Hiyas sa Kadayawan, Beautiful English
and Identities
Shiela Java-Guinal
Ateneo de Manila University/ Ateneo de Davao University, Philippines
: This paper explores the patterns of meanings that are found in the
Question and Answer (Q and A) segment of a local beauty pageant, Hiyas sa
Kadayawan, of which the contestants are representatives from Muslim and Lumad
tribes of Davao City. Using the analytical approaches of Systemic Functional
Linguistics (SFL), the paper aims to uncover recurring patterns and meanings
in the contestants’ answers, including the implied attitudes and positions held
by the contestants. The findings reveal that what comprises ‘beautiful language’
is the ability to articulate value positions in a manner that verbalizes a positive,
conforming attitude. However, while celebrating diversity, the pageant glosses over
cultural differences subsuming the contestants in a universalizing community.
: Beautiful English, beauty pageants, identities, Systemic Functional
Linguistics
Introduction
A
n indispensable Filipino badge of pride and honor, beauty pageants
have captured the interest of many researchers and scholars,
particularly from the fields of anthropology and sociology. Many
of these studies focus on discourses on culture and gender relations. Emily
Sotudeh (2016), for example, explores how beauty is tied up with culture
and power while Vianne Delfinado (2018) examines the ideals of feminine
beauty and the relation of beauty pageants with gender discourses. Very few,
however, have approached beauty pageants from a linguistic perspective that
focuses on the actual discourse or speech.
TAMBARA 35, No.2 (2018): 27-46
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© 2018 Ateneo de Davao University
Tambara 35 (December 2018)
This paper endeavors to fill this gap by investigating a local beauty
pageant called the Hiyas sa Kadayawan. Organized by the local government
of Davao, the pageant consists of female contestants representing the Lumad
and Muslim tribes of the city. This local pageant departs from mainstream
beauty contests in the choice of its contestants, who are all ethnic members
of an indigenous tribe. It is also unique as it does not follow the criteria for
judging used by mainstream beauty pageants such as the Binibining Pilipinas
which includes beauty of face and figure, as well as poise and personality.
Hiyas sa Kadayawan, on the other hand, highlights the cultural and advocacy
skills of the contestants.
Nevertheless, despite its noble objectives, this local pageant still conforms
to the status quo in that the contestants, while being proficient in their
mother tongues, are required to speak about themselves, their tribes and
cultures, using the English language. This makes the Hiyas sa Kadayawan, a
linguistic and social event that reflect the attitudes and the positions of the
contestants as members of a multilingual and a multicultural community.
Using the Systemic Functional Linguistic (SFL) approach, this paper analyzes
the utterances of the contestants inorder to uncover recurring patterns,
explore meanings, attitudes, and positions embedded in these utterances as
construed by their different linguistic choices.
Hiyas sa Kadayawan
The Hiyas sa Kadayawan is an annual pageant in Davao City held every
August during the Kadayawan Festival to celebrate the bountiful harvest
of the city. Ten years in the running, the pageant contestants are selected
from the eleven recognized ethnolinguistic tribes of Davao City namely: Ata
Manuvu, Ka’agan, K’lata (or Jangan), Maguindanao, Maranao, Matigsalog,
Ovu Manuvu, Sama, Tagabawa, Tausug and the Iranuns.
Unlike other beauty pageants, the Hiyas sa Kadayawan is different as it
is not simply concerned with physical beauty (Capistrano 2015). Instead,
it is meant to give recognition and appreciation to the indigenous peoples
of Davao who, although its first inhabitants, are now the minority. As
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Java-Guinal – Hiyas sa Kadayawan, Beautiful English and Identities
such, one of the most important characteristics of the contestant is that
she should have adopted the values, skills and attitude of the tribe she
represents in view of preserving her culture.
Each ethnolinguistic group is given the prerogative to choose its own
official representative who will best represent them. An unmarried female,
she is considered as the “Hiyas Finalist” or “Hiyas sa Kaliwatan” of the
group who has to attend the rehearsals, pictorials, guest appearances, and
performances. The approval of the Hiyas Finalists’ representation is obtained
through a written endorsement signed or thumb marked by the community’s
council of elders and/or deputy mayor.
The Hiyas sa Kadayawan contestants are judged in two phases—closed
door interview (65 percent) and Q and A during the pageant (35 percent).
