Jesuit Libraries
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Brill Research Perspectives in
Jesuit Studies
Editor
Robert A. Maryks (Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań)
Editorial Board
Ariane Boltanski (Université Rennes 2)
Carlos Eire (Yale University)
Alison Fleming (Winston-Salem State University)
Paul Grendler (University of Toronto, emeritus)
Stephen Schloesser, S.J. (Loyola University Chicago)
The Brill Research Perspectives in Jesuit Studies series invites leading scholars
in Jesuit studies to reflect on their fields of expertise. It complements the
related Brill publications: the Journal of Jesuit Studies, the Jesuit Studies book
series, and the Jesuit Historiography Online.
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/rpjss
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Jesuit Libraries
By
Kathleen M. Comerford
LEIDEN | BOSTON
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the following institutions:
– Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City, Philippines
– College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Massachusetts (USA)
– Georgia Southern University, Statesboro, Georgia (USA)
– Jesuit Historical Institute in Africa, Nairobi, Kenya
– Le Moyne College, Syracuse, New York (USA)
– Saint Louis University, St. Louis, Missouri (USA)
– Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, California (USA)
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Copyright 2023 by Kathleen M. Comerford. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
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Contents
Acknowledgments 1
Introduction 1
1 Libraries before the Suppression 16
2 Libraries during the Suppression 31
3 Libraries after the Restoration 44
Conclusion 57
Bibliography 71
Archival Sources 71
Printed Sources 72
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Jesuit Libraries
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the many librarians and archivists I have relied on for the
length of my academic career. Alas, I learned the name of very few of them;
those who work at circulation and distribution desks represent a small percentage of those employed by such institutions. In addition, the research collections that supported this and my other work over the decades are the result
of decades, and in some cases centuries, of careful preservation, organization,
and other forms of service to the print and manuscript heritage of the world.
Georgia Southern University has been my professional home since 1999
and has supported my work steadily throughout those years. This includes
being an institutional sponsor of the RPJSS series, starting in 2021. I thank
the Department of History, the Henderson Library, the College of Arts and
Humanities, and the University Office of Research for their contributions, and
Brill and Robert A. Maryks for the series itself.
Introduction
Scholars have depended on collections of written material in some form for
millennia. While in the twenty-first century, more and more institutions refer
to such collections as “Learning Commons” to reflect more accurately the
availability of multiple media formats, institutions called libraries have a long
history of acting as repositories not only of books but also of art, unbound
documents, periodical literature, audio and video recordings, and other artifacts. Libraries are and were also meeting places, both in the literal sense that
they are shared spaces for those engaging in similar pursuits, and in the more
metaphorical sense that they provide an opportunity for patrons to encounter
and engage with representations of the wider world, in its variety of languages,
customs, preferences, achievements, and so on. In short, libraries gather, preserve, exchange, and expand knowledge. They serve as storehouses of information (like archives), but also as creators of knowledge, both because of the
roles their staffs have adopted in collecting, curating, and displaying their contents, and because at times they have refused or failed to collect or display
certain items. They may be public, restricted, or private; they may be dedicated
to a particular branch of knowledge or attempt to be encyclopedic. They are,
thus, dynamic and eminently useful measures of the intellectual and financial
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health of an institution, organization, or community. In 2012, R. David Lankes,
director of the University of South Carolina’s School of Information Science,
tweeted “Bad libraries build collections. Good libraries build services (of which
a collection is only one). Great libraries build communities.”1 One could also
argue that communities or organizations that build libraries have a claim to
greatness, as the endeavor is one that honors the past, supports the present,
and plans for the future.
