ ἐν ἀγορᾶι ἀδικήσηι, διπλασί[αν] τὴν ζημίαν ἀποτεισάτω τῆς γεγραμμένης. 45 IPArk 17: εἰκ ἐξ οἰ̣[κίας] κλέπτοι ἢ ἰσφωρέοι νύκτωρ̣, [ἀ]π̣ ο̣ θ̣ ανέτω ἄτιμος. 46 Cf. e. g. van Bremen 1996; Stavrianopoulou 2006; Günther 2014. 47 Thasos: SEG 57, 820 (c. 360). Samos: IG XII.6.461 (c. 400–350). 48 O’Sullivan 2009: 66–72 and 312–318, and Banfi 2010; cf. Piolot 2009. 49 Velissaropoulos-Karakostas 2011: I 213–222. Thespiai: I.Thespiai 84 l. 47 (late third century). Sparta: IG V.1.209; SEG 11, 626; SEG 44, 358 (first century bce – second century ce); Messene (Andania): IG V.1.1390 (24 ce or 92/91 bce); Methymna: IG XII.2.499 = LSCG 127 (late fourth century?); Gortyn: I.Cret. IV 252 (late first century); Erythrai: IG XII.6.1197 (second century); Magnesia on the Maeander: I.Magnesia 98 l. 20 (second century); Gambreion: LSAM 16 (late third century); Notion: SEG 4, 469 (Hellenistic?); Ilion: I.Ilion 63 l. 13 (c. 100). Alexandria: Velissaropoulos-Karakostas 2011: I 221–222 (P.Hibeh II 196, c. 280–250). Attestations in Miletos in the Imperial period: I.Didyma 84, 415, 462; Milet VI.3.1151. 50 IG V.1.1390 (Andania); IG XII.2.499 = LSCG 127 (Methymna); IG XII.6.1197 (Erythrai); I.Magnesia 98; I.Ilion 3; LSAM 16 (Gambreion); cf. Piolot 2009; O’Sullivan 2009: 67–70 and 312–318; Velissaropoulos-Karakostas 2011: I 216–221; Gawlinski 2012: 133. 51 Methymna: IG XII.2.499 = LSAM 127. Erythrai: IG XII.6.1197. Gambreion: LSAM 16 LL. 17–23. 192 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset about their safety. The rape of a girl during a nocturnal religious festival is a topos in New Comedy.52 Finally, we have information about measures aiming to provide safety in sanctuaries. Such measures are directly connected with night-time religious activities, which became more frequent in the course of the Hellenistic period (see below). The fact that worshippers camped in tents in sanctuaries during festivals, bringing valuables with them, was a source of conflicts and crime. The sacred regulation of Andania devotes a short section to the erection of tents and the items that were not allowed in them.53 Threats for public order also came from people who spent the night in sanctuaries seeking accommodation or refuge. A regulation concerning shops in the Heraion of Samos (c. 245 bce) envisages suppliants, runaway slaves, and unemployed mercenaries (στρατιώτης, ἄπεργος, ἱκέτης, καθίζοντες οἰκέται) as people who might seek accommodation there for shorter or longer period.54 And a cult regulation from Xanthos forbids the accommodation of visitors in the porticos of a sanctuary, with the exception of those who had come to offer a sacrifice.55 This evidence suggests an increased awareness of issues of safety and public order in the Hellenistic cities. 5. Conviviality in the dark: voluntary associations Voluntary associations (κοινά, ἔρανοι, θίασοι) are a good example of how Hellenistic socio-cultural trends had an impact on the night. In Athens, they are already attested in the Solonian legislation in the early sixth century, but, to judge from the epigraphic evidence, they became common only from the fourth century onwards;56 the associations of non-citizens especially experienced a ‘dramatic expansion’ in the third century.57 In other cities, we have to wait until the Hellenistic period to find significant evidence for private voluntary associations – religious, professional, ethnic, convivial and other – as a common and significant feature of urban centers.58 They were 52 Bathrelou 2012. 53 IG V.1.1390 LL. 34–39; Gawlinski 2012: 143–149. 54 IG XII.6.169 LL. 9–10 and 21. 55 SEG 38, 1478 (third/second century): μηδ᾽ ἐν ταῖς στοιαῖς καταλύειν μηθένα ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοὺς θύοντας (‘no one should find accommodation in the halls, except for those who offer sacrifices’). 56 Solon: Ustinova 2005: 183–185; Ismard 2010: 44–57. Classical and Hellenistic Athens: Parker 1995: 334–342; Ismard 2010: 146–404. Hellenistic Athens: Arnaoutoglou 2003 and 2011a. 57 Parker 1995: 338. 58 Poland 1909, still remains an indispensable reading. See also esp. Kloppenborg/Wilson 1996; Arnaoutoglou 2003; Harland 2003; Gabrielsen 2007; Kloppenborg/Ascough 2011; Maillot 2013; Harland 2014; Gabrielsen/Thomsen 2015. For Egypt see San Nicolò 1972. 193 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis common especially in cities with significant numbers of foreign residents, such as Delos, Rhodes, and Kos,59 later also Thessalonike, Smyrna, Sardeis and other cities.60 Voluntary associations are not an innovation of the Hellenistic period but they are far more common in Hellenistic cities than they had ever been before. Many factors contributed to this: the mobility of people, economic specialization and professionalization, the desire of immigrants to experience forms of community and identity,61 the diffusion of cults that were based on initiation and exclusivity. So, the question is legitimate. Did this social and legal phenomenon have an impact on the night? Regular convivial drinking was the most common feature of any association.62 Usually, this convivial drinking took place only once a month, on a particular day of the month, from which the association derived its name. For instance the noumeniastai gathered on the first day of the month, the tetradistai on the fourth, the hebdomaistai on the seventh, the dekatistai on the tenth and so on.63 In some cases, the intervals were shorter, and some people belonged to more than one association. Conviviality regularly – not always – took place after sunset; for instance, the supervisor of a cult association of worshippers of Agathe Thea in Athens (third century) provided torches for the (presumably nocturnal) gatherings.64 An Athenian club of worshippers of Herakles in the second century ce had officials called pannychistai (“those who conduct service during the all-night celebration”).65 Unlike the nocturnal drinking parties of the Archaic and Classical period, that were primarily elite entertainment – except for extra-ordinary celebrations, e. g. weddings – admittance to most associations and their convivial life was open to broader social groups. Foreigner res- 59 Athens: Arnaoutoglou 2003 and 2011a. Kos: Maillot 2013. Delos: Baslez 2013. 60 Cf. e. g. Roman Thessalonike: Nigdelis 2010. Smyrna and Sardeis: Harland 2009: 145–160. Lydia: Arnaoutoglou 2011b. 61 Cf. Gabrielsen 2007; Harland 2009: 63–122. 