The judges—composed of representatives from government agencies,
schools, and people who know about Davao’s history and culture—evaluate
the contestants according to the following criteria:
a) culture, arts and history proficiency (25 percent), which tests the
participants’ knowledge, recognition and understanding of the
shared history, language, traditions and practices of the indigenous
community they represent;
b) cultural skill (25 percent), which refers to the participants’ competence
of acquired indigenous knowledge expressed through cultural
performance;
c) advocacy and spokesperson qualities (25 percent), which refer to the
participants’ active participation in the issues of their communities..
[including their] communication skills; and
d) leadership attributes (25 percent) which refer to the ability to influence
others in thought and deeds towards achieving desired goals (Hiyas sa
Kadayawan Committee 2014).
Just like other mainstream pageants, the Hiyas sa Kadayawan uses
English during the Q and A. However, the type of questioning used is not
the typical yes-no, WH-questions. The pageant elicits ideas and answers from
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Tambara 35 (December 2018)
the contestants by showing them different images and landmarks related to
Davao City, after which they say anything they wish about the image without
the pressure of time limit.
Method
This paper uses the recorded audio-video Q and A of Hiyas sa Kadayawan
2012 pageant as its subject for analysis, which is available on Youtube.com.
The audio-video is transcribed by hand. According to Paul Baker (2006),
generally, written data are much easier to gather than spoken data because
portions of spoken texts are sometimes not clear, dialogues among participants
sometimes overlap, and the audio or video file must be rewound many times
so the person who transcribed can keep with the speed of speaking. With these
circumstances, the recorded audio-video of the pageant is downloaded and
then is uploaded to Transcribe.com, an online software used to transcribe data,
which has delay features that slow down dialogues, allowing the typist to keep
up with the spoken pace. This paper only uses the transcribed texts, the product
of transcription minus the paralinguistic elements previously mentioned.
The linguistic analysis of the utterances is done through the SFL approach,
which involves a systematic analysis of linguistic choices, their context, the
linguistic options and the meaning—making processes in the texts. The paper
focuses specifically on a method within SFL, the Appraisal framework, which
is used in investigating social relationships. The system of appraisal (Martin
and White 2005) consists of three sub-systems—Attitude, Graduation, and
Engagement—and this paper only investigates Attitude.
Attitude, the system of meanings that evaluates feelings, incorporates
three semantic regions: affect (expressing feelings of the appraiser), judgment
(judging people’s character or behavior) and appreciation (evaluating the
worth of things). To analyze the units below the clauses (or sentence in
traditional grammar) that are found in the transcribed texts, the nominal
group analysis is applied. To analyze the system that comprises the whole
clause, the analysis of transitivity is used. Lastly, to analyze interpersonal
meanings, appraisal is used.
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Results and Discussion
The dominant qualifiers
Out of the seven functions under the nominal group, qualifiers (words
that describe) dominate with thirty-five clauses and twenty-six prepositional
phrases. The table below shows samples of a clause and a prepositional phrase
that function as qualifiers. The types of clauses and prepositional phrases in
the corpus vary although they serve a similar function, which is to describe
the object presented to the contestants.
A
Good
Leader
to the young people of their culture
Deictic
Epithet
Thing
Qualifier
det
adjective
Noun
Prepositional Phrase
That
Maiden
wearing their costumes
Deictic
Thing
Qualifier
Det
Noun
Clause
Seven out of the ten contestants employ the most number of qualifiers.
These are contestant numbers two, four, five, six, eight, nine and ten who use a
maximum of eight to seven qualifiers in their answers. Contestant number two,
who is crowned as Hiyas sa Kadayawan, employs eight qualifiers. Contestant
numbers ten and four, who are declared the first and second runners up, both
use seven qualifiers. The frequency of qualifiers found in the answers of the
top three winners means that the use of more qualifiers somehow matters in
choosing the winners of the pageant. These qualifiers expand the ideas presented
by the contestants in discussing the image projected for them.
Qualifiers usually occur at the end due to the textual management of ‘flow
of information’ within the nominal group (Martin et al. 2010). They extend
the clause making it appear lengthy and intricate. The use of phrases and
clauses as a grammatical device is a way of packing information by modifying
and expanding what is being discussed and described by the contestants. There
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Tambara 35 (December 2018)
is an abundance of pre-modifiers (epithets and classifiers) or post-modifiers
(qualifiers) in English grammar because they provide more meanings for the
Thing (word being described). In this pageant, it is the post modifier that
dominates the genre of pageant answers where contestants provide more than
one qualifier to describe a single thing.
