Elites on Trial
The Euro Zone Corporat e Elit e at t he Clif f Edge (2005–2008): A New Approach of
Transnat ional Int erlocking
Antoine Vion François-Xavier Dudouet Eric Grémont
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THE EURO ZONE CORPORATE
ELITE AT THE CLIFF EDGE
(2005 2008): A NEW APPROACH OF
TRANSNATIONAL INTERLOCKING
Antoine Vion, François-Xavier Dudouet
and Eric Grémont
ABSTRACT
The paper examines the degree of interlocking directorships across the
major Eurozone economies. It uses the major stock market indices in
France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Belgium to identify the top
of the corporate elite in each country. For the period of 2005 2008,
it studies transnational links between European companies. The paper
draws attention to a number of features of these interlocks. Firstly transnational interlocks remain relatively low but secondly they do vary considerably. An important issue here is the degree of bilateral integration
which is occurring between some countries within the Eurozone, for
example France and Belgium, and the degree to which other countries,
Elites on Trial
Research in the Sociology of Organizations, Volume 43, 165 187
Copyright r 2015 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
ISSN: 0733-558X/doi:10.1108/S0733-558X20150000043018
165
166
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
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most notably, Italy are increasingly disconnected, whilst the two most
powerful economies, France and Germany, are very weakly connected.
This variability reflects a series of structural divides between big business
in the Eurozone that makes it difficult for this corporate elites to be
cohesive at the European level.
Keywords: Interlocking directorates; Eurozone; stock market indices;
integration
INTRODUCTION
The financial crisis revealed how fragile the Economic and Monetary
Union could be and how overriding national reactions could remain. In
the Eurozone, as soon as the crisis of 2007 2008, bank defaults were treated on a national basis, except where there was clear evidence that the
institutions were jointly owned such as Dexia (Franco-Belgian financial
group) and Fortis (a Benelux firm). As state defaults became possible
(Greece, Portugal, Ireland), financial solidarity amongst the Eurozone
states as a whole was controversial and difficult to achieve. Only when it
became clear that such defaults would impact throughout the Eurozone
and threaten the Euro itself, did some form of cooperation emerge that
stabilized the situation. These Eurozone difficulties have mainly been discussed in terms of financial shock impacts on sovereign spreads (Mody &
Sandri, 2011; Reinhart & Rogoff, 2011) and what they reveal about failures in coordinating different policies within the EU and the Eurozone
(Dinan, 2011; Donnelly, 2014). However, they also reveal in stark form
the lack of an organized European business elite capable of influencing the
formulation and implementation of common strategies towards the first
step of the crisis. In this sense, the dominance of national reactions and
negotiations amongst national actors could be said to reflect the absence
or the fragmentation of a transnational Eurozone business community,
contrary to the expectations of some authors that over the period of the
last 50 years, such an elite community had been emerging. In this paper,
we examine this integration from the perspective of interlocking directorships where individuals are affiliated to companies located in two or more
EU countries.
This approach is one of four main perspectives which have been
developed to assess these processes of transnational integration. First, a
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The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
167
classical strategic perspective has focused on the transnational rescaling of
corporate structures through mergers, joint-ventures (Meynaud &
Sidjanski, 1967) or the internationalization of corporate governance bodies
(Lee & Park, 2006; Maclean & Harvey 2010). This first perspective
assumes that transnational integration is encompassed in a firm’s strategies
as its business moves from operating predominantly within its home base
to becoming more internationalized though concentrated in specific regional locations such as the EU (Rugman, 2004, 2012) A second perspective
has consisted in looking for the advent of a transnational capitalist class
(TCC) through the internationalization and globalization of firms which
dominate over states by virtue of their command of massive financial
resources. States become dependent on these resources and become supplicants to the firms and their leaders. Such a class is supposed to be emancipated from States (Cox, 1987; Robinson & Harris, 2000; van der Pijl,
1998) and consists of top managers in the largest global firms. However,
the internationalization of capital is not a sufficient basis to identify a
transnational capitalist class which acts as a class for itself separate from
any embedded national or regional interests. These elites may interact on
a global scale, for example at Davos etc. but do they really act in concert
(Therborn, 2000)? If we except Leslie Sklair’s approach, which emphasizes
the role of global consumerism as a driving ideology behind such a social
process (Sklair, 2001), few studies manage to provide evidence of the
development of such a class for itself.