62 Cf. e. g. Poland 1909: 263–264; Parker 1996: 335–336; Harland 2003: 57–61, 74–83; Gabrielsen 2007: 184; Harland 2014: 53–54, 271. Cf. e. g. I.Délos 1520 LL. 32–34 (κλισία and πρωτοκλισία, Delos, 153/2); P.Lond. VII 2193 (Philadelphia, Egypt, first century). Common officials of associations include people responsible for the distribution of wine and food and the organization of the feast: ἑστιάτορες, δειπνοφόροι, θαλίαρχοι, συμποσιάρχαι, οἰνοποσιάρχαι, οἰνοχόοι, οἰνοφύλακες, κρατηρίαρχοι, etc.; see Poland 1909: 392–393. 63 Poland 1909: 253; Parker 1996: 335–337. Noumeniastai: e. g. IG XII.9.1151 (Chalkis, third century); neomeniastai existed in Olbia already in the sixth century: IGDOP 96. Hebdomaistai: SEG 32, 244 (Athens, late fourth century). Enatistai kai dekatistai (in connection with the cult of the Egyptian gods): IG XII.4.551 (Kos, second/first century). 64 SEG 56, 206 ll. 8–9: (δᾶιδα ἔστησεν τῆι θεῶι ἐν πάσαις ταῖς συνόδοις. 65 SEG 31, 122 ll. 25–26 ἐὰν μὴ ὑπομένῃ ἢ μὴ θέλῃ παννυχιστὴς εἶναι λαχών (121/122 CE). See also SEG 36, 198. 194 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset idents and craftsmen formed voluntary associations, e. g. in Kos and Rhodes.66 And there is evidence also for women and slaves belonging to associations, although not in large numbers; this phenomenon became more common in the Imperial period.67 The diffusion of this regular nocturnal conviviality, which increased in the Imperial period, coincided with the rise of communal dining in the royal courts and public banquets in the cities. At least in the early Hellenistic period, the royal courts shared an important feature with voluntary associations: the basis for the relationship between the king and his male companions (hetairoi and philoi) was, at least in theory, companionship and friendship.68 The nocturnal dining in the court continued the tradition of communal dining and drinking of military units and aristocratic symposia; in its more sophisticated form, the royal banquet included discussions, the composition and performance of poetry, and other cultural activities.69 Public feasts (δημοθοινία) offered wealthy benefactors an important stage of self-representation and an arena to compete with their peers.70 Whether nocturnal dining and celebrations in the courts and the splendid feasts offered by benefactors exercised any influence on the drinking parties of associations cannot be determined on the basis of the available Hellenistic sources. The great mobility of persons who may have been guests in royal courts (military officers and envoys of cities) must have made the transfer of information and practices possible. But we may assume that the sympotic rituals of the aristocratic symposium were adopted by private associations. Cups inscribed with toasts to friendship (φιλίας) and various gods (e. g. Agathos Daimon and Zeus Soter)71 were used for libations during drinking parties. We also have direct evidence for drinking rituals. Phylarchos reports that the Athenian settlers in Lemnos expressed their gratitude to Seleukos I, who had ‘liberated’ them from Lysimachos (281 bce), by toasting him in their symposia: “At their feasts, the cup which they use for libations they call ‘the cup of Seleukos the Savior’”.72 With the diffusion of private associations a typi66 Rhodes: Pugliese Carratelli 1939/40; Maillot 2009. Kos: Maillot 2013. 67 Poland 1909: 289–298, 303–329; Arnaoutoglou 2011a. 68 On Hellenistic courts and the philoi see Mooren 1977; Le Bohec 1985; Savalli-Lestrade 1996, Savalli-Lestrade 1998, and Savalli-Lestrade 2001; Strootman 2010 and Strootman 2014. 69 On Hellenistic royal banquets see Capdetrey 2013 and Strootman 2014: 188–198. 70 On Hellenistic public banquets see Schmitt Pantel 1992: 255–358 and Schmitt Pantel 1997. 71 Philia: IG IX2.1.1903 (Halai, Hellenistic); SEG 56, 546 (Thebes, Hellenistic); Agathos Daimon: SEG 58, 550 (Akanthos, c. 350); Eros: SEG 56, 545 (Thebes, Hellenistic); Hekate: SEG 61, 597 (Aktašski Mogilnik, undated); SEG 56, 545–547, SEG 58, 550; Zeus Soter: SEG 56, 547 (Thebes, Hellenistic), 59, 647 (Amphipolis, undated), 831 (Gospital’, c. 300), 851 (49) (Pantikapaion, fourth century); Zeus Philios: SEG 45, 780 (Pella, c. 330), SEG 55, 705 (Pella, Hellenistic). On toasts see also Schneider 1969: II 65; Alonso Déniz 2011: 235–240. 72 Phylarchos, FGrHist 81 F 29: καὶ τὸν ἐπιχεόμενον κύαθον ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις Σελεύκου σωτῆρος καλοῦσι. 195 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis cal nocturnal activity associated with the aristocracy and the propertied classes was opened for specific days to larger groups of the population. 6. Nocturnal piety A phenomenon directly associated with the rise of private associations, more specifically of cult associations, is the diffusion of cults with a soteriological or initiatory aspect: Dionysiac associations, associations of worshippers of the Egyptian gods, and later associations of worshippers of the so-called Oriental deities. Nocturnal ceremonies played an important part in all these exclusive religious groups, thus increasing the number of nocturnal religious activities, especially in cosmopolitan urban centers. Again, I have to be clear: nocturnal celebrations are not an innovation of the Hellenistic period. They have existed since the Bronze Age, and presumably earlier. In the urban setting, with which I am concerned here, there have always been festivals, both public and private, and other celebrations (e. g. weddings) that took place during the night. Catherine Trümpy has observed that most Attic festivals were celebrated between the 11th and 20th day of the month. On the basis of this observation she has suggested that the most important festivals, i. e. the festivals after which the months were named, took place around the middle of the month, i. e., on (or close to) full moon. Consequently, they must have included nocturnal rituals.73 Athens, whose festive calendar is best known, had a significant number of public festivals that either included in their program an all-night celebration – a pannychis – or had other nocturnal rituals. Pannychides, typically with active female participation, are attested for the Panathenaia, the Mysteries in Eleusis, the Stenia, the Haloa, the Pyanopsia, the Tauropolia, the Bendideia, the Epidauria, the Asklepieia, the Heroa, the Brauronia, the Nemesia in Rhamnous, and the sacrifice to Hebe in Aixone; privately organized rites took place in the night at the Adonia and the Sabazia; and the Dionysiac festival of the Anthesteria included nocturnal rites and drinking parties.74 The evidence is less abundant outside of Athens, although pannychides and choral dances of girls during the night are occasionally attested.75 Also the worship of certain deities, which were closely associated with the moon and the night – such as Artemis 73 Cf. Trümpy 1998. 