Approximation markers in Korean: classifier construction

1 IMM-14, May 13-16, Budapest Seo-Kyoung Hwang - Yonsei University, Seoul ([email protected]) Elena Rudnitskaya ([email protected]) Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow Approximation markers in Korean and a classifier construction 1. Sino-Korean (SK) and Native Korean (NK) numerals 2. Features of SK and NK morphological approximate markers: -YE (SK), -CCUM (NK) 3. Conclusions: distribution and similar grammatical functions of -YE ‘APPR.ODD’ and -CCUM ‘APPR’ 4. Postnouns/ auxiliary nouns CENGTO/ NAMCIS ‘APPR.POST’ compared to -YE and -CCUM 5. Conclusions 6. References 2 1. Sino-Korean (SK) and Native Korean (NK) numerals SK numerals: regular morphemes cey- and -ye to derive ordinal numerals from the “basic” cardinal numerals and for odd-approximate numerals (beginning from 10) – Table 1. NK numerals: the ordinal form is derived with the affix – ccay; the approximate marker is -ccum – Table 1. Table 1 Cardinal Ordinal SK sip ‘10’ NK yel ‘10’ Odd/ Approximate cey-sip ‘10-th’ sip-ye ‘a little more than 10’ yel-ccay ‘10-th’ yel (kwen)-ccum ‘around ten’ NK numerals forms: • (I) cardinal/ “adjective” [ADJ] form – classifier (1a) or noun (1b) modifier; • (II) basic numeral/ “enumeration” [ENUM] form – (2a-b): derivation: (2c): both numeral and classifier features. (1) a. yel chayk(-ul) kwen-uy 10[NK] CLASS-GEN b. chayk yel book 10[NK] book(-ACC) kwen(-ul) CLASS(-ACC) “Ten books” (2) a. sey ‘3.ADJ’ + -s  seys ‘3.ENUM’ [Kholodovič 1954] b. seys ‘3.ENUM’  sey ‘3.ADJ’ [Nam, Ko 1985/2007] (2) c. pongthwu seys(-ul) envelope three.ENUM[NK](-ACC) “3 envelopes” (*cang) (*CLASS) 3 The ENUM form is usually the same as the ADJ form1; the ENUM form cannot co-occur with a classifier (2c). NK numerals 1–10 have an “approximate” -e(s) form: twue(s) ‘about two’. [Martin 1992: 178] lists the NK -namwun2 pattern similar to the SK -ye pattern in Table 1; it is used with round numbers and highly lexicalized ((3b) is possible only in the North Korea dialect). (3) a. ye-namun 10[NK]-APPR.ODD[NK] “a little more than 10” b. sumwu-namun 20[NK]-ODD “a little more than 20” 2. Features of NK and SK morphological approximate markers: -CCUM (NK), -YE (SK) -Ccum [NK]: (1) an “approximately” [APPR] meaning; (2) -ccum can attach to a classifier (not to a numeral) in a classifier construction (4a) or to an ENUM form (4b)3. 1 Except for 1–4 and 20 that have different forms shown in (2a-b). Nam-un [PART; frozen]  nam-ta ‘be left’. 3 Certain classifiers such as wen ‘won’ can be dropped: phalli-n-ta. (i) Ikes-un isip-ccum-wen-ey 2 it-TOP 20[SK]-CLASS-APPR-DAT sell-PASS-PRES-DECL “It sells for 200000 won” [colloq.] 4 (4) a. Oleynci payk(*-ccum) orange kay-ccum * 100[SK]( -APPR[NK]) CLASS[SK]-APPR[NK] “Around 100 oranges” b. Haksayng sumwul-ccum student 20.ENUM-APPR [NK] “Around 20 students” (3) -Ccum has grammatical properties of phrasal affixes following [Pullum, Zwicky 1983; Yoon 1995]. • (4a)’: when -ccum attaches to a classifier, its scope is the whole Class(ifier) P(hrase): (4a)’ [ClassP oleynci payk kay]-ccum [cf. -ccum in (11d)] • (4a) and (5): -ccum can attach to any classifier, incuding a SK noun il denoting measure/ period of time in (5)4: (5) Sipi-wel 12[SK]-month[SK] isip-il-ccum [SKLD] 20[SK]-CLASS.day[SK]-APPR[NK] “Around December 20” • (6a-b): -ccum attaches not only to quantity words/ expressions but also to deictics, interrogative words (6a) and denominative postpositions (6b). 