Lily Fillmore and Charles Fillmore (2012, 68) assert that “[e]laboration
of nouns is extremely frequent in informational and expository prose, but
is relatively rare in spoken language.” The opposite occurs in the spoken
answers of the Hiyas sa Kadayawan contestants. The contestants’ answers are
spoken yet use plenty of qualifiers to elaborate their answers through phrases
and clauses embedded in the clause as post-modifiers.
The employment of lengthy post-modifiers in the form of phrases and
clauses of the contestants indicate that they elaborate on their answers
intensively inorder to appear ‘knowledgeable’ of the image presented to them.
The contestants also appeared prepared regarding the facts about the images.
This may mean that they were informed about the images beforehand yet
they were asked to pick only one among the different images during the Q
and A. Since answers might have been prepared beforehand, they could have
committed to their memory the possible details and used these to elaborate
their answers. This reflects the lack of depth and substantial arguments in
their answers despite their lengthy discussions. The answers revolve around
trivial descriptions and factual elaborations only but the pros, cons and
critical issues related to the images are not discussed. The nominal groups
below show how a particular contestant uses seven qualifiers to describe a
picture shown to her.
The city hall of Davao
More than just a landmark;
the home of our local government unit;
with 182 barangays;
three legislative districts;
that the local government unit of Davao City
A head by the national government in many ways
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As shown in these examples, the preponderance of qualifiers to expand a
single picture creates an image of being articulate and knowledgeable about
the topic. However, this is not only done through qualifiers. The nominal
analysis also shows that following qualifiers in number is deictic (forty-three)
and thing (forty-four). This however is expected since qualifiers need a thing
to modify and a deictic needs a thing to contextualize.
The dominant relational clause
The findings of the transitivity analyses show that the most number of
processes used by the contestants is relational with forty-four out of sixty-one
processes. Below are extracts from the answers where the words “shows” and
“symbolize” are repeatedly used by all of the contestants.
That that picture
symbolize
the culture
Token
Relational
Value
It
is
the home of our local government unit
with 182 barangays and
three legislative districts
Token
Relational
Value
Cir: Accompaniment
That picture
shows
one of the active volcano
highest mountain in the
Philippines at 9,692 feet
Token
Relational
Cir: Matter
Value
It
also symbolizes
the beauty of our beloved Davao City
Token
Relational
Value
There are two principal relational clause types (Martin 2010)—attribution
and identification. Attributive clause includes a carrier and an attribute while
the identifying involves a token and value. The results show that identification
is consistently used in the answers of the contestants. Identification is the
categorizing of symbolization. It dwells on the abstraction of relating things
symbolically. The use of identification as relational processes by the contestants
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Tambara 35 (December 2018)
indicates that all their answers are at first literal but later on evolve into
something symbolical as their answers progress.
Also, there are typical kinds of meaning relations that involve token and
value roles (Martin et al. 2010, 105) Since pinpointing token and value is
the main goal in recognizing identification, it must be clearly understood
that token and value may take different roles depending on the context and
situation. Based on the results, the recurring word “show” takes “expression” as
a token and “content” as a value. This means that the projected images are first
identified literally by the contestants through their common name, scientific
name, statistical facts, etc. This according to Geoff Thompson (2014), is the
role of token and value where value is more generalized and token is more
specific. Secondly, the contestants expand their answers by going beyond the
literal discussions through figurative representations and meanings of the
images shown to them.
The relational process that dominates this corpus presents two parts
regarding their answers, that is, “something is being said to be something else”
(Haliday 1994). It means that the contestants try to establish a relationship
between two separate entities: The object provided for them to discuss and the
significance of the object beyond its practicality and materiality. The setting up
of this relationship is the role of relational process.
Initially, the contestants mention the objects, which are labeled as the
token that usually appears as literal descriptions or names. After which value
is given which appears as symbolical discussion or general information about
the images. This is where the contestants express personal observations and
opinions on how the images have become significant symbols of Davao City
and its people. The symbolisms they all use imply the inclusion of everyone
who resides in Davao yet at the same time the exclusion of those who are
not. It also entails that these symbolisms are universal, which may mean that
all answers are considerably correct as long as they adhere to the universal
symbolism that everybody agrees with. Hence, the contestants’ answers tend
to please everyone and encourage everyone to agree. Value in this context then
is the generalization of the symbolisms that Davao community shares, realized
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in the answers of the contestants, and assessed by the judges on whether they
agree or disagree with the commonly shared symbolisms. The length, therefore,
does not necessarily equate to content. And the deviation from the commonly
shared symbolism seems unacceptable. These claims correspond to the results
of the appraisal analyses found in the succeeding discussion.