The Society of Jesus developed a tradition of librarianship at the beginning
of its existence, knowing that its stated purposes, expressed in the Formula of
the Institute (1540) as “to strive especially for the progress of souls in Christian
life and doctrine and for the propagation of the faith by the ministry of the
word, by spiritual exercises and works of charity, and specifically by the education of children and unlettered persons in Christianity,” depended on both
good training and on the availability of reference works.2 Those who were not
taught well, and who did not have access to good reference material, could not
teach well. Those who were charged with such weighty tasks as administering the sacraments needed to consult theological tomes occasionally. Those
who preached needed both models of rhetoric and texts that would help them
interpret the scriptures. Those who traveled to the global missions needed to
gather material for teaching, administration of the sacraments, preaching, and
their own spiritual guidance. As such, Jesuit colleges and houses from their
inception needed large collections for reference and support. The question of
what those collections should contain did not have a straightforward answer,
though, and over the centuries in which the Society has existed, the matter has
only gotten more complicated. This short narrative will address the multifaceted question of what a Jesuit library has been and is, exploring the operations
and contents of institutions around the world, limited for the most part to the
universities.3
1 R. David Lankes, Twitter post, February 6, 2021, 9:16 am, https://twitter.com/rdlankes/status
/166525664319639552 (accessed August 4, 2022).
2 George E. Ganss et al., trans., The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus and Their Complementary
Norms: A Complete English Translation of the Official Latin Texts (St. Louis, MO: Institute of
Jesuit Sources, 1996), 3–13, https://jesuitportal.bc.edu/research/documents/1540_formula
(accessed August 4, 2022).
3 Although one can consider the collections of individual Jesuits under this umbrella term
“Jesuit libraries,” we are focused on institutional repositories. The distinction in some cases
was blurry, because of the question of what constitutes “ownership” in an organization that
is communal in nature. The library of the Colegio de San Pablo (Lima, Peru) in the midseventeenth century illustrates this point. In the 1630s, Antonio Vásquez (dates unknown),
provincial of Peru (and later rector of the colegio, for at least part of 1649), complained that
Jesuits both lent out their own books with abandon to laypeople and took their books with
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Jesuit Libraries
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What is—or was—a Jesuit Library?4 Can we identify collection practices
specific to the Society? In general, Jesuit libraries were not, in their beginnings,
especially different from those of other religious orders: they collected books
on various kinds of theology, philosophy, and the mathematical, scientific, and
artistic disciplines.5 At the time of the foundation of the earliest colleges, no
them when they were moved to other colleges, practices he considered contrary to religious
discipline. Nearly three decades later, the visitor Andrés de Rada (1601–72) found the same
abuses. Concerned that the public would question the Jesuit commitment to poverty if they
knew that members of the Society owned multiple books, he took dramatic action, ordering
“every volume existing within the walls of the college to be stamped with the name of San
Pablo and the mark of the common library. If anybody alleged that his books were borrowed
from lay friends and did not belong to the Jesuits, he was commanded to give them back
to their rightful owners within the term of six days. Also within the term of six days every
one [sic] in the college was to give a complete list of all his books to the librarian.” Thus,
Rada (in effect) seized ownership of all private books. These exhortations had little impact.
Indeed, at the time of the suppression, royal officials found at least five Jesuits with personal
libraries of over one hundred books; another group of at least three had more than fifty.
The common library at that time held over twenty-five thousand volumes. Luís Martín, The
Intellectual Conquest of Peru: The Jesuit College of San Pablo, 1568–1767 (New York: Fordham
University Press, 1968), 82–85. On private Jesuit libraries see, e.g., Emilia Recéndez Guerrero,
“Bibliotecas particulares de los jesuitas en Zacatecas siglo XVIII” [Private libraries of the
Jesuits in Zacatecas, eighteenth century], in Leer en tiempos de la Colonia: Imprenta, bibliotecas y lectores en la Nueva España [Reading in colonial times: Printing, libraries, and readers in New Spain], ed. Maria Idalia García Aguilar and Pedro J. Rueda Ramírez (México, DF:
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2010), 237–51, and Lorenzo Mancini, “‘Piccola,
ma sufficiente per li miei studi’: La biblioteca del cardinale Roberto Bellarmino; Prime
ricerche e censimento degli esemplari postillati” [Small, but sufficient for my studies: The
library of Cardinal Roberto Bellarmino; Early research and a census of annotated exemplars]
Bibliothecae.it 10, no. 1 (2021): 70–174, https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2283-9364/13068 (accessed
August 4, 2022).