4 These are Type 3 classifiers following [Martin 1992: 182]; with such classifiers, numerals often go with nouns of the same origin (i): (i) sey hay/ sam nyen 3.ADJ[NK] CLASS.year[NK]/ 3[SK] CLASS.year[SK] “3 years” 5 (6) a. Sicheng-i eti-ccum City_Hall where-APPR[NK] iss-ci yo? exist-SUSP PTCL.POL “Whereabouts is the City Hall?” (lit. “What_place around is…”) [Martin 1992: 437] b. myechil cen-ccum-kkaci a_few_days before-APPR[NK]-UNTIL ku-nun kenkangha-yss-ta he-TOP healthy-PAST-DECL “In/After (about) a few days, he was healthy” (lit. “Before around 5 days passed,…”) [Martin 1992: 632] • (6b-c): -ccum occurs in a “multiple particle constructions” [Sohn 1999: 270]; in which particles can be switched (6c). (6) c. [Sey si-kkaci-ccum]/ [Sey si-ccum-kkaci] [3[NK] hour-PTCL-APPR[NK]]/ […-APPR[NK]-PTCL] kitaly-e po-taka wait-INF see-CONV an o-myen ka-l NEG come-COND go-PART.FUT they-ya MOD-EMPH “I will wait till around 3 o’clock, and then if you haven’t come I’ll leave” [Martin 1992: 632] Conclusion: -ccum is a phrasal affix (agglutinative inflection) -Ye [SK]: (1) an ‘approximate + odd’ [APPR.ODD] meaning; (2) -ye has derivation affix features: • (7a) and Table 1: -ye attaches to numerals, besides 1–9; 6 • (7a-b): -ye can also attach to ‘period of time/ measure’ nouns (Type 3 classifiers) instead of attaching to a numeral; • (7c): adnominal position is restricted to Type 3 classifiers; unlike -ccum in (4a), -ye cannot attach to other classifiers. (7) a. *han-ye sikan/ √ han sikan-ye 1[NK]-APPR.ODD CLASS.hour[NK]/1 CLASS.hour-APPR.ODD “around 1 hour” b. isip-ye pwun / isip pwun-ye 20[SK]-APPR.ODD[SK] CLASS.minute/ 20 CLASS-APPR.ODD “around 20 minutes” c. *oleynci payk kay-ye orange 100 CLASS[SK]-APPR.ODD[SK] “around 100 oranges” Conclusion: -ye is essentially derivational (not phrasal) affix. 3. Conclusions: distribution and similar grammatical functions of -YE ‘APPR.ODD’ and -CCUM ‘APPR’ • Korean has two morphemes for the approximation meaning. -Ye and -ccum can co-occur in one phrase (8a) with no additional shift of meaning [-ye before -ccum]. (8b) with -ye synonymous to (4a) with -ccum is possible: (8) a. sip nyen-ye-ccum 10[SK] CLASS.year[SK]-APPR.ODD[SK]-APPR[NK] “Approximately 10 years” b. Oleynci payk-ye orange kay 100[SK]-APPR.ODD[SK] CLASS[SK] “Around 100 oranges” 7 Table 2 Morpheme Origin Meaning -YE SK -CCUM NK Morphological status APPR.ODD Derivational affix APPR Phrasal particle Grammatical function Identical: see (8a-b); (7a) and (4a)/(7c) 4. Postnouns/ auxiliary nouns -CENGTO/ -NAMCIS ‘APPR.POST(.ODD)’ compared to -YE and -CCUM -CENGTO ‘APPR.POST’ [SK] • As a lexical noun cengto: ‘limit of a quantity’ [SKLD 2008]; ‘degree/ limit/ measure’ [Martin 1992] (9) a. sonhay-uy cengto damage-GEN measure “the measure of damage (caused)” b. enu cengto-kkaci some degree-Delim-2.until “up to a certain degree” c. √Ku cengto(-uy)/ √ * Ku-ccum(-uy) * that measure(-GEN)/ that-APPR(-GEN) cip-ul sa-ko siph-Ø-ta house-ACC buy-CONV want-PRES-DECL “I want to buy a house like this” [this construction, price, etc.] 8 • In a grammatical use (-cengto, similar to -ccum): (I) Postnominal, not restricted to round numbers [like -ccum, see (10a), (4a)] (II) Quasi-synonymous with –ye [like -ccum (8a)] (10)a.Han * (sikan)-cengto ka-ta [SKLD 2008] * 1[NK] (CLASS.hour[NK])-APPR.POST go-PRED “To walk for around an hour” b. oleynci payk-ye kay-cengto orange 100-APPR.ODD CLASS-APPR.POST “around 100 oranges” (III) is -cengto ‘APPR.POST’ a full noun in a grammatical use, as free postpositions [Rudnitskaya 2009] (e.g. aph ‘front, in_front_of’); or is it partially grammaticalized, similar to bound postpositions (e.g. -cen ‘before’)? • must go right after the noun stem, cannot follow -uy ‘GEN’ (11a) or any adverb/ particle; • like -ccum, can form idiomatic constructions with an approximate meaning with nouns (11b-c); (11) a. han sikan(*-uy) cengto * 1[NK] CLASS.hour[NK]( -GEN) APPR.POST “approximately one hour” b. nayil-ccum/√-cengto/*-cengto-ccum [cf. (13a)] tomorrow.NOUN-APPR/-APPR.POST/ -APPR.POST-APPR * 9 “around tomorrow” c. cwungkan-ccum/√-cengto/*-cengto-ccum middle-APPR/-APPR.POST “approximately