Remarkably, there are other repeating clauses. These clauses mean the same,
however, the contestants express them in different ways. The clause “That is all”
is used four times by four different contestants and the clause “that would be
all” is used thrice also by different contestants while another variant of it where
the connector “and” is added and used twice (“And that would be all”).
That
Is
All
Token
Relational
Value
This recurrence of similar clauses in varying structures suggests that the
contestants tend to follow a particular framework of closing their answers,
like a default system that they cannot avoid. They may have taken this clause
after the traditions of other pageants where the expression is expected. These
produce stock expressions, which later on have lost their essential meaning
and effect due to repetition. The proliferation of such expressions in pageants
entails that portions of the answers given by the contestants are hardly
thought of. It means that they only tend to repeat what had been used in the
past. They do not create genuine expressions that would make them stand
out from the rest. Instead, they cling to pageant traditions, copy the same
format of answering, and rephrase or just pepper it with ideas related to the
theme or to what has been asked. But the proliferation of stock expressions
in the answers of the contestants may not be their fault. This may be due to
the traditions and practices that are involved in the genre of beauty pageants
passed on to them by their trainers during the pre-pageant.
One contestant avoids using the clause by greeting the audience using
another clichéd festival greeting: “Malipayong pagsaulog sa Kadayawan
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Tambara 35 (December 2018)
Madayaw Dabaw” (Happy celebration of Kadayawan Beautiful Davao.) It is
an attempt to be different from the rest yet at the same time still sounding
relevant. However, this clause still clings to the cliché of using a festival
greeting that every event host, political leader or guest has used over the
years in addressing a gathering of audience every Kadayawan festival. This
is yet again another adherence to what the society expects the contestant are
supposed to do. This leads to the supposition that the contestants, even in
closing and ending their answers, still adhere to the traditions of pageants
where expressions like these are commonly exploited. These clichéd clauses
precede another overused expression that appeared in all of the contestants’
answers as the closing statement.
Additionally, there is an occurrence of another repeated expression that
is found in most of the answers of the contestants. Consistently, all the
contestants end their answers by expressing gratitude toward the audience
and the organizers or to the chance of being heard or for the opportunity of
being able to speak—the possible reasons could be endless.
(I) thank you.
Expression
In all of the instances that the expression is used the speaker is ellipsed.
The target “you” of the word “thank” generally addresses the audience present
during the pageant. This expression can be heard across contexts and situations
and is a staple closing or introducing element of any spoken speech. This is not
a unique feature of this pageant as answers in many other pageants follow the
norms of any spoken speech where “thank you” is automatically included. Its
presence in almost all spoken instances reaches a point of staleness where it loses
its value and sincerity. Similarly, the clause has lost its impact and effectiveness
by becoming a stock answer. Again, this expression is commonly found in the
genre of beauty pageant Q and A segments.
This second clichéd expression found in all the answers of the contestants
mean that their answers follow a particular pattern. This pattern appears
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in all answers and may also appear in other types of pageants other than
Hiyas sa Kadayawan. This implies that Q and A in pageants is not a test of
wit and of intelligence. It is all about the creation of beautiful and pleasing
clauses in the answers yet following the same framework of answering by
beginning and ending them similarly. It further entails that in order for
clauses to sound and appear beautiful and pleasing to the audience, greetings
and words of gratitude are included in the answers. These greetings may not
carry essential and critical contents yet they set contexts of good dispositions
and positive perceptions.
The dominant positive appraisal
Affect, a category under the subsystem attitude of the appraisal
framework, refers to the feelings of people (Martin and Rose 2007) which
vary in two general ways: Good or bad. Therefore affect is categorized as
either positive or negative. The appraisal analyses of the answers by the
pageant contestants, particularly affect, is 100 percent positive, which means
that not one contestant expresses any negative feelings toward their objects
of discussions. For instance, contestant number three appraises Davao City
positively by using the word “beloved” to express her feelings of love for the
city. This indicates the contestant’s happiness and satisfaction while living in
the city. This happiness can be traced back to the recognition of the tribes by
the city council, cementing their peaceful and happy coexistence in the city.