4 For a broad historiographical introduction to the question, see Noël Golvers, “Jesuit Libraries
in the Old and the New Society of Jesus as a Historiographical Theme,” in Engaging Sources:
The Tradition and Future of Collecting History in the Society of Jesus, ed. Cristiano Casalini,
Emanuele Colombo, and Seth Meehan (Boston: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2021), https://doi
.org/10.51238/ISJS.2019.07 (accessed August 4, 2022). See also Golvers, “The Library Catalogue
of Diogo Valente’s Book Collection in Macau (1633): A Philological and Bibliographical
Analysis,” Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies 13 (December 2006): 7–43; Golvers,
“‘Bibliotheca in cubiculo’: The ‘Personal’ Library of Western Books of Jean-François Foucquet,
S.J., in Peking (Beitang, 1720) and the Intertextual Situation of a Jesuit Scholar in China,”
Monumenta serica 58 (2010): 249–80; and Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China:
Circulation of Western Books between Europe and China in the Jesuit Mission (ca. 1650–ca. 1750),
3 vols. (Leuven: F. Verbiest Institute, 2012–15).
5 Among the more comprehensive comparative studies of the librarianship of religious orders
is Fernanda Maria Alves da Silva Guedes de Campos, “Bibliotecas de história: Aspectos
da posse e uso dos livros em instituições religiosas de Lisboa nos finais do século XVIII”
[Libraries of history: Aspects of the possession and use of books in religious institutions of
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guidelines for building libraries in either colleges or professed houses existed,
and yet the colleges were supposed to have libraries for the use of both students and members of the Society. The earliest Society documents say little
about what books their houses and colleges should own, yet they do begin to
carve out a set of imprecise, but practical, customs for collection that would
support the work of the Jesuits at home and abroad. The College of Coimbra’s
1545–46 Regula (Rule) required the librarian to keep records of book circulation and to maintain the volumes; that of the Roman College (1551) was more
vague, noting only that the institution must keep “sufficient” books to support
the subjects taught there. The 1553–54 “Orden de la escuelas de la Compañia
cuanto a las costumbres” (Rules for the schools of the company, regarding customs [of education]) states that all colleges and professed houses were obliged
to keep a catechism along with either the Imitatio Christi (Imitation of Christ)
“or other devotional work,” and other unspecified volumes.6 Jerónimo Nadal’s
(1507–80) 1566 Instructions Presented to the Provincial of the Rhine required that
Lisbon at the end of the eighteenth century] (PhD diss., Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2013),
and more recently Luana Giurgevich, “Visiting Old Libraries: Scientific Books in the Religious
Institutions of Early Modern Portugal,” Early Science and Medicine 21 (2019): 252–72. The literature on the library collections of religious orders is vast and closely tied to the study of
the universities and cloisters associated with these orders. Many religious orders established
in the Middle Ages had larger manuscript collections than the Jesuits did, but the subjects
on which they accumulated texts were very closely related, because of the similarity in missions. Rebecca A. Sigmon, “Reading like a Nun: The Composition of Convent Libraries in
Renaissance Europe,” Journal of Religious and Theological Information 10 (2011): 81–102, provides a historiographical overview into the women’s side of the issue, and Paulo J.S. Barata
looks in depth at that question for Portugal in “As livrarias dos mosteiros e conventos femininos portugueses após a sua extincão: Uma aproximacão a uma história por fazer” [The libraries of Portuguese female monasteries and convents after their eradication: An approach to
writing a history], Lusitania sacra 24 (2011): 125–52. While literacy was important for much
of the work of nuns, female monastic libraries were considerably smaller than their Jesuit
counterparts and contained a larger percentage of writing by women, including copies made
and illustrated by scribal nuns as well as original works on theology, history, and literature
written by residents of the houses. See esp. 82, 84–86, 88–96.