A third approach, based on Mills’ theory on elite (Mills, 1999 [1956]),
has gradually emerged which focuses on identifying the formation of a
transnational business community by considering the degree of cohesion
that corporate leaders around the world could achieve. Carroll and
Fennema (2002), for example, contested the empirical evidence of the TCC
and proposed to test the transnational cohesion of the corporate elite
through the well-tried methodology of interlocking directorate studies
(Mizruchi, 1996; Scott, 1997; Useem, 1984). Though they did not pretend to
reduce transnational business community to inter-corporate relations, they
underlined that the network formed by them has structural properties that
overstep each particular link: “By mapping the international network of
corporate interlocks we investigate whether or not these interlocks connect
the world’s largest firms in one connected component or whether the network falls apart in separate national components” (Carroll & Fennema,
2002, p. 397). This approach has been tested at the European scale
(Dudouet, Grémont, & Vion, 2012; Guieu & Meschi, 2008; Heemskerk,
2011; Nollert, 2005), and this is the one we follow in this paper.
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ANTOINE VION ET AL.
As underlined by a new wave of new institutionalist perspectives
(Fligstein, 2008; Morgan, 2001; Radaelli & O’Connor, 2009),
Europeanization processes have created a range of institutions (political,
bureaucratic, legal, and regulatory) which may support social integration
among managers in Europe, even when they remain anchored to their
national origins. As far as interlocking directorate studies are worth be
expanded, an important methological challenge addressed by new institutionalist approaches is to avoid the decoupling of the transnational and
national levels. Too often, methodologies developed in national contexts
have simply been rescaled on a transnational level, in order to prioritize the
relevant levels of integration. As Morgan (2001) argued, the issue is not to
prioritize one over the other, insofar as “it is possible to retain a view of
business as being deeply socially embedded in national institutional contexts, while recognizing that it has necessarily begun to create forms of
transnational social space” (Morgan, 2001, p. 127). Djelic and Quack
(2010) also underlined quite well that business communities could be
embedded in national and transnational spaces simultaneously and nonexclusively, so that elite circles could cross through a multiple membership
phenomenon. As scholars in international sociology suggested (Devin,
1995; Dezalay & Madsen, 2009), this calls for a relational analysis of the
different spaces of power.
In this paper, we will thus try to renew transnational interlocking directorate studies by paying attention both to the national embeddedness of
corporate networks and how these are evolving and changing and to how
transnational links connect together different national arenas. This reveals
that within the transnational framework of the EU, bilateral corporate linkages across countries are highly differentiated. There has not fully been
the creation of an integrated EU corporate elite but what has emerged consists of specific pockets of interconnectedness.
The approach here is predominantly structural. Directors and top managers of the largest firms tend to form a business elite, also named corporate elite (Scott, 1997; Mizruchi, 2013). One of the main advances of
interlocking directorate studies is to measure its cohesion from the density
of the network they form on the basis of directors’ multiple affiliations
(Mizruchi, 1996; Scott, 1997). A corporate elite is said to be national or
domestic when top managers belong to firms anchored in a same country
of origin.1 It is considered as transnational when the latter belong to firms
which are embedded in different business milieus. Our purpose is to measure both these milieus relationally.
The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
169
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RENEWING TRANSNATIONAL INTERLOCKING
DIRECTORATE STUDIES
If we except the pioneering study edited by Meindert Fennema in 1982,
transnational interlocking studies mainly emerged in the early 2000s
(Carroll & Carson, 2003; Carroll & Fennema, 2002; Kentor & Jang, 2004),
when the debate about the existence of a transnational capitalist class was
reformulated (Robinson & Harris, 2000; Sklair, 2001). This allows us to
draw some temporary conclusions on what has been done, but also to spot
recurring difficulties and propose new perspectives.
Transnational Interlocks and National Anchorage
The main purpose of these early studies was to question the emergence of a
transnational business community from the measurement of interlocks by
comparing national and transnational links throughout time. Carroll and
Fennema (2002) witnessed a light increase in transnational interlocks
between 1976 and 1996, which was mainly due to increasing cross-border
links in the European context. They also proved that these links were more
connective in 1996 than in 1976. But they contradicted John Scott’s expectations (1997), as they found no decline in domestic links compared to
transnational ones between 1976 and 1996. As was the case in 1976, the
1996 global network was primarily built around a North Atlantic core network, with a key role played by European firms, between which 2/3 of
transnational links were concentrated. Their conclusion was that one could
talk about the emergence of a transnational business community, but they
did not assume that such a class would be a substitute for national business
worlds
as Robinson and Harris (2000) and Sklair (2001) had suggested
earlier.
At a different level, Carroll and Carson (2003) have explored what they
called the global corporate elite. They combined an interlocking directorate
study with the study of policy groups,2 and stressed the political cohesion
of these managers and their influence on States and education policies.
Their study brought out a core structured by North-American and
European elites and a periphery constituted by the rest of the world. This
led them to question the existence and the power of an Atlantic ruling class.
Carroll (2010), from measuring interlocks between the 500 biggest companies ranked by Fortune between 1996 and 2006, showed a relative increase
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ANTOINE VION ET AL.
in transnational interlocks and claimed the persistence of the Atlantic ruling class. Burris and Staples (2012), with a similar corpus for 1998 and
2006, provide similar observations. But, focusing on density rather than on
the total amount of raw links, they claim this global corporate elite has
increased more at a transatlantic level than within Europe.