Appraiser
Appraised
Affect
Contestant 3
Davao City
Beloved (+)
Contestant number two, on the other hand, appraises herself by using the
positive affects ‘honored’ and ‘dignified’. The word ‘honored’ is commonly
used by speakers when they are given the chance to speak in special events,
therefore it is expected that the term may come out in the answer. However,
semantically, the second word “dignified” is erroneously used in the context
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Tambara 35 (December 2018)
to describe her feelings. Contextually, it is wrongly used in the answer to refer
to her emotion towards herself. This may mean that the contestant is either
confused on what to say along with the term ‘honored’ or lacks the ability in
putting her ideas effectively in clauses.
Appraiser
Appraised
Affect
Contestant 2
I
Honored (+)
Dignified (+)
Nevertheless, despite the obvious semantic error in the contestant’s answer,
this did not hinder the contestant from winning the pageant. Grammar
and meaning in Hiyas sa Kadayawan pageant is not entirely the bases for
choosing the winner. Judges of pageants, like the Hiyas sa Kadayawan,
may not be necessarily conscious of spotting grammar or meaning errors as
long as the contestant can confidently deliver her answer in accordance to
the judges’ expectations.
The judges may have been considerate knowing that the candidates are
representing the tribal minorities of the city. Although one criterion of the
pageant is the candidates’ capacity to express themselves in English, what is
more important is for them to share to everyone their culture and traditions.
So, it seems tolerable for contestants to commit linguistic errors as shown
precisely in declaring as winner contestant number two.
Another category, judgment—the judging of people’s character—is also
analyzed. Like affect, judgment is either negative or positive. If affect tends
to be very personal, judgment on the other hand “differ between personal
judgments of admiration or criticism and moral judgments of praise and
condemnation” (Martin and Rose 2007, 32). Generally, the answers of the
contestants are highly positive.
First, moral judgments of praise are found in their answers. In the
example below, contestant one positively appraises “maiden”—the projected
image for her to discuss. Contestant one judges the maiden’s moral character
as respectful. She mentions that the wearing of the traditional dress of the
maiden shows her respect to the tribe. Also, contestant five appraises the
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“Philippine eagle” as “honorable” while comparing it to the trait of her own
Bagobo Klata tribe. More likely a human than animal trait, “honorable” is
perhaps attributed to the eagle’s being highly monogamous.
Appraiser
Appraised
Judgment
Contestant 1
Maiden
Respectful
Contestant 5
Philippine Eagle/ Bagobo Klata
Honorable
Second, the contestants’ answers also show personal judgments of
admiration. Contestant five continues to appraise the Philippine eagle and
her tribe Bagobo Klata as “great and brave.” It is another effort from a member
of a minority to advocate for recognition of her tribe.
Appraiser
Appraised
Judgment
Contestant 5
Philippine Eagle / Bagobo Klata
Great, Brave
Although some judgments in the answers of the contestants appear as
initially negative, when analyzed more closely, these words entail positive
meanings. Below are some of the examples.
Appraiser
Appraised
Judgment
Contestant 9
Culture and tradition
Differences
Contestant 10
Festival
Diverse
Cultural and heritage
Diverse
Contestant nine appraises “culture and tradition” by identifying them
with “differences.” Contestant ten appraises “festival, culture and heritage”
by judging them as “diverse.” Their literal meanings often have negative
associations—say, conflict and misunderstanding. However, in the contexts
of the contestants’ answers, these terms only describe what is obviously
different and diverse. These implies that despite the obvious differences and
diverse culture, they gather as one community to celebrate a festival where
each one is recognized fairly and equally.
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Lastly, appreciation is the last type of attitude that shows values given
to things. As with affect and judgments, appreciation can be positive or
negative (Martin and Rose 2007, 37). In the Q and A, the contestants are
shown images which they then describe. The appreciation of the contestants
is generally positive. To illustrate, contestant one appraises “culture, leader
and people” by describing culture as alive, the leader as good, and the people
as young. She gives only positive values to the different aspects of the society
based on one image.
Appraiser
Appraised
Appreciation
Contestant 1
Culture
Alive
Leader
Good
People
Young
Although appreciation in the answers are said to be generally positive,
there is one instance when an image is valued negatively. However, the negative
valuation is made inorder to highlight the positive side. The image of durian is
negatively valued for its unpleasant physical appearance and smell. But, these
are only used to highlight the positive and most important aspect of the fruit—
its extraordinary and heavenly taste. As a whole, the valuation is still positive.