74 Parker 2005: 166 with references; on the Anthesteria see Parker 2005: 290–326; for the individual festivals see also Deubner 1932. 75 Bravo 1997; D’Alessio 2000 (Boiotia); Ferrari 2008 (Sparta); Schlesier 2018 (Lesbos). A cult regulation in Ephesos in the third century CE mentions traditional pannychides: I.Ephesos 10 ll. 13–15. 196 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset Phosphoros, Hekate, Ennodia, and Nyx, the personification of the night – was connected with nocturnal rites.76 So, what changes did the Hellenistic period bring? First, because of the increased popularity of mystery cults, the relevant sanctuaries attracted increased number of initiates; also private associations of mystai became more common. Nocturnal rites are a shared feature of cults of an initiatory character; e. g., the Eleusinian mysteries are labeled ‘the nocturnal rites of Persephone’ in an epigram from Didyma, and night-time rites are directly or indirectly attested for most mystery cults.77 Sanctuaries that performed initiatory rites, such as those of Demeter and Kore in Eleusis, the Great Gods in Samothrace, and Despoina in Lykosoura, had a long tradition in Greek religion,78 but until the end of the Classical period only the sanctuary of Eleusis had a truly panhellenic aura. In the Hellenistic period, Eleusis saw competition from the sanctuary of the Great Gods in Samothrace. The sanctuary of the Great Gods had been an important religious center for northern Greece and the northern Aegean, but it did not rise to panhellenic prominence until the third century, as the large number of lists of initiates demonstrates.79 The cult and the mysteries of the Samothracian Gods were also ‘exported’ to Tomis80 and probably Odessos, Histria, and Kallatis, where the Samothrakia counted among the most important sanctuaries.81 Associations of Samothrakiastai existed in Rhodes, the Rhodian Peraia, and Teos.82 76 Artemis: see e. g. Athenaios 645 a-b. Hekate: Zografou 2010. Ennodia: Chrysostomou 1998. On the rare dedications to Nyx see Rousset 2006: 421–423. On lamp-lit sacrifices see Parisinou 2000: 145–147. 77 I.Didyma 216 l. 20: ἐν νυχίοις Φερ[σεφό]νης τελ̣ ετα̣ [ῖ|ς] (70 bce); cf. I.Eleusis 515: ὄργια πάννυχα (Eleusis, c. 170 ce). Nocturnal rites in the Eleusinian mysteries: I.Eleusis 175 (third century bce); 250 l. 44 (c. 100 bce); 515–516 (c. 170 ce); cf. the office of the pyrphoros (e. g. I.Eleusis 489). Light in the Eleusinian mysteries: Parisinou 2000: 67–71. Nocturnal rites in the Samothracian mysteries: Cole 1984: 36–37; cf. Nonnus, Dionysiaca 4.183–185: οὐκέτι λεύσσω μητρῴης Ἑκάτης νυχίην θιασώδεα πεύκην; 13.402: μυστιπόλων δαΐδων θιασώδεές εἰσιν ἐρίπναι. On light in nocturnal Dionysiac celebrations see Parisinou 2000: 71–72 and 118–123. 78 Eleusis: Clinton 2007; Cosmopoulos 2015. Lykosoura: Jost 1985: 331–337. Samothrace: Cole 1984. 79 Dimitrova 2008. 80 I.Tomis 1 (second century). 81 IGBulg I2 42 (third/second century); I.Histria 11 and 58 (third and second century); I.Kallatis 4 (third century). 82 Rhodes: MDAI 25 (1900) 109 no. 108. Syme: IG XII.3.6 (first century). Aulai (Rhodian Peraia): Bresson, Recueil 57 (first century). Teos: Pottier and Hauvette-Besnault 1880: 164–167 no. 21 (second century). Local mystery cults in Asia Minor, which become visible in the epigraphic record in the late Hellenistic and Imperial period, may be older. Cf. e. g. Lagina: I.Stratonikeia 527, 658, 672, 674–676, 705 (second century ce). Mylasa: I.Mylasa 305 (second century ce), 604 (second century ce). Panamara: I.Stratonikeia 14, 23, 30, 115, 147, 203, 205, 248, 259, 286, 197 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis Secondly, cult associations that celebrated rites labeled as mysteria spread in the course of the Hellenistic period, although they reached their greatest distribution in the Imperial period.83 There are also good reasons to assume that the so-called Dionysiac-Orphic mysteries attracted a much larger number of initiates in the Hellenistic period than before. Inscribed gold tablets were placed in the graves of the initiates as tokens of their initiation. Although this practice was not an innovation of the Hellenistic period – the earliest tablet (from Hipponion in Italy) is dated to c. 400–all tablets from mainland Greece and Crete date to the period between c. 350 and 50.84 For this reason, there can be no doubt that the popularity of initiation in private mystery cults increased in the Hellenistic period. It follows that because of the diffusion of private associations that performed initiatory rites and other celebrations during the night, nocturnal religious activities beyond the public celebrations were far more frequent than ever before. Thirdly, nocturnal celebrations acquired greater glamour under the influence of festivals organized by the Hellenistic kings and with the support of benefactors. The first celebration of the Ptolemaia of Alexandria (275/4?) was so impressive that half a millennium later, Athenaios was able to quote a long description of the procession preserved in the work of Kallixeinos of Rhodes. The procession started already before dawn and ended after sunset, with monumental, valuable torches providing artificial light.85 Such a celebration became a trend-setter, and more impulses came from Egyptian rites86 and the rituals of mystery cults. The Delian accounts regularly mention expenses for torches and lamps in connection with festivals.87 Even when 310–312 and 346 (first–third century ce). Sardeis: Sardis VII.1.21 (second century bce). Kyme: SEG 32, 1243 (first century bce). 83 A few examples: Mantineia: IG V.2.265 (first century). Samos: IG XII.6.132 (second century). Tomis: I.Tomis 120 (first century). Kallatis: I.Kallatis 47 (second century). Teos: Pottier and Hauvette-Besnault 1880: 164–167 no. 21 (second century). Halikarnassos: GIBM 909 (second century). Sardeis (mysteries of Apollo): SEG 32, 1236 (first century). 84 The text from Hipponion: Graf and Johnston 2007: 4–5 no. 1. The texts from Greece and Crete: Graf and Johnston 2007: 20–46 nos. 10–38 (c. 350–50 bce); Tzifopoulos 2010: 64–66; a new text in SEG 62, 644. Cf. the identification of people as mystai in Hellenistic grave inscriptions: IG XII.1.141 (Rhodes, second century); IG IX2.1.313 (Thyrrheion, late second century). 