Dillo, NABU 2016,1, p.27-30, no. 17.pdf

N.A.B.U 2016/1 (mars) M. Dillo 2016a = NABU 2016/1 (mars): 27-30 (no. 17) ISSN 0989-5671 http://www.sepoa.fr 17) The unpublished hieroglyphic Luwian inscription ARSLANTAŞ 2: a duplicate version comparable with the situation of ARSUZ 1 and 2 — In their recent edition of two parallel Storm-god stelae, discovered in 2007 in Arsuz (mod. Uluçınar, Turkey), the authors regard the duplicate character of the texts of ARSUZ 1 and 2 almost unparalleled in our corpus of hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, “only the KARATEPE text exists in duplicate versions placed on both gates of a city” (DINÇOL et al. 2015: – 28 – 66). There are however in the Late Neo-Hittite Period, more situations more or less comparable to the situation of Karatepe c. 700 BC, as will be demonstrated in my paper, forthcoming, reviewing the edition of the Arsuz stelae.1) Especially the two inscriptions of ARSLANTAŞ (c. 780 BC), which DINÇOL et al. fail to mention, should be included in the debate about the location and erection of the two stelae from Arsuz. Their situation make clear that ideological motives will have played a role in the establishment of the stelae. Of these texts the duplicate version however, is still unpublished. The hieroglyphic Luwian inscription ARSLANTAŞ (1) (cf. HAWKINS 2000: 246) is written along with Aramaic and Assyrian texts on the back of the south portal lion from the East Gate of Arslantaş (also Arslan Tash, anc. Hadattu), ca. 30 km to the east of Tell Ahmar on the Euphrates. Although both lions of the East Gate always remained visible in situ, the inscriptions were only noticed after the southern lion was erected in 1980 in Raqqa. Later it transpired that the northern lion of the same gate, taken to the Aleppo Museum, likewise bears three inscriptions on its back, which, according to their finder Hannes GALTER, duplicate those on the southern lion. These texts, together with the other texts, have now been dated more precisely N.A.B.U 2016/1 (mars) by him to c. 780 BC (GALTER 2004: 449-450). Hawkins has only published the hieroglyphic text of the southern lion (erected in Raqqa) in his corpus (CHLI I: III.10, see HAWKINS 2000: 226 and 246-248, with plates 103-105), while publication of the duplicate text on the northern lion (erected in Aleppo) was not forthcoming. The existence of this inscription, to be named ARSLANTAŞ 2, can thus be confirmed and is mentioned here while, due to the current serious situation in Syria, any future edition will be doubtful. It was spotted on 18th June 2009 by chance, in the afternoon sun in the garden of the museum by our visiting team,2) but the presence of an Assyrian and Aramaic text on the back of the said lion could not be affirmed at that time and in that sunlight. The hieroglyphic Luwian text however, is a possible 4-line inscription, with dimensions c. 0.74 m. square, but the signs are faintly incised and the lines are barely visible, moreover it is badly damaged lower down due to a crack in the stone (Fig. 1). Several signs could be recognised and especially in line 1 (sinistroverse) one can read REGIO-ni-DOMINUS-ia┌ ┐ sá ‘Country Lord’ (Fig. 2), which makes its duplicate character with ARSLANTAŞ (1) indeed most probable. Unfortunately the preceding name of the author of the inscription is missing in the edition and could not be established on the stone due to sunlight. Fig. 1 The barely visible inscription ARSLANTAŞ 2,. 0.74 m. square, in the garden of the Aleppo Museum (photo Marjan Vonk, 18 June 2009, 1.30 p.m.) N.A.B.U 2016/1 (mars) Fig. 2 ARSLANTAŞ 2, line 1 centre, showing: REGIO-ni-DOMINUS-ia-┌sá ┐ (copy traced from photo) – 29 – GALTER (2004) examines the socioeconomic background of the inscriptions on the gate lions of Hadattu which are formulated in multiple languages. Apart from the above mentioned inscriptions in three languages on the East Gate, the two lions from the West Gate also both have an Assyrian and Aramaic inscription on the back, but a Luwian text is missing. All texts – where the Aramaic translations are taken from the Assyrian, while the Luwian shows a more independent character – report on the construction of the city walls and the formation of the gate lions by the Assyrian governor from Kar-Shalmaneser. The Luwian text names as probable author the ‘Masuwarean Country-Lord’, but whether this corresponds with the Assyrian text is still unclear (HAWKINS 2000: 247). GALTER emphasises the multilingual situation on the military border at the Euphrates and the long distance trade between Assyria and the West. He contends that “there was no certainty, which party would hold the political power in the future. For that reason the Arslan Tash inscriptions were carved using three different writing systems” (GALTER 2004: 456). The Neo-Hittite principality Masuwari with the capital of the same name (mod. Tell Ahmar), which perhaps around 1000 BC broke away from Karkamiš, was confronted around 900 BC with the