Appraiser
Appraised
Appreciation
Contestant eight
Durian
Looks like hell, smells like hell, tastes like
heaven
In sum, the appraisal of the attitude on the answers of the pageant
contestants is highly positive. Not one among the ten contestants has negative
affect, judgment and appreciation. The images shown to the contestants
which are the bases of their discussions are emblems and landmarks of Davao
City. This means that anything associated to and with Davao City is highly
regarded by the contestants.
All of these imply that a beauty pageant is one among the many stage
productions that only values positive comments and ideas, so that negative
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appraisal can cause defeat. This practice is reflective of the primary goal of
stage shows—that is, to please the audience. Interestingly, the judges expect
only positive answers from the contestants as well. Otherwise, they will rate
the contestants’ answers unfavorably. This is a cycle that no contestant has
dared to break for doing so surely guarantees not winning the coveted title.
The Hiyas sa Kadayawan is a concrete example of this reality. The recurring
of positive appraisals indicates that the contestants are not encouraged to
become critical of the issues related to the image or question. They only have
to adhere and conform to what the society dictates, so that they would have
better chances of winning. Also, the positive appraisals reflect how members
of the minorities are overly conscious of not offending anyone. Honesty
about the issues related to the topics is barred inorder to avoid conflict. The
positive appraisal could be part of the efforts of the different tribes in the city
to continually coexist despite the difficult realities that they face.
Patterning of answers
The recurring sets of texts within the answers of the Hiyas sa Kadayawan
pageant contestants create a cohering structure with obligatory and optional
elements similar to Micheal Halliday and Ruqaiya Hassan’s (1985) Generic
Structure Potential (GSP) of “service encounters.” The pattern below is
inspired by GSP but does not take GSP as its entire basis since the pattern
in ‘service encounters’ is entirely different from the patterns found in beauty
pageants. Also, the bracket symbols are given distinct meanings by the
researcher and do not follow the original symbols of GSP. However, the caret
(^) symbol means the same, indicating sequence.
(greeting)^[process{token}^(circumstance)^{value}]^{closing}^(greeting)^{gratitude}
(optional)^[occurs {may occur}^(optional)^{may occur}]^{occurs}^(optional)^{occurs}
^ Indicates sequence
( ) Optional, may not be used by all contestants
{ } May occur yet may be replaced with other types
[ ] Occurs yet may be replaced with other kinds
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The pattern identified above recurs generally in all the answers of the
contestants. Pageant answers tend to begin with an optional greeting,
employ an obligatory process which is commonly dominated by relational
type thus ‘token-circumstance-value’ order may occur repeatedly within the
answer. Then, the contestants close their answers with the obligatory closing
clause, followed by an optional greeting and the obligatory gratitude. Other
types of pageants with their different methods of Q and A may generate
different structures as genres generally differ and vary.
This pattern recurs in the answers of Hiyas sa Kadayawan pageant
contestants. The answers of the contestants are merely repetitions despite the
differences in the images shown to them. Their answers appear structurally
the same and the contents are merely generalized, expanded descriptions.
Further Implications
Lack of critical thinking
The pattern in the manner of answering by the contestants implies that
each conforms to a culture of answering that has been practiced over the years
and that no one has dared violate such a tradition. Likewise, the highly positive
appraisal of attitudes is indicative of conformity. The positive appraisals satisfy
and please everyone in the audience who witness the pageant including the
judges. The contestants remain positive in responding to the images shown to
them, which reflect their positive feelings, judgment and appreciation. Not
one among the ten contestants expresses otherwise. Each contestant takes a safe
choice of answering by avoiding critical answers, which involves discussions
of negative realities. The evasion from discussing negative realities shows that
answers in pageants are not well thought of, and are only lengthy sugarcoated
clauses. There may be somehow reflections in their answers but such reflections
always take the positive and safe choices. The contestants are seemingly afraid
to be misjudged as partisans the moment they take critical sides of the image
or issues related to the image. They seem to take the stance of ideal women—
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beautiful inside through their kind and positive thoughts and beautiful outside
through their lengthy, intelligent-sounding answers.