85 On the procession see Rice 1983 (Kallixeinos, FGrHist 627 F 2; Athenaios 5.197c–203b). The beginning and end: Athenaios 5.197d–203a. Torches (λαμπάδες, δᾷδες) are only mentioned in connection with the procession’s early and late part, i. e., before and after sunset: Athenaios 5.197e, 202b. 86 Light in the cult is Isis: Podvin 2011. On καύσεις λύχνων in Egypt see e. g. SB I 1161(first century). 87 See e. g. I.Délos 316 ll. 76–78 (231 bce): for the Apollonia, ἔλαιον καὶ ἐλλύχνι̣α τοῖς φανοῖς … τῶι χορῶι δᾶιδες, for the Ptolemaia λανπάδες … ἔλαιον, ἐλλύχνια τοῖς φανοῖς etc. (ll. 79–88). 198 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset we do not have explicit references to the time of a celebration, references to torches (δᾷδες, λαμπάδες), lamps (λύχνοι, λυχνίαι), and torch-bearers (πυρφόροι) are reliable indicators of night-time rites.88 It is not certain that torch races, a common competition in the Hellenistic gymnasia, took place before sunrise or after sunset, but the equestrian torch races in Larisa (ἀφιππολαμπάς) cannot have been an event that took place in sunlight.89 This evidence shows the interest of religious agents (priests and organizers of festivals) in the acquisition of cult paraphernalia for nocturnal ceremonies and the impressive staging and performance of rituals.90 An honorific inscription from Athens (138 bce) is a good example. The text describes the services of Leonides, son of Nikokrates, priest of Asklepios. He organized pannychides during three festivals (Asklepieia, Epidauria, and Heroia), and in doing this he certainly followed the tradition.91 But he did more than what was expected, obviously using private means: Wishing to increase the honors paid to the gods and the salvation of the city, he offered in a beautiful and glorious manner the sacrifice of a bull, adorned the offering table, and conducted a pannychis with participation of a chorus of girls. He appointed his son Dios to the offices of the key-bearer and the torch-bearer for all the religious services that take place every day, generously served as choregos for those who offered sacrifices to the god. An Athenian decree concerning the worship in Eleusis (late second or early first century) stipulates that the initiates “should jointly come to Eleusis together with Iakchos, in accordance with the arrangements made by the basileus and the epimeletai, 88 Pyrphoroi in the cult of Herakles: IG II2 1247 (Athens, third century); in the cult of Asklepios: IG II2 1944 (Athens, Hellenistic); λαμπάδες in the cult of Demeter Thesmophoros: SEG 36, 206 (Athens, c. 300); λυχνεῖα in the festival Aphrodisia in Delos: IG IX.2.145 l. 43 (302 bce); λυχνίαι in the cult of Demeter in Lykosoura: IG V.2.514 (second century); λύχνος in the cult of the Nymphs in Kafizin (Cyprus): Mitford no. 307 (225/4). Torches used in the gatherings of an association for the cult of Agathe Thea: SEG 56 206 ll. 8–9 (Athens, third century: δᾶιδα ἔστησεν τῆι θεῶι ἐν πάσαις ταῖς συνόδοις); on this text see Parker 2010: 208, who adduces as parallels the erection of torches during the mysteries (Theoph., Characters 18) and the setting up of a torch in honor of King Ariarathes by the Dionysiac artists (IG II2 1330, c. 130). For the Imperial period see Chaniotis 2018b. 89 Torch races in the gymnasion: Gauthier 1995. Ἀφιππολαμπάς: IG IX.2.528, 531, 532, 534; SEG 53, 550; SEG 54, 559 (Larisa, second/first century). 90 This is a general trend of this period: Chaniotis 2013d. 91 IG II2 974 lines 18–28: βουλόμ[ενος δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον αὔξειν τὰς] | πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς τιμὰς καὶ τὴν τ[ῆς πόλεως σωτηρίαν ἐβουθύτη]|σεν καλῶς καὶ ἐνδόξως ταῦρον [καὶ ἐκόσμησεν τὴν τράπεζαν] | καὶ παννυχίδα συνετέλεσεν | παρθ̣ [ενικῶι χορῶι· καταστήσας] | δὲ καὶ τὸν ὑὸν Δῖον κλειδοῦχον κα[ὶ πυρφόρον ἐπὶ ἁπάσας τὰς | κ]αθ’ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν γινομένας θε[ραπείας ἐν αἷς τοῖς θύουσιν] | [τ]ῶι θεῶι κεχορήγηκεν ἐκτενῶς. 199 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis and they should be present in the night, wearing wreaths made of (seasonal) fruit in the designated place” (1 bce).92 It is also possible that in the Hellenistic period pannychides were added to festivals that previously lacked such celebrations – although we should be careful not to misunderstand absence of evidence as as evidence for absence.93 Fourthly, and more importantly, a particular religious activity that exclusively took place in the night acquired unprecedented prominence: incubation (enkoimesis) in oracular and healing sanctuaries. Enkoimesis, only sporadically attested in the fifth century in connection with divination,94 became a prominent feature of religious behavior in the Hellenistic and Imperial periods, and numerous sanctuaries of healing gods acquired special facilities (enkoimeteria) that allowed worshippers suffering from illness and anxieties to spend the night expecting to be visited by a god in their dream and be cured or given instructions.95 Humans have had dreams for thousands of years; but the construction of incubation halls for dream encounters with the gods is a phenomenon belonging to a specific cultural context. The earliest evidence for incubation halls dates to the late fifth century and is limited to the Asklepieia of Epidauros and Athens and the sanctuary of Amphiaraos in Oropos. The practice of incubation only became common in the Hellenistic period, when relevant archaeological and textual evidence exists for numerous cities in Greece, Asia Minor, and the Aegean (inter alia in Pergamon, Kos, Lebena and Lissos on Crete, Messene, and Beroia). Worshippers also visited sacred sites in order to receive divinatory dreams. For instance, a certain Achilleus visited the ‘Memnoneion’ in Abydos in the second century specifically in order to see a dream that would reveal to him the things he was praying for.96 A phenomenon related to the creation of infrastructure for epiphanic dreams is the increased awareness of supernatural experiences in the night. People seeking explanations for their dreams are mentioned as early as Homer, and interpreters of 92 I.Eleusis 250 lines 43–44: κ̣ α̣ ὶ̣ ἐν Ἐλ̣ ε̣ υ̣[σῖνι τ]ῷ τε Ἰάκχῳ συνεισελαύνειν ὡς ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ̣ ο̣ ἱ ἐπ̣ ι̣μ[εληταὶ τά]|[ξωσι καὶ παρεῖναι] ν̣ ύ̣κ̣τωρ̣ καρ̣[ποῖς ἐσ]τ̣ εφανωμένους ἐπ̣ ά̣ναγκες ἐν τῷ [ἀποδ]ε̣ δ̣ειγμ̣[ένῳ χωρίῳ – –]. 