in the middle” d. [isip nyen-ina samsip nyen] √ -cengto/√-ccum [20[SK]-OR 30[SK] CLASS.year]-APPR.POST/-APPR “approximately 20 or 30 years” • can arguably be placed in the 1-st [Post] inflection slot in Table 3 (like -ccum, -cengto is possible in (12a-b), (13a); •• cannot be part of “multiple particle constructions”: (12b), (13a), cf. (6c) with -ccum; •• can attach case affixes (12a), (13b-c)5; (12) a. i-ccum-eyse hancam ca-psita [Martin 1992: 437] this-APPR-LOC short_sleep (go_to_)sleep-PROPOS √ i-cengto-eyse “Let us go to sleep somewhere (around) here” b. 2 nyen cen-ccum-chelem [from the Internet6] 2 year before.POST-APPR-COMPAR.PTCL √ cen-cengto-chelem “The same as approximately 2 years ago” 5 -Ccum, as in (12a), can attach case markers (quite rarely). S.-K. Hwang, who has found this example, judges the string [cen[N])-ccum-chelem] as marginally grammatical, whereas the opposite order [(cen[N])-chelem-ccum] as ungrammatical. 6 10 Table 3 [Rudnitskaya (in press)], based on [Cho, Sells 1995] (Stem) (Hon) (Plur) (Post) (Post) (Delim-1) -nim- -tul- -ey- -lo-man-/-kkaci-/-cocha(Delim-2) [(Cop)/(Mood/Quot)] -(n)un/-i/-ka/-to... [(-i)/ (-ta) (-ko)..] (13) a. Na-nun Mikwuk-ey han I-TOP America-LOC 1[SK] * tal-cengto-ccum/ -ccum-cengto CLASS.month-APPR.POST-APPR/ *-APPR-APPR.POST memwulu-l yeceng-i-Ø-ta stay-PART.FUT schedule-COP-PRES-DECL “I am scheduled to stay in America for around one more year” b. yak isip pwun-cengto(-lul) around[ADV] 20 CLASS.minute-APPR.POST(-ACC) ttui-ess-ta run-PAST-DECL “(He) jogged for around 20 minutes” c. Oleynci payk kay orange 100 cengto(-ka) CLASS APPR.POST(-NOM) cektangha-Ø-ta fit-PRES-DECL “Around 100 oranges are OK” [for this customer] 11 Table 4 (from [Hopper, Traugott 1993: 7]) Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 content word grammatical word clitic inflectional    affix Conclusion: cengto [written above as a separate word] is a full noun; -cengto in the APPR.POST grammatical use is a nominal stem, but it is partially grammaticalized (Step 2 in Table 4), loses some full noun features [independent word status, ability to have genitive modifiers] and acquires certain features of a phrasal particle. NAMCIS ‘APPR.POST.ODD’ [NK] • Meaning: • Grammatical features (similar to cengto): Postnominal, mostly7 in a grammatical use, not restricted to round numbers; 7 ‘a little more than’[SKLD 2008] (synonymous to –ye) (13a-c) -Namcis can also be used (similar to cengto’ta ‘to a degree that…’) as a base of a predicate: namcis-ha-ta ‘APPR.POST.ODD-do-PRED’: (i) Inlyuhak-uy yeksa-nun kyewu il anthropology-GEN history-TOP just one seyki namcis-ha-ta century APPR.POST.ODD-do-DECL “The history of anthropology is just a little more than 1 century [old]” 12 partially grammaticalized (14a-d). [similar to cengto in (11)-(13)] (14) a. han tal 1 namcis month APPR.POST.ODD “a little more than 1 month” b. Kamca-lul sip killo potatoes-ACC 10 kilo namcis-Ø APR.POST.ODD-ACC sa-ss-ta buy-PAST-DECL “(I) bought a little more than 10 kilograms potatoes” c. Ku-nun payk myeng namcis-eykey/-uy he-NOM 100 CLASS.man APPR.POST.ODD-DAT/-GEN cici-lul pat-ass-ta [cf. -cengto in (12a), (13b-c)] support-ACC get-PAST-DECL “He was supported by a little more 100 people.” namcis(√-ul) d. han tal(*-ul) * one month( ACC) [cf. -cengto in (11a)] APR.POST.ODD-ACC ku tosi-ey(se) sal-ass-ta this town-LOC live-PAST-DECL “I lived in this town a month and a little more” Conclusion: namcis is a grammaticalized nominal stem similar to -cengto; it is synonymous to the SK ‘approximateodd’ affix -ye. 13 5. Conclusions (a comparative Table) Table 5 YE SK CCUM CENGTO NK SK Origin APPR.ODD APPR Tag/ Meaning Grammatical DerivaPhrastatus tional affix sal particle Position Postnumeral NAMCIS NK APPR.POST APPR.POST. 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