Laura Lehmann, crowned as Miss World Philippines 2017 during an
interview on the criticisms of beauty pageants says that “[i]t’s more of teaching
women to be confident in themselves, and to have a mind, have a voice, to
be confident to speak out what they really have to say.” This implies that
contestants are encouraged to speak their thoughts and voices on certain issues
raised to them during the Q and A. This means that there has to be a place for
critical thinking in beauty pageants.
David Willingham (2007, 8), a psychologist, argues that critical thinking is
“seeing both sides of an issue, being open to new evidence that disconfirms your
ideas, reasoning dispassionately, demanding that claims be backed by evidence,
deducing and inferring conclusions from available facts, solving problems,
and so forth.” Anchoring on this definition, the answers of the contestants do
not display critical thinking. The contestants only see one side, which is the
positive side of the objects presented to them.
Based on the appraisal analyses of their answers, three out of ten
contestants express affect by disclosing their feelings and emotions in their
answers but none of the contestants have provided any evidence to support
their claims. They merely play around with symbolisms to expound their
answers. However, part of the reason for this lack of critical view of the
contestants can be attributed to the fact that the images shown during the Q
and A are Davao City’s landmarks representing its culture and heritage. So, it
is highly expected that contestants tend to limit the content of their answers
only with good, beautiful and positive ideas.
Use of English
Meanwhile, the contestants are expected to be able to translate their
answers from their mother tongue into English. They must be able to express
their thoughts effectively and beautifully in English so that the judges—who
do not speak the contestant’s native language—will be able to understand
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Tambara 35 (December 2018)
them. However, this means that those who cannot speak effective and
beautiful English would have the least chances of winning.
In the Philippines, English is the language of prestige and social mobility
(Tupas 2008) such that it dominates schools as a medium of instruction.
When there were reports of deterioration in English competence, parents
called for the renewal of teaching in English (Gonzales 2008, 22). Indeed,
English is given more importance compared to other known languages
across the country.
Beauty pageants most particularly the Hiyas sa Kadayawan are no exception
to this. In the latter, the contestants representing their tribes are made to
prove their competence in the use of English as a medium of communication
in the Q and A. They have to impress everyone, particularly the judges, with
answers expressed in good English. Words have to be enunciated properly
and sentences have to be grammatically correct. As such, contestants who
can deliver responses and answers in English crafted more beautifully have
greater chances of winning. Furthermore, the contestants’ answers must be
captivating and convincing, that is, volume, speaking rate, pitch, as well as
hesitations and pauses are applied to suggest confidence in their answers.
These are the universal traditions of using English effectively and beautifully
to which the contestants try to conform, albeit unsuccessfully.
Conclusion
The Functional Grammar analyses of the answers of the contestants
show that qualifiers embedded in clauses which functions as post-modifiers
dominate the nominal results. These qualifiers are the value generated in the
token-value results of transitivity analysis. Token and value are subsumed
under relational processes which overshadows other types of processes.
Furthermore, a recurring expression in the closing clauses of the contestants is
found when they say “Thank you.” The dominant phrasal and clause qualifiers
in nominal are also the prevailing token-value relationship in relational
process of transitivity analyses. Moreover, the appraisal of the contestants’
attitude in their answers reveals only positive attitude. The contestants give
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Java-Guinal – Hiyas sa Kadayawan, Beautiful English and Identities
only positive affect, judgment and appreciation of the images and symbols
that are related to Davao City.
Considering these results, one can argue that power is awarded to English
as the contestants’ lingua franca. More power is bestowed upon contestants
who could deliver responses and answers in English crafted more lengthily
and therefore, beautifully. Answering in beautiful English is no way similar
to answering critically. Ideally, effective and beautiful English must carry
critical content. However, the latter seems neglected unintentionally in
the pageants’ Q and A where thinking critically is not a requisite to win.
Conformity becomes the trend. Conforming to what the society—audience,
judges, and organizers—expects, to what the society thinks is good, ideal
and beautiful, qualifies any contestant to win. Hence, the beautiful English
controls the hegemony of pageants.
Somehow the concept of Hiyas sa Kadayawan as a pageant aims to challenge
the dominant “Christian” concept of beauty and to give recognition and
appreciation for the unique identities of the Davao tribes and their women.
Unfortunately, the pageant failed to achieve this goal especially when the
contestants succumb to the notion that beautiful women must be articulate,
speak only kind and positive thoughts, and use good English despite their
limitations. The contestants in the end succumb to the existing standards of
acceptance and respectability. They brave the standards of the hegemony in
order to be recognized and “included” in the community.
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