Existing literature on transnational interlocks has generally been built
on a global sample of firms, for example from the Fortune 500. Comparing
national and transnational interlocking from such a global sample, however, tends to distort the picture of interlocks inside national contexts
because so many firms in that national context are missing from the global
sample. Thus comparing degrees of interlocks at the national and the transnational level from within such a sample is misleading. For instance, it
makes a difference to consider the top of the Belgian business community
formed by the twenty firms listed in the BEL 20 index or to retain only
three Belgian firms because they are the ones listed in Fortune Global 500.
Following the first method, one tries to identify what the top of the Belgian
business community could be and then how this elite is connected to other
countries through interlocking directorates; following the second approach
it is impossible to draw any conclusions about the degree of national/transnational interlocks from just three firms. Instead the focus is on a few countries which have giant firms, such as the United States, a process which
potentially over-emphasizes transnational interlocks. Burris and Staples
(2012) are right to underline that the increase of transnational interlocks in
such studies (and the perceived relative decline in the significance of
national interlocks) may result because of the selective nature of the global
sample. The proportion of transnational links tends to increase when the
number of countries taken into account is higher and the number of firms
in each of them lower.
However, such data is difficult to interpret because of its limited nature
(Table 1). When they claim that transnational interlocks represent 30% of
the whole set of links, they neither mean that all firms maintain one third
of their corporate links to foreign companies nor that every domestic business community is open at a level of a third. The fact that transnational
links fluctuate between 13.7% and 30.9% does not tell us much about the
places and the forms of transnational integration. These averages conceal
national specificities and the particularities of what is occurring. For example, there may be firms from one country with huge transnational interlocks
and firms from another with no transnational link. Is this significant? How
do we understand these differences? Global samples lead to very different
samplings of data at the level of national sets making comparisons about
171
The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
Table 1.
Percentage of Transnational Links in Main Former Studies.
Studies
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Fennema (1982)
Carroll and Fennema (2002)
Kentor and Jang (2004)
Carroll (2010)
Burris and Staples (2012)
Years
1970
1976
1976
1996
1983
1998
1996
2006
1998
2006
# Firms
176
176
176
176
500
500
500
500
500
498
Links
National
Trans.
Global
303
318
284
267
755
916
1285a
750a
916
761
101
152
84
88
120
181
319a
336a
181
307
404
470
368
355
875
1097
1604
1086
1097
1068
Transnational/
Global
25.0%
32.3%
22.8%
24.8%
13.7%
16.5%
19.9%
30.9%
16.50%
28.70%
a
We recalculated this from percentages and global numbers (Carroll, 2010).
National: Links between firms from the same country only.
Transnational: Links between firms from different countries only.
Global: Global set of links, be they national or transnational.
the degree of transnational integration between different countries very difficult. This has led authors to find ad hoc ways of correcting the problems.
Fennema (1982), for example, had to correct his initial sampling because of
the overrepresentation of US firms (92 over 150). So did Carroll and
Carson (2003) to obtain sufficient number of firms from emerging countries. Even when rescaling the sample on a European basis (Guieu &
Meschi, 2008; Heemskerk, 2011; Nollert, 2005), problems are of the same
kind. Eelke Heemskerk’s study on the 300 firms which compose the
Eurostoxx 300 had to face the problem of the heterogeneity of national
communities retrieved from this set of firms (from 4 for Austria, Denmark,
and Portugal to 78 for the United Kingdom). Such a heterogeneity makes
comparative network studies problematic using a global sample of the
largest companies in the world (Table 1).
A fundamental methodological issue is therefore to determine the minimal number of firms which are required to make sense of a domestic business milieu and to link this to the issue of transnational integration.
Furthermore ideally this study needs to be longitudinal, to see trends in
levels of integration and how easily these trends can be shaped by a few
individuals leaving the network (Dudouet et al., 2012).
In this paper, we will define transnational interlocks by adapting Mark
Mizruchi’s initial definition (1996): a transnational interlocking directorate
occurs when a person affiliated with one organization anchored in one
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172
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
country sits on the board of directors of another organization anchored in
another country. Rather than attempt this task at a global level, we will
focus on the Eurozone, addressing the question presented at the start of the
paper; what evidence is there of the emergence of a Eurozone corporate
elite, that is strong, stable, and significant cross-national interlocks
amongst the largest Eurozone companies, and how if at all does this relate
to changes in national corporate elites and their degree of integration and
cohesion?