93 E. g. a pannychis is attested during the Athenian Chalkeia only for the Hellenistic period (Agora XV 253, 117/8); the same applies for the pannychis supervised by the priestess of Aglauros, probably at the eisiteteria (SEG 33, 115, c. 246 bce). See also I.Erythrai 207 (pannychides in the cults of the ὄπισθε θεαί and Dionysos, Erythrai, second century). 94 The early evidence (Pind., Ol. 13.61–82; Hdt. 8.133–134) has been collected and discussed by Renberg 2017, 100–106. 95 The evidence for sanctuaries with incubation facilities has now been collected by Renberg 2017, 115–326. 96 Perdrizet/Lefebvre 1919: no. 238: ἐγὼ Ἀχιλλεὺς ἔ<ρ>χομαι θεάσασθαι ὄνιρον σημένοντά μοι περὶ ὧν εὔχομαι. 200 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset dreams existed in Classical Athens.97 But no individuals mentioned their professional specialization or function as oneirokritai in inscriptions earlier than the second century (mainly in connection with Egyptian cults).98 Similarly, dedications were made by people who had received divine instructions in a dream as early as the fifth century; but the relevant evidence is extremely limited. It is only from the third century that the habit of setting up dedications with the formula κατ᾿ ὄναρ, κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν et sim. becomes common, explicitly stating that the dedicants had communicated with a god in their dreams. Sometimes these dedications also provide details about the dream.99 That we have such information in the Hellenistic period – and the evidence becomes more common in the Imperial period – is not the result of an increased number of dreams. It is the result of a change in ‘epigraphic habit’ which is directly connected with changes in mentality. When some dedicants proudly stated that they had been visited by a god in their dreams, others were quick to follow. An inscription from Miletos (second century ce) shows how the intense dream experience of a few individuals can become a trend-setter. The inscription contains the inquiry of a priestess of Demeter, Alexandra, who was startled at the fact that people of every gender and age in her city suddenly had epiphanic dreams: “For the gods had never been so apparent through dreams as from the day she received the priesthood, both in the dreams of girls and in those of married women, both in the dreams of men and in those of children. What is this? And is it auspicious?”100 Presumably, when some people talked about dreaming of the gods, other people also started having similar dreams and soon a wave of epiphanic dreams had afflicted the community.101 The strong awareness of the importance of dreams and the strong interest in communicating dream experiences to others explains the increased number of dedications ‘upon a dream’. We are dealing with a change in mentality reflected by the ‘epigraphic habit’. Also astrologers must have existed in Greece since Bronze Age, but that an astrologer could give lectures on the subject of his profession in a gymnasium, as a 97 Harris 2009: 134–136. 98 Oneirokritai: IG II2 4771; I.Délos 2071–2073, 2105–2106, 2110, 2120, 2151, 2619. Cf. SEG 42, 157: κρίνοντος τὰ ὁράματα (an officer of the Sarapiasts in Athens, late second century). See also Renberg 2015. 99 Renberg 2010. The epigraphic evidence for dedications made upon a dream will be presented by G. Renberg in a forthcoming book. 100 I.Didyma 496: ἡ ἱέρεια τῆς Θεσμοφόρου Δήμητρος Ἀλεξάνδρα ἐρωτᾷ· ἐπεὶ ἐξότε τὴν ἱερατείαν ἀνείληφεν, οὐδέποτε οὕτως οἱ θεοὶ ἐνφανεῖς δι’ ἐπιστάσεων γεγένηται· τοῦτο δὲ καὶ διὰ παρθένων καὶ γυναικῶν, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ δι’ ἀρρένων καὶ νηπίων· τί τὸ τοιοῦτο καὶ εἰ ἐπὶ αἰσίωι. Also published by Merkelbach and Stauber 1998: 82–83 no. 01/19/05, but with wrong translation. 101 For similar phenomena in Naxos in the 1830s and 1930s see Stewart 2012. 201 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis Roman astrologer did in Delphi in the late first century, is a phenomenon that I am tempted to associate with a new evaluation of the night.102 Finally, the night had always been a privileged period for the communication with chthonic powers through magic practices, such as nocturnal offerings and the deposition of curse tablets in graves of people who had died young or had been the victims of violence (aoroi, biaiothanatoi). Since the exact dating of curse tablets is a difficult enterprise and the dates given in old publications are not reliable, it is not possible at this point to present distribution charts.103 Nevertheless, one can safely claim that their number increased in the Hellenistic period. More importantly, a peculiar category of curse tablets, identified by Hendrik S. Versnel and labeled as ‘prayers for justice’, made its first appearance in the fourth century and became very common in the Hellenistic period.104 Through the use of rhetorical devices – such as the presentation of the defigens as the victim of injustice, the use of flattering attributes for the gods, and the use of emotional language – the authors of ‘prayers for justice’ attempted to make this communication more efficient. 7. Conclusions and perspectives The Hellenistic polis was a place of multiple and complex interaction: between citizens and foreigners, enemies and defendants, benefactors and the people, kings and civic authorities, the living and the dead, the mortals and the gods, men and women, the free and the slaves. A lot of this interaction took place during the night, exactly as it had taken place in the past: there were convivial gatherings, religious festivals, private celebrations, acts of worship, and acts of violence. A study of the textual material gives the impression that the amount of interaction that took place during the night increased. This impression may be partly wrong, determined by the nature of the source material. If we have more information about nocturnal activities in the Hellenistic period than in any previous period, this is in part due to the abundance of inscriptions and papyri and to the interest of Hellenistic authors in dramatic narratives. 102 Syll.3 771 (Delphi, c. 29 bce). 103 The surveys by Jordan 1985 and 2000 need an update. A database currently being prepared by Martin Dreher at the University of Magdeburg (Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis: http://www-e.uni-magdeburg.de/defigo/wordpress/) will significantly contribute to a better understanding of the chronological and geographical distribution of curse tablets. 