6 Dionysius Fernández Zapica, ed., Constitutiones et Regulae Societatis Iesu, vol. 4 of 4, Regulae
Societatis Iesu (1540–1556) (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu [henceforth MHSI],
1948). The Rule for the College of Coimbra is found in both Portuguese and Latin as Mon. 20,
on 58–61; that for the Roman College is Mon. 63, paragraph 11, 270–71; “Orden de la escuelas
de la Compañia cuanto a las costumbres,” is Mon. 98A, paragraph 68, 500. See also Mon. 94:
Officio [sic] del que tiene cargo de la librería (1554–54) [Duties of the person in charge of the
library], 477–79, from the Regulae in Hispania et Lusitania a P. Natal annis 1553–54 promulgate
[Rules in Spain and Portugal promulgated by (Jerónimo) Nadal, 1553–54]. For more on the
earliest developments of Jesuit librarianship, at Coimbra in the 1540s, see Natale Vacalebre,
“‘Como un hospital bien ordenado’: Alle origini del modello bibliotecario della Compagnia di
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Jesuit Libraries
5
general books […] necessary for our student brothers are to be […] put
in some place common to all. All the others are to be put in some room
whose key is in the possession of the librarian, and entrance is to be
allowed at the direction of the rector to those for whom it is proper.
In 1567–68, Nadal expanded on these instructions for the leadership of the
college in Leuven, directing them to hold “not only lexicons and the ordinary
commentators on philosophy and literature, and the common doctors of scholastic theology, but also the Glossa Ordinaria, St. Gregory, St. Bernard, and others if it seems good,” but to avoid other texts, including anything written by the
Dutch humanist Desiderius Erasmus (c.1466–1536).7
The practice of Jesuit librarianship (that is, not merely collection but also
maintenance, distribution, and organization of books) developed slowly. The
Regulae communes (Common rules) printed by the Roman College in 1567
included “Rules for the Prefect of the Library,” requiring that he keep a copy of
the Index of Prohibited Books, organize books by subject and author, maintain
records of circulation, restrict use to those given permission by the superior,
and uphold the neatness of the space and the books.8 In 1580, an update to this
section empowered the librarian to request that his superior purchase “necessary […] or […] very useful” books, or dispose of the “useless ones” in exchange
“for other better ones.”9 Concern for collecting the right books can also be
found in Bologna in 1604, when one Fr. Peruseo (dates unknown), then rector
of the college there, provided a fund for an annual expense of twenty scudi for
the library, clearly stating that the money could not be used for any other purpose and cautioning against “useless” or “unnecessary” books, including poetry
and volumes that were not expurgated. He also required that the college be
in possession of both the Index and Bibliotheca selecta de ratione studiorum
in historia, in disciplinis, in salute omnium procuranda (A library selected for
the purpose of studies in history, [and] in the disciplines, to be procured for
Gesù” [“Like a well-ordered lodging place”: At the origins of the library model of the Society
of Jesus], Histoire et civilisation du livre 10 (2014): 51–68.
7 Jerónimo Nadal, Epistolae P. Hieronymi Nadal Societatis Jesu ab anno 1546 ad 1577, vol. 4 of 5,
Selecta Natalis monumenta in ejus epistolis comemmorata [Letters of Jerónimo Nadal of the
Society of Jesus from 1546 to 1577, vol. 4 of 5, Selected records of Nadal, commemorated in
his letters] (Madrid: Gabrielis López del Horno, 1905), Monumenta provinciae Rhenanae 45,
January 7, 1567, 326–35, here 330–31, and Monumenta provinciae Flandriae 57:346–47; see
Brendan Connolly, “The Roots of Jesuit Librarianship, 1540–1599” (PhD diss., University of
Chicago, 1955), 91.
8 Regulae communes (Rome: Collegio Societatis Iesu, 1567): “Regulae praefecti bibliothecae.”
The book is not paginated.
9 Connolly, “Roots of Jesuit Librarianship,” 74; his translation.
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the safety of all) by the Jesuit diplomat and encyclopedist Antonio Possevino
(1533–1611).10 In this way, a Jesuit library became what Andrew Pettegree and
Arthur der Weduwen have called a “tool of conversion of conquest, a crucial
weapon in the battle for hearts and minds in Europe’s most complex religious
battlefield.”11 Later Regulae of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries contained “Rules for the Novice Master” and “