We have defined national corporate sets firstly in terms of large firms
anchored in particular countries. Using the term “large firms,” we more
precisely mean that a corporate elite sets up in firms which are present in
national stock market indices. Financial institutions develop such indices
as ways to package ready-made products for investors who want to ensure
that their returns match those of the market. Directors appreciate to have
their company listed in indices, as this guarantees liquidity for their shares
and shareholder wealth maximization as well as notoriety. Every national
stock exchange develops multiple indices for all sorts of financial products,
but each marketplace establishes a flagship index which concentrates both
the highest volume of exchange and the highest social prestige. The number
of quoted companies included in this index varies across the main
European markets in part depending on the total number of companies
listed on the exchange. Thus the London Stock Exchange which is the largest market has the FTSE100 as its main index. In Belgium by contrast, a
much smaller stock exchange, the index is the BEL20. As stated, size of
capitalization is the main criteria for membership of the index though there
are some variations in this. Nevertheless, by taking as our sample of companies in each country those companies that appear in the main Stock
Exchange index we are confident that we are examining the heart of the
national corporate elite.3 Stock exchange indices are a very useful gateway
to the social structure of national core business circles. Because being present in a commonly used index is so advantageous to public companies, all
the leading organizations pay the highest attention to their strategy of
affiliation of entering and staying in an important index (Rao, Davis, &
Ward, 2000). Belonging to such an index means being part of the business
elite that counts in terms of revenue, economic power, media, and political
influence.
The way the composition of indices is decided upon is everything but
transparent. Whilst exchanges which encourage significant foreign listings
such as London and New York set criteria for entry into an index strictly
from the point of view of market capitalization at a particular point in the
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The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
173
year, many Eurozone exchanges operate other criteria alongside market
capitalization. Broadly however, indices suit the purpose of this research
as they are relatively stable over time, and are generally recognized as
being composed of the largest and most important firms on a particular
country.
From this point of view, our purpose is to examine how integrated the
Eurozone corporate elites was prior and at the first steps of the financial crisis. Following previous studies (Dudouet et al., 2012), we will argue that a
Eurozone corporate elite exists, but it does not dominate over national contexts, which remain the main space of socialization into business milieus.
Secondly, we will show again that this European corporate elite can only be
assessed from the national business communities that underpin it. People
who act at a transnational level always come from a national milieu: there is
no elite in weightlessness conditions. Thirdly, we will show that the transnational integration within the Eurozone is not homogeneous (equal for all
firms and indices) and that there are different patterns of transnational
bilateral integration.
We will compare the degree, cohesion, and stability of linkages which
directors in these firms have through directorships in other firms, both
within the same index and within the indices of other EU countries
(Dudouet et al., 2012). This perspective allows us to study interlocks at several levels simultaneously, national, international, and bilateral. In this
way, we can analyze and compare the strength of these different levels of
integration over time.
METHODOLOGY
Levels of Transnational Integration
Building an analytical framework of transnational interlocking means
taking into account different levels of relations: Board interlocks within
each national community, transnational links between firms anchored in
various national communities, transnational interlocking within the whole
zone considered (here the Eurozone), and transnational interlocking within
bilateral relations between national communities. These different levels are
analyzed relationally. In order to appraise how integrated business communities are into transnational spaces, bilateral dimensions should also be
taken into account. We thus suggest to assess integration by distinguishing
174
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
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between national anchorage (i), internationalization (ii), transnational openness (iii), and transnational bilateral integration (iv).
(i) National anchorage
How far are firms which are affiliated to the same index connected to
each other? Do they form a dense or loose network? Cohesion can be
measured by the density of the network, which corresponds to the sum
of the ties observed divided by the number of possible ties (Scott,
1992).
(ii) Internationalization of national communities
By internationalization of a corporate elite, we mean the sum of transnational links which go out from an index to another related to the
sum of links counted within this index. This allows us to assess the
degree of internationalization from the perspective of the national corporate elite.
(iii) Transnational openness of national communities
Comparing levels of internationalization, however, does not allow us
to judge the openness of a community in terms of transnational connections. For example, most of the transnational links may be held by
just a few firms. In order to assess openness, we will measure the
percentage of the firms stated in the index which have at least one
transnational link.