104 For the most recent treatments of the ‘prayers of justice’ see Versnel 2009 and 2012. I associate the appearance of ‘prayers of justice’ in the fourth century with a more general trend in Greek rituals to move away from ritual automatisms and to give emphasis on the circumstances in which the ritual is performed; see Chaniotis 2012: 133–135. 202 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset But it would be wrong to think that the only change concerns the quantity of sources and not the reality of life. Because of the frequency of wars, there were more nocturnal attacks than ever in the past. There certainly were more nocturnal celebrations not only because of an increased number of festivals but also because of the spread of cults with an initiatory character. The spread of voluntary associations made nocturnal conviviality more frequent. There was certainly no increase in dreaming, but organized, institutionalized dreaming in the incubation halls of sanctuaries spread for the first time in the Greek cities. We do not know if more people used magic than in the past, but their magic acquired rhetorical qualities that created the impression of efficiency. Astrology and the interpretation of dreams were introduced into public epigraphy. Policing and defense measures in the night were not introduced for the first time but the did become the subject of inquiry by the authors of military manuals and systematic measures by the civic authorities. People did not get less sleep than in earlier periods but there were more nocturnal events and the diversity of the people who attended them was larger. In different and unconnected areas we observe an increase in nocturnal activities; people tried to make the night safer and more efficient. However, nightlife itself did not become a subject of inquiry and discourse until the first century ce. The ‘taming’ of the night was a long and slow process that only started in the Hellenistic period due to various historical factors, especially wars, religious trends, and migration. The relevant evidence mostly dates to the late Hellenistic period – from the mid-second century on – and increases in the Imperial period. Also new phenomena of nocturnal life appear from the first century ce, such as initiatives by benefactors for street illumination and to keep the baths and the gymnasia open during the night on certain days.105 The contribution of technology to Hellenistic nightlife, apart from the massive production of mould-made clay lamps and extravagant and luxurious torches and metal lamps, was limited. I can only think of Ktesebios’ invention of a water-clock that made the exact measurement of time possible, independent from sunshine106 and the Antikythera mechanism that in part concerned the observation of the heavenly bodies.107 The historical dimensions of the night in Hellenistic cities were primarily determined by social and cultural factors. 105 Chaniotis 2018a. 106 Schneider 1969: II 390–391. 107 On the inscriptions of the Antikythera mechanism see most recently Allen et alii 2016. 203 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis Bibliography Allen, M. et alii, 2016. The Inscriptions of the Antikythera Mechanism, Turnhout. Alonso Déniz, A., 2011. An Arcadian Toast (Harmod. FGrH 319 F 1), Mnemosyne 62, 232–248. Arnaoutoglou, I. N., 2003. Thusias heneka kai sunousias. Private Religious Associations in Hellenistic Athens, Athens. Arnaoutoglou, I. N., 2011a. Status and Identity in Private Religious Associations in Hellenistic Athens, in: Van Nijf, O. M. – Alston, R. (eds.), Political Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age, Louvain, 27–48. Arnaoutoglou, I. N., 2011b. Craftsmen Associations in Roman Lydia – A Tale of Two Cities?, Ancient Society 41, 257–290. Banfi, A., 2010. Sovranità della legge. La legislazione di Demetrio de Falero ad Atene (317–307 a. C.), Milan. Baslez, M.-F., 2013. Les associations à Délos, in: Fröhlich, P. – Hamon, P. (eds.), Groupes et associations dans les cités grecques (IIe siècle a. J.-C.-IIe sècle apr. J.-C.), Geneva, 227–249. Bathrellou, E., 2012. Menander’s Epitrepontes and the Festival of the Tauropolis, Classical Antiquity 31, 151–192. Bearzot, C., 2013. Come si abbatte una democrazia: Tecniche di colpo di stato nell’Atene antica, Rome/Bari. Bielman, A., 1994. Retour à la liberté. Libération et sauvetage des prisonniers en Grèce ancienne, Paris. Boulay, T., 2014. Arès dans la cité. Les poleis et la guerre dans l’Asie Mineure hellénistique, Pisa/ Rome. Bravo, B., 1997. Pannychis e simposio, Pisa. Brélaz, C. 2005. La sécurité publique en Asie Mineure sous le Principat (Ier-IIIème s. ap. J.-C.). Institutions municipales et institutions impériales dans l’Orient romain, Basel. Bronfen, E., 2008. Tiefer als der Tag gedacht. Eine Kulturgeschichte der Nacht, Munich. Burliga, B., 2008. Aeneas Tacticus between History and Sophistry: the Emergence of the Military Handbook, in: Pigon, J. (ed.), The Children of Herodotus. Greek and Roman Historiography and Related Genres, Newcastle, 92–101. Cabantous, A., 2009. Histoire de la nuit (XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles), Paris. Capdetrey, L., 2013. La “Table du roi”: une institution hellénistique?, in: Grandjean, C. – Hugoniot, C. – Lion, B. (eds.), Le banquet du monarque dans le monde antique, Rennes, 173–198. Carlà-Uhink, F., 2018. Nocturnal Religious Rites in the Roman Religion and in Early Christianity, in: Chaniotis, A. (ed.), After Sunset: Perceptions and Histories of the Night in the Graeco-Roman World (Entretiens Hardt, 64), Geneva, forthcoming. Chaniotis, A., 1996. Die Verträge zwischen kretischen Städten in der hellenistischen Zeit, Stuttgart. Chaniotis, A., 2005. War in the Hellenistic World: A Social and Cultural History, Malden/Oxford. Chaniotis, A., 2012. Greek Ritual Purity: from Automatisms to Moral Distinctions, in: Rösch, P. – Simon, U. (eds.), How Purity is Made, Wiesbaden, 123–139. Chaniotis, A., 2013a. Paradoxon, Enargeia, Empathy: Hellenistic Decrees and Hellenistic Oratory, in: Kremmydas, C. – Tempest. K. (eds.), Hellenistic Oratory: Continuity and Change, Oxford, 201–216. Chaniotis, A., 2013b. Emotional Language in Hellenistic Decrees and Hellenistic Histories, in: Mari, M. – Thornton, J. (eds.), Parole in movimento. Linguaggio politico e lessico storiografico nel mondo ellenistico, Pisa, 339–352. 204 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset Chaniotis, A., 2013c. Under Siege: Challenges, Experiences, and Emotions, in: Campbell, B. – Tritle, L. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Warfare in the Classical World, Oxford, 438–456. Chaniotis, A., 2013d. Processions in Hellenistic Cities: Contemporary Discourses and Ritual Dynamics, in: Alston, R. – van Nijf, O. M. – Williamson, C. G. (eds.), Cults, Creeds and Contests, Louvain, 21–47. Chaniotis, A., 2017. Violence in the Dark: Emotional Impact, Representation, Response, in: Champion, M. – O’Sullivan, L. (eds.), Cultural Perceptions of Violence, London, 100–115. Chaniotis, A., 2018a. Nessun Dorma! Changing Nightlife in the Hellenistic and Roman East, in: Chaniotis, A. (ed.), After Sunset: Perceptions and Histories of the Night in the Graeco-Roman World, Geneva (forthcoming). Chaniotis, A., 2018b. Epigraphy of the Night, in: Papazarkadas, N. – Noreña, C. (eds.), Second North American Congress of Greek and Latin Epigraphy, Leiden (forthcoming). Chrysostomou, P., 1998. Ἡ Θεσσαλικὴ θεὰ Ἐν(ν)οδία, ἡ Φεραία θεά, Athens. Clinton, K., 2007. The Mysteries of Demeter and Kore, in: Ogden, D. (ed.), A Companion to Greek Religion, Malden, 342–356. Cole, S. G., 1984. Theoi Megaloi. The Cult of the Great Gods at Samothrace, Leiden. Cosmopoulos, M. B., 2015. Bronze Age Eleusis and the Origins of the Eleusinian Mysteries, Cambridge. D’Alessio, G. B., 2000. ‘Tra gli dei ad Apollo, e tra gli uomini ad Echecrate’. P.Louvre E 7734+7733 (Pind. fr. dub. 333 S.-M.), in: Cannatà Fera, M. – Grandolini, S. (eds.), Poesia e religione in Grecia. Studi in onore di G. Aurelio Privitera, Naples, 234–262. Delattre, S., 2000. Les douze heures noires. La nuit à Paris au XIXe siècle, Paris. Deubner, L., 1932. Attische Feste, Berlin. Dimitrova, N. M., 2008. Theoroi and Initiates in Samothrace. The Epigraphic Evidence, Princeton. Domingo Gygax, M., 2016. Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City. The Origins of Euergetism, Cambridge. Dossey, L., 2018. Shedding Light on the Late Antique Night, in: Chaniotis, A. (ed.), After Sunset: Perceptions and Histories of the Night in the Graeco-Roman World, Geneva (forthcoming). Ekirch, A. R., 2005. At Day’s Close: Night in Times Past, New York/London. Ferrari, G., 2008. Alcman and the Cosmos of Sparta, Chicago. Gabrielsen, V., 2007. Brotherhoods of Faith and Provident Planning: the Non-Public Associations of the Greek World, Mediterranean Historical Review 22, 176–203. Gabrielsen, V. – Thomsen, C. A. (eds.) 2015. Private Associations and the Public Sphere: Proceedings of a Symposium Held at the Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, 9–11 September 2010, Copenhagen. Garlan, Y., 1974. Recherches de poliorcétique grecque, Paris. Gauthier, P., 1985. Les cités grecques et leurs bienfaiteurs (IVe-Ier siècle avant J.-C.): Contribution à l’histoire des institutions, Paris. Gauthier, P., 1995. Du nouveau sur les courses aux flambeaux d’après deux inscriptions de Kos, REG 108, 576–585. Gawlinski, L., 2012. The Sacred Law of Andania. A New Text with Commentary, Berlin. Graf, F. and Johnston, S. I., 2007. Ritual Texts for the Afterlife. Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets, London. Gray, B., 2015. Stasis and Stability: Exile, the Polis, and Political Thought, c. 404–146 b. c., Oxford. 205 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis Günther, L.-M., 2014. Bürgerinnen und ihre Familien im hellenistischen Milet: Untersuchungen zur Rolle von Frauen und Mädchen in der Polis-Öffentlichkeit, Wiesbaden. Gutzweiler, K., 2010. The Demon Mosquito, ZPE 174, 133–138. Hamon, P., 2007. Élites dirigeantes et processus d’aristocratisation à l’époque hellénistique, in: Fernoux, H.-L. – Stein, C. (eds.), Aristocratie antique. Modèles et exemplarité sociale, Dijon, 79–100. Harland, P. A., 2003. Associations, Synagogues, and Congregations. Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society, Minneapolis. Harland, P. A., 2009. Dynamics of Identity in the World of the Early Christians, New York/London. Harland, P. A., 2014. Greco-Roman Associations: Texts, Translations, and Commentary. II. North Coast of the Black Sea, Asia Minor, Berlin. Harris, W. V., 2009. Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge/London. Harrison, J., 2013. Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire. Cultural Memory and Imagination, London. Hatzopoulos, M. B., 2001. L’organisation de l’armée macédonienne sous les Antigonides. Problèmes anciens et documents nouveaux, Athens. Hennig, D., 2002. Nyktophylakes, Nyktostrategen und die παραφυλακή τῆς πόλεως, Chiron 32, 281–295. Ismard, P., 2010. La cité des réseaux: Athènes et ses associations, VIe-Ier siècle av. J.-C., Paris. Jordan, D. R., 1985. Survey of Greek Defixiones not Included in the Special Corpora, GRBS 26, 1–81. Jordan, D., 2000. New Greek Curse Tablets (1985–2000), GRBS 41, 5–46. Jost, M., Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, Paris. Kloppenborg, J. S. – Ascough, R. S., 2011. Greco-Roman Associations. Texts, Translations and Commentary. I. Attica, Central Greece, Macedonia, Thrace, Berlin. Kloppenborg, J. S. – Wilson, S. G. (eds.), 1996. Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, London/New York. Koslofsky, C., 2011. Evening’s Empire: A History of the Night in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge. Lattimore, R., 1942. Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, Urbana. Le Bohec, S., 1985. Les philoi des rois Antigonides, REG 98, 93–124. Maillot, S., 2009. Une association de sculpteurs à Rhodes au 2e siècle avant J.-C., in: Bodiou, L. – Mehl, V. – Oulhen, J. – Prost, F. – Wilgaux, J. (eds.), Chemin faisant: mythes, cultes et société en Grèce ancienne. Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre Brulé, Rennes, 39–57. Maillot, S., 2013. Les associations à Cos, in: Fröhlich, P. – Hamon, P. (eds.), Groupes et associations dans les cités grecques (IIe siècle a. J.-C.-IIe sècle apr. J.