Aramaean migration, culminating in the conquest and the formation of the Aramaean state Bit-Adini. Under the leadership of chieftain Ahuni the capital was conquered, which was given the Aramaean name Til-Barsip. Even after the Assyrian conquest under Shalmaneser III in 856 BC, who renamed the city in Kar-Shalmaneser, they continued to speak of “the royal city of Ahuni” and of Til-Barsip as well (cf. HAWKINS 2000: 224-225; BRYCE 2012: 115121). The inscriptions in Hadattu were compiled from ideological motives in the Assyrian context, so that they served all population groups: Assyrian and Aramaic at N.A.B.U 2016/1 (mars) both main gates, but also a Luwian text at the East Gate leading to the formerly politically Luwian area (Tell Ahmar on the Euphrates) and from there onto actual Luwian territory (Karkamiš, 20 km upstream).3) Also in Arsuz (Rhosus) ideological motives will have played a role in the establishment of the stelae. Rejecting the theory of Dinçol et al. that the erection site of the Neo-Hittite monuments from Arsuz was not the same as their find-spot, it seems likely that the stelae together, as in Arslantaş were placed at the entrance to the city. However, the other possibility is that, as in Karatepe, each was erected at one of the two entrances to the city. As I see it, however, there is only one road across Mt Amanus, connecting with the capital (Tell Tayinat). In that case one stele will have been positioned on the landward side, for people coming from the direction of the capital, and the other on the seaward side, the port side, for visitors coming from overseas. Given the differences in the sculpture of both stelae, which I will explain as intentional differences in design associated with an ideological motive – more or less comparable to Arslantaş –, the latter option appears to be preferable. 1) See M. Dillo, ‘The location and erection of the Storm-god stelae from Arsuz: deciphering the unreadable Luwian city name in Cilicia as the port of Urassa/i’, BiOr 73, 1/2 (2016), forthcoming. – 30 – 2) Thanks to Jaap Croonen of our visiting team in 2009, while Mrs. Marjan Vonk made and edited the photographs, see DILLO 2013: 332 note 2. A collation of the hieroglyphic Luwian text of Şirzi (Malatya, now dated c. 750 BC) was given in that paper, having visited the rock inscription in June 2009 as well, identifying the name of the author as Runti (CERVUS3)ya- ‘Runtiya’(?) (2013: 339-340). The paper was criticised by Zsolt Simon in this journal (2014: 151-152). He doesn’t agree with my translation of PES2.PES-pa-mi-na ‘field construction’, perhaps a ‘fence’, preferring to understand a compound noun immra-tarpamma/i- ‘country-side road’, i.e. a ‘highway’ – more or less as Bossert did, but using different arguments. It is deemed that I ought not to be aware of the meaning of the verb tarpa/i- ‘to tread, trample (on), crush’, but it was exactly this meaning which led me to my interpretation (cf. e.g. ‘to stamp’ and ‘stampede’). He gives no value to my important graphic argument of the word being written elsewhere (in broken context indeed) with CASTRUM ‘wall’ as determinative. Besides he notes the earlier translation ‘warrior’ by Ilya Yakubovich in his online corpus ACLT. This makes three possible translations, and I believe that the meaning of the ‘construction’ is not settled yet. 3) For the situation of the gates and direction of the roads ‘vers Tell Ahmar’ and ‘vers Harran’, see THUREAU-DANGIN et al. 1931: 6, Fig. 1, Carte de la région d’Arslan-Tash, et Annexe, Plan du site d’Arslan-Tash. Fig. 1 is repeated in GALTER 2004: 444. Bibliography BRYCE, T. 2012: The world of the Neo-Hittite kingdoms. A political and military history. Oxford. DILLO, M. 2013: ‘The name of the author of ŞIRZI. A text collation’, BiOr 70: 332-360. DINÇOL, B., †A. DINÇOL, J.D. HAWKINS, H. PEKER and A. ÖZTAN, with a contribution by Ö. ÇELIK 2015: ‘Two new inscribed Storm-god stelae from Arsuz (İskenderun): ARSUZ 1 and 2’, AnSt 65: 59-77, with 11 figs. GALTER, H.D. 2004: ‘Militärgrenze und Euphrathandel. Der sozio-ökonomische Hintergrund der Trilinguen von Arslan Tash’, in R. ROLLINGER and C. ULF (eds), Commerce and monetary systems in the Ancient World. Means of transmission and cultural interaction. Proceedings of the Fifth N.A.B.U 2016/1 (mars) Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Innsbruck, Austria, October 3rd-8th, 2002 (Melammu Symposia 5; Stuttgart): 444-460. HAWKINS, J.D. 2000: Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, Vol. I, Inscriptions of the Iron Age. Berlin etc., Parts 1-2: Text; Part 3: Plates. SIMON, Z. 2014: ‘What was built in the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of ŞIRZI?’, Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires 2014, no. 4: 151-152, Note Brève 96. THUREAU-DANGIN, F., A. BARROIS, G. DOSSIN et M. DUNAND 1931: ArslanTash (Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 16). Paris. 2 vols. Texte, Atlas. Martien DILLO, <[email protected]>, Rosmalen (NL)