(iv) Transnational bilateral integration
By bilateral integration, we mean the degree of interpenetration of two
national business milieu in terms of board interlocks. This follows a
continuum that goes from no relation at all to a complete fusion or
absorption. This is measured by the sum of links existing between two
indices divided by the sum of links existing within each index. This
brings out a score for each index toward each others. If scores between
two indices are comparable, bilateral integration will be symmetric, if
they are not, integration will be qualified as asymmetric. As absolute
equivalence of scores is unlikely, we will simplify the reading of the
results by distinguishing between six types of scores (see Table 2): 0%,
minor to 10%, 10 19%, 20 49%, 50 99%, 100% and plus. If index
A and index B both maintain under 10% of bilateral relations, very
weak symmetric integration will be brought out. If bilateral relations
correspond to less than 10% for index A and 20 49% for index B,
one will talk of a very weak asymmetric integration from A to B and
of a medium asymmetric integration from B to A. If a stock exchange
Index B
0%
Index A
0%
<10%
10 19%
20 49%
50 99%
≥100%
<10%
10 19%
20 49%
50 99%
≥100%
Very weak symmetric
integration
Weak asymmetric
integration
Medium asymmetric
integration
Strong asymmetric
integration
Absorption of A by B
Very weak asymmetric
integration
Weak symmetric
integration
Medium asymmetric
integration
Strong asymmetric
integration
Absorption of A by B
Very weak asymmetric
integration
Weak asymmetric
integration
Medium symmetric
integration
Strong asymmetric
integration
Absorption of A by B
Very weak asymmetric
integration
Weak asymmetric
integration
Medium asymmetric
integration
Strong symmetric
integration
Absorption of A by B
Absorption of
B by A
Absorption of
B by A
Absorption of
B by A
Absorption of
B by A
Merging
175
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Patterns of Transnational Bilateral Integration.
The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
Table 2.
176
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
index shows bilateral integration score over 100% under non reciprocal conditions, one can talk of a process of absorption. If both the
indices reach 100%, one can talk of a process of fusion.
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Data
Our data is based on the set of companies, which is composed of five stock
exchange indices of the Eurozone from December 31, 2005 to December
31, 2008 (see Table 3). These five indices are the AEX 25 (the Netherlands),
the BEL 20 (Belgium), the CAC 40 (France), the DAX 30 (Germany), and
the MIB 40 (Italy). All of them belong to the Eurozone and are among the
founders of the EC. Therefore if there is to be evidence of the emergence of
a European corporate elite (as measured by interlocking directorates), we
should see some signs in this sample.
195 companies have been analyzed after we took into account merging
initiatives (which were particularly numerous in the Italian banking sector
in 2007), change of name, usual entrance, and exit activity within these
indices. Indices are composed of a finite number of firms : a maximum of 25
for the AEX, 20 for the BEL, 40 for the CAC and the MIB, 30 for the
DAX. Yet, in our sample, indices are not absolutely complete: stock
exchange authorities may not have filled in all slots of an index at a given
date, or we may have had to arbitrate. Indeed, in order to prevent redundancy, we have been compelled to select an index of reference for companies
which are registered in two or more indices. To this end, we have used the
dominant nationality of the management. We also subtracted a given company ArcelorMittal because of the quasi-impossibility to affiliate it.4
Table 3.
#Individuals
#Firms
AEX 25
BEL 20
CAC 40
DAX 30
MIB 40
Sample.
December 31,
2005
December 31,
2006
December 31,
2007
December 31,
2008
1975
148
22
18
38
30
40
1986
148
23
18
37
30
40
1984
144
20
18
37
30
39
2011
148
22
19
37
30
40
177
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The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
The managers we retained are all members of the Board, including
Censors, Representatives of employees and States, and observers, but not
honorary Chairmen and Secretaries. We added some Executive Managers
who are not members of the Board of Directors or Supervisory Board such
as members of Boards of Management, Chief Executive Officers (CEO),
and Deputy CEOs. Annual reports and corporate press releases were used
to collect manually all the data.
RESULTS
Global Structure of the Eurozone’s Business Community
A very high majority of firms (between 92% and 93%) are connected to
each other in a same network during the four-year period (Table 4). So a
Eurozone corporate elite exists but at this step we know very little about its
structure. Tables 5 and 6 present a more detailed view of the types of links
and their longitudinal evolution.
These results show that transnational links represent about a fifth of
valued links and a quarter of binary ones; the majority of interlocks are
with other firms in the same index. However, the European corporate elite
is still significantly divided into national communities.
This is confirmed by scores of density calculated on the basis of both
the whole sample and indices (Fig. 1). Density is very often used to
Table 4.
Firms
Links
Diameter
Firms in the main component
Firms in secondary componentsa
Isolates
a
Main Properties of the Network.
2005
2006
2007
2008
148
1244
7
137
4
7
148
1080
9
137
2
9
144
1030
9
133
2
9
148
1014
7
136
2
10
For 2005 there are two secondary components.
Diameter is the shortest path (number of firms) between the two most distant firms.
Main component is the network grouping the most numerous firms.
Secondary components are firms connected to each others without connections with the main
component.
Isolates are firms without any connections.
178
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
Table 5. Evolution of the Links (Binary).
2006
2007
2008
2005 2008
1244
936
308
25%
1080
788
292
27%
1030
780
250
24%
1014
760
254
25%
−18%
−19%
−18%
0%
Table 6. Evolution of the Links (Valued).