-C.), Geneva, 199–226. Mann, C. – Scholz, P. (eds.), 2012. ‘Demokratie’ im Hellenismus. Von der Herrschaft des Volkes zur Herrschaft der Honoratioren, Mainz. Meißner, B., 1999. Die technologische Fachliteratur der Antike. Struktur, Überlieferung und Wirkung technologischen Wissens in der Antike (zirka 400 vor Christus – zirka 500 nach Christus), Berlin. Merkelbach, R. – Stauber, J., 1998. Steinepigramme aus dem griechischen Osten. Band I: Die Westküste Kleinasiens von Knidos bis Ilion, Stuttgart/Leipzig. Mooren, L., 1977. La hiérarchie de cour Ptolémaique. Contribution à l’étude des institutions et des classes dirigeantes à l’époque hellénistique, Louvain. Nigdelis, P. M., 2010. ‘Voluntary Associations’ in Roman Thessalonike: In Search of Identity and Support in a Cosmopolitan Society”, in: Nasrallah, L. – Bakirtzis, C. – Friesen, S. J. (eds.), 206 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 The Polis after Sunset From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonike. Studies in Religion and Archaeology, Cambridge, MA, 13–47. O’Sullivan, L., 2009. The Regime of Demetrius of Phalerum in Athens, 317–307 bce, Leiden. Parisinou, E., 2000. The Light of the Gods. The Role of Light in Archaic and Classical Greek Cult, London. Parker, R., 1996. Athenian Religion: A History, Oxford. Parker, R., 2005. Polytheism and Athenian Society, Oxford. Parker, R., 2010. New Problems in Athenian Religion: The ‘Sacred Law’ from Aixone, in: Dijhkstra, J. – Kroesen, J. – Kuiper, Y. (eds.), Myths, Martyrs, and Modernity: Studies in the History of Religions in Honour of Jan N. Bremmer, Leiden, 193–208. Perdrizet, P. – Lefebvre, G., 1919. Les graffites grecs du Memnonion d’Abydos. Nancy/Paris/Strasbourg. Petropoulou, M.-Z., 2008. Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200, Oxford. Petrovic, I., 2007. Von den Toren des Hades zu den Hallen des Olymp. Artemiskult bei Theokrit und Kallimachos, Leiden. Piolot, L., 2009. À l’ombre des maris, in: Bodiou, L. – Mehl, V. – Oulhen, J. – Prost, F. – Wilgaux, J. (eds.), Chemin faisant: mythes, cultes et société en Grèce ancienne. Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre Brulé, Rennes, 87–113. Podvin, J.-L., 2011. Luminaire et cultes isiaques, Montagnac. Poland, F., 1909. Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens, Leipzig. Pottier, E. – Hauvette-Besnault, A., 1880. Inscriptions d’Érythrées et de Téos, BCH 4, 153–182. Pugliese Carratelli, G., 1939/40. Per la storia delle Associazioni in Rodi Antica, ASAA 22, 147– 200. Quaß, F., 1993. Die Honoratiorenschicht in den Städten des griechischen Ostens: Untersuchungen zur politischen und sozialen Entwicklung in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit, Stuttgart. Renberg, G., 2010. Dream-Narratives and Unnarrated Dreams in Greek and Latin Dedicatory Inscriptions, in: Scioli, E. – Walde, C. (eds.), Sub imagine somni: Nighttime Phenomena in Greco-Roman Culture, Pisa, 33–61. Renberg, G., 2015. The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion, in Weber, G. (ed.), Artemidor von Daldis und die antike Traumdeutung. Texte – Kontexte – Lektüren, Berlin, 233–262. Renberg, G., 2017. Where Dreams May Come. Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, Leiden. Rice, E., 1983. The Grand Procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus, Oxford. Rousset, D., 2006. Les inscriptions de Kallipolis d’Étolie, BCH 130: 381–434. San Nicolò, M., 1972. Ägyptisches Vereinswesen zur Zeit der Ptolemäer und der Römer, Munich. Savalli-Lestrade, I., 1996. Courtisans et citoyens: le cas des philoi attalides, Chiron 26, 149–181. Savalli-Lestrade, I., 1998. Les philoi royaux dans l’Asie hellénistique, Geneva. Savalli-Lestrade, I., 2001. Amici del re, altri funzionari e gestione del potere principalmente nell’Asia Minore, Simblos 3, 263–294. Schivelbusch, W., 1988. Disenchanted Night: The Industrialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century. Translated from the German by Angela Davies. Berkeley/Los Angeles/London. Schlesier, R., 2018. Sappho bei Nacht, in: Chaniotis, A. (ed.), After Sunset: Perceptions and Histories of the Night in the Graeco-Roman World, Geneva (forthcoming). 207 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18 Angelos Chaniotis Schmitt Pantel, P., 1992. La cité au banquet. Histoire des repas publics dans les cités grecques, Paris. Schmitt Pantel, P., 1997. Public Feasts in the Hellenistic Greek City: Forms and Meanings, in Bilde, P. et alii (eds.), Conventional Values of the Hellenistic Greeks, Aarhus, 29–47. Schneider, C., 1969. Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus, Munich. Stavrianopoulou, E., 2006. ‘Gruppenbild mit Dame’: Untersuchungen zur rechtlichen und sozialen Stellung der Frau auf den Kykladen im Hellenismus und in der römischen Kaiserzeit, Stuttgart. Stewart, C., 2012. Dreaming and Historical Consciousness in Island Greece, Cambridge, MA. Strootman, R., 2010. Hellenistic Court Society: The Seleukid Imperial Court under Antiochos the Great, 223–187 bce, in: Duindam, J. – Kunt, M. – Artan, T. (eds.), Royal Courts in Dynastic States and Empires: A Global Perspective, Leiden, 63–89. Strootman, R., 2014. Courts and Elites in the Hellenistic Empires. The Near East after the Achaemenids, c. 330 to 30 bce, Edinburgh. Trümpy, C., 1998. Feste zur Vollmondszeit: Die religiösen Feiern Attikas im Monatslauf und der vorgeschichtliche attische Kultkalender, ZPE 121, 109–115. Tzifopoulos, Y., 2000. Paradise Earned. The Bacchic-Orphic Gold Lamellae of Crete, Washington. Ustinova, Y., 2005. Lege et consuetudine. Private Cult Associations in the Greek Law, in: Dasen, V. – Piérart, P. (eds.), Ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ. Les cadres “privés” et “publics” de la religion grecque antique (Kernos Suppl. 5), Liège, 177–190. van Bremen, R., 1996. The Limits of Participation. Women and Civic Life in the Greek East in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, Amsterdam. Velissaropoulos-Karakostas, J., 2011. Droit grec d’Alexandre à Augustue (323 av. J.-C.–14 ap. J.-C.). Personnes, biens, justice, Athens. Versnel, H. S., 2009. Prayers For Justice, East And West: New Finds And Publications Since 1990, in: Simòn, M. – Gordon, R. L. (eds.), Magical Practice in the Latin West, Leiden, 275–356. Versnel, H. S., 2012. Response to a Critique, in: Piranomonte, M. – Simón, F. M. (eds.), Contesti Magici – Contextos Magicos, Rome, 33–45. Wilson, A., 2018. Roman Nightlife, in: Chaniotis, A. (ed.), After Sunset: Perceptions and Histories of the Night in the Graeco-Roman World, Geneva (forthcoming). Wishnitzer, A., 2014. Into the Dark: Power, Light, and Nocturnal Life in 18th-Century Istanbul, International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, 513–531. Zografou, A., 2010. Chemins d’Hécate: portes, routes, carrefours et autres figures de l’entre-deux, Liège. 208 Th i s m at eri al i s u n d er cop yri gh t . An y u se ou t si d e of t h e n arrow b ou n d ari es of cop yri gh t law i s i llegal an d m ay b e p rosecu t ed . Th i s ap p li es i n p art i cu lar t o cop i es, t ran slat i on s, m i crofi lm i n g as w ell as st orage an d p rocessi n g i n elect ron i c syst em s. © Fran z St ei n er Verlag, St u t t gart 20 18