Total links
Inside index links
Transnational links
% of transnational links
2005
2006
2007
2008
2005 2008
1616
1274
342
21%
1376
1062
314
23%
1288
1020
268
21%
1246
962
284
23%
−23%
−24%
−17%
2%
0.40
0.35
0.30
0.25
Density
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Total links
Inside index links
Transnational links
% Transnational links
2005
0.20
0.15
0.10
0.05
0.00
2005
2006
2007
2008
Year
AEX
Fig. 1.
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
Global
Eurozone Density Networks.
assess the cohesion of a business milieu.5 Overall density is rather weak
(between 0.05 and 0.06). Even though we take into account the size of the
whole network, which is substantially higher than a given domestic network, overall density is systematically inferior to intra-index density scores.
The DAX has a very high score, and even if it decreases over the period
179
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The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
studied, it remains much higher than those of other indices. This reveals
that the German business community is still very cohesive and interlinked
compared to other European business communities. The CAC is rather
stable with a score of 0.21 at the early and late stages of the period. It is
less cohesive than the DAX but represents a relatively strong set of links.
The three other indices have comparable scores at the end of the period,
but with very different processes of change to reach the same point. The
density of the AEX has been reduced dramatically (0.21 0.12) between
2005 and 2008; the BEL has also reduced in density (0.14 0.09), while the
MIB is rather stable, though at a relatively low level.
These results show that we do not have homogenous business milieus in
the Eurozone, but various social structures, of capitalism with different
levels of cohesiveness.
Internationalization of Business Communities
Table 7 presents the percentage of transnational links compared with the
total of domestic links. The BEL shows a level of transnational links, which
is equivalent and even higher than domestic links, with a record high of
145% in 2008. Transnational links in other indices are less than 100% and
often less than 50% if we except the AEX for 2007 and 2008. The Dutch
index is the only one where the proportion of transnational links continuously increases (32 62%). The CAC, conversely, shows a decrease
(35 28%), while the DAX and the MIB have lower and more stable scores
of cohesiveness.
The different degrees of internationalization reveal the continued heterogeneity of the European corporate elite. The Dutch and the Belgian contexts
have become more internationalized whilst the French has become less so,
whilst Germany and Italy have remained roughly the same over this period.
Table 7.
AEX
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
Percentage of Transnational Links (Valued) Compared to
Domestic Ones.
2005
2006
2007
2008
32%
102%
35%
20%
15%
43%
90%
36%
19%
18%
50%
116%
29%
15%
15%
62%
145%
28%
20%
14%
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ANTOINE VION ET AL.
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Transnational Openness
For each index, Table 8 indicates the proportion of firms which maintain
at least one transnational link. In general, the proportion of the firms
holding transnational links tends to decrease, except in the case of the
AEX, where it increases and the CAC where it remains stable. Drawing
comparisons of openness from each index leads us to underline the limits
of averages. The average for the whole sample in terms of what percentage
of firms have transnational links is about 60%. However there are huge
differences. The MIB varies from 38% to 28% whilst on the CAC the
variation over time is minimal going from 82% to 81% over the period,
with a minimum of 78% in 2006.
The strong openness of the DAX and the BEL tends to decrease slightly,
whilst that of the AEX increases. The stability of the very strong openness
of the CAC contrasts with the situation of the MIB which gradually
becomes more closed over the period.
Bilateral Integration
The heterogeneity of corporate elite in the Eurozone does not mean that
there is no process of integration but it appears that this is primarily
through the development of bilateral relations. Table 9 12 give percentages of transnational links over domestic ones toward a single index over
the four years of the study. The tables should be read from rows to the column. For example, in 2005, AEX (from the row) has transnational links
with BEL (on column) counting for 7% of AEX domestic links. In the
same time BEL (from the row) has transnational links to the AEX equaling
17% of BEL domestic links. Following our methodology these percentages
show the degree of bilateral integration of each index toward all the others.
We signal in bold the highest score of bilateral integration for each index.
Table 8.
AEX
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
Percentage of Firms with Transnational Links.
2005
2006
2007
2008
50%
67%
82%
73%
38%
48%
72%
78%
73%
33%
60%
67%
81%
67%
33%
68%
63%
81%
63%
28%
181
The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
Table 9. 2005 Score of Bilateral Integration.
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AEX
AEX
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
17%
5%
2%
1%
Table 10.
AEX
AEX
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
16%
5%
2%
2%
Table 11.
AEX
AEX
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
23%
5%
2%
1%
Table 12.
AEX
AEX
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
24%
4%
4%
1%
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
7%
15%
69%
7%
15%
14%
3%
2%
7%
4%
9%
2%
0%
12%
8%
5%
2006 Score of Bilateral Integration.
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
10%
19%
59%
8%
12%
13%
6%
3%
6%
4%
11%
2%
1%
11%
9%
6%
2007 Score of Bilateral Integration.
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
14%
23%
77%
10%
11%
8%
3%
5%
6%
4%
10%
1%
1%
8%
8%
5%
2008 Score of Bilateral Integration.
BEL
CAC
DAX
MIB
17%
22%
102%
20%
19%
6%
3%
0%
5%
4%
12%
3%
0%
8%
8%
5%
Once again, bilateral integration scores show strong heterogeneity: they
go from 0% (BEL-MIB and MIB-BEL in 2008) to 102% (BEL-CAC in
2008). However, scores are generally less than 25%. All indices have their
highest score of bilateral integration with the CAC though there is large
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ANTOINE VION ET AL.
Table 13.
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Symmetric
Asymmetric
Trends of Bilateral Integration.
Weakening
Stability
BEL-MIB
MIB-BEL
CAC-DAX
DAX-CAC
AEX-MIB
CAC-MIB
DAX-MIB
MIB-AEX
MIB-CAC
MIB-DAX
CAC-AEX
DAX-AEX
DAX-BEL
Reinforcement
AEX-BEL
AEX-CAC
AEX-DAX
BEL-AEX
BEL-CAC
BEL-DAX
CAC-BEL
variation. From 2005 to 2008 the most remarkable results are the progressive absorption of the BEL by the CAC and the weakening bilateral integration between the CAC and the DAX. Table 13 summarizes the different
scores in trends from 2005 to 2008.
Overall, bilateral relations remain at similar levels throughout the four
years. Only the BEL-MIB on one hand, and the CAC-DAX on the other
hand, reduce significantly in the period. The indices which how most evidence of increased integration with one other index are the AEX and the
BEL, in relation to their interlocks with the CAC and the DAX. Table 13
shows that European integration is a very dynamic and differentiated process. The weakening of the CAC-DAX relations (the two leading indices of
the Eurozone), the absorption of the BEL by the CAC, as well as the relative isolation of the MIB, are essential dimensions of the structuration of
the Eurozone corporate elite.
DISCUSSION
This study aimed to embrace the complexity of the transnational integration of blue chips’ managers in the Eurozone, by relating the three dimensions of national, bilateral, and multilateral integration during four
consecutive years. Managing this kind of longitudinal studies helps understand how different national business circles are evolving in terms of integration nationally and in the Eurozone.
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The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
183
Firstly, our methodology seems helpful to assess the corporate elite’s
integration from the perspective of the most central institutions they are
embedded in, namely national stock exchange indices. On one hand, it is a
way to avoid top-down explanations. Top-down theoretical frameworks of
European business structures tend to prioritize the level of multilateral integration over others. Fligstein (2008) nuances this dominant perspective by
taking into account bilateral integration through joint-ventures. However,
European data on joint-ventures are very partial. Moreover, by the fact
they limit bilateral integration to the strict perimeter of firms’ structures,
they do not tell us much about the social integration of top managers
at the inter-firm level. Finally, even though Fligstein turns to a more sociological discourse to argue that “the patterns of shared culture and interaction that have occurred across European borders have exactly followed
social class lines” (Fligstein, 2008, p. 137), he does not provide better evidence than a few Eurobarometer results. What our comparison shows is
that such a persistence of national cohesion tends not to decline at the
same degree or at the same pace across the countries studied. The
Eurozone between 2005 and 2008 appears as a weakly socially integrated
zone, based on a mish-mash of transnational links.
Secondly, taking bilateral integration into account, together with the
transnational openness of indices, provides many counterintuitive results.
The first one is the relatively low degree of Franco-German integration.
The decrease that occurred in 2007 2008 is totally decoupled from the
intensification of intergovernmental cooperation in the same period
(Vion, 2012). As noted before, minor shifts in Franco-German transnational relations have had major effects on the structure of their links
(Dudouet et al., 2012). Our study shows that the Franco-German axis is
much more a political construction than a process driven by business life.
This makes institutional explanations of transnational integration (RisseKappen, 1995) fall short, except if intense intergovernmental cooperation
is conceived as a game of rival associates. The second counterintuitive
result is that national differences, regarding the internationalization of
national business communities, are much higher than expected. Belgium
and the Netherlands are increasingly internationalizing. This may indicate
an absorption of the periphery by the center (here the powerful indices
DAX and CAC). In the Belgian case, the achievement of what we call
absorption into the CAC is unexpected and has to be confirmed by data
for the more recent period. Moreover it is interesting that in the context
of the French speaking/Walloon speaking political, economic, and social
fissure within Belgium it is the very old business association between the
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184
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
Belgian Walloon businessman Albert Frère and the French bank Paribas
(BNP-Paribas since 2000) that is probably the best example of socioeconomic integration between Walloon and French capitalisms (Dudouet
& Grémont, 2010). The connection of Frère’s companies (GBL and CNP)
with the CAC firms explain almost half of the BEL-CAC links in 2008.
Another good example of Belgian internationalization is provided by a
firm like Solvay, which was connected in 2008 to 6 firms from the CAC
(AXA, Société Générale, Alstom, Carrefour, Saint-Gobain, Vivendi), 3
firms from the BEL (Umicore, Fortis, Agfa), 3 firms from the DAX
(K + S, Munich Re, RWE), and 2 from the AEX (Philips, Akzo Nobel).
Solvay took over the French Rhodia in 2011 and was listed in the CAC
40 in 2012.
Thirdly, regarding bilateral processes, our results show that there is no
convergence between the internationalization and the transnational openness of national communities. Our examination of transnational openness
indicates big variations between countries. On one side, the Belgian case is
quite different from the Dutch one, because its increasing internationalization is managed in a context of decreasing transnational openness. The
internationalization of the BEL increased between 2005 and 2008, while the
number of firms which managed transnational links regularly decreased.
This indicates a decoupling process within Belgian business communities,
with an internationalized side of the BEL and another more isolated one,
even though both sides are still connected, but in a less tight way. From
this perspective of openness, the CAC and the DAX show very contrasting
patterns. The French index is very stable as a strongly open community.
Conversely, German openness appeared to have fallen into some kind of
withdrawal from 2005 to 2008. This is all the more interesting in that the
symmetric integration between these two communities has weakened.
German firms have turned from their Western partners. Admittedly, this
picture might be modified if the database included the ATX (Austrian
index). Similarly, a wider empirical project including the SMI
(Switzerland), the FTSE100 (United Kingdom), and the Ibex 35 (Spain)
would help further clarify these processes. But manual collection is a
demanding task.
Fourthly, these results may help to explain how the corporate elite
responded to bank problems at the early stages of the financial crisis.
Similar to states, corporations had huge difficulties in converging on transnational organizational solutions to bank defaults. Except for the FrancoBelgian case, all the measures were national in the early stages. In the case
of Dexia’s default, Belgian and French elites tried to save the bank before
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The Euro Zone Corporate Elite at the Cliff Edge (2005 2008)
185
managing its splitting. In the case of Fortis, the Dutch managed the repatriation of the bank’s insurance branch. But BNP-Paribas took the control
of the company’s remaining bank activities with the help of the Belgian
government
the latter consequently became the largest shareholder of
BNP-Paribas. By doing so, BNP-Paribas became the main financial institution in Belgium. This translated existing links into financial ones and
led to the absorption of Belgian capitalism by the French one. In other
cases, transnational relations were unilaterally dismantled, without any
efforts at negotiation. The alliance between CommerzBank (Germany)
and Generali (Italy) was curtly broken by a German decision to merge
Dresdner Bank with CommerzBank, and to turn Allianz into the main
shareholder of the new group. So, except for Dexia and Fortis, bank
defaults were dealt with on a national basis and not on a transnational
one. Of course, later, the solutions provided by the ECB as the sovereign
debt crisis developed in the Eurozone could be defined as transnational
ones, but the decision to merge or liquidate a bank was always taken at
the national level. Finally, our results show that the structural basis for
the formation of a corporate elite in the Eurozone has not been achieved
given the evidence from the interlocking directorships. Even though the
national anchorage of business elites has declined, transnational linkages
have not grown much and thus the capacity for acting cohesively at
moments of crisis does not exist.
NOTES
1. For us, someone like Lindsay Owen-Jones, a British citizen who was
Chairman and CEO of L’Oréal from 1986 to 2006, belongs to the French corporate
elite.
2. The policy groups retained were the International Chamber of Commerce, the
Trilateral Commission, Bilderberg Conference, World Business Council for
Substainable Development and World Economic Forum.
3. It is not uncommon for very large firms to have multiple listings and to be
quoted on a number of stock exchanges in order to access foreign capital etc. but
the depth and liquidity of trading is usually highest in one of those generally the
historic home base of the company.
4. ArcelorMittal is a company ruled by the Luxemburger law, quoted in
Amsterdam, Brussels, Luxembourg, Madrid, New York, and Paris while most of
the shares is hold by the Indian Citizen Lakshmi Mittal and his family, who is also
Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the company. ArcelorMittal was present
on the AEX and CAC 40 in 2007 and 2008. Somehow, Arcelor Mittal can be considered as fully a transnational firm.
186
ANTOINE VION ET AL.
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5. Of course, it is always risky to compare scores of density when networks do
not have the same size (Scott, 1992), but we consider that, except for the Eurozone
network, ours have close enough sizes to allow comparisons. Moreover, let us stress
that in our corpus, density scores are not correlated to the size of the networks: the
DAX and the CAC with 30 and 37 firms systematically bring out higher scores than
the AEX and the BEL do (respectively less than 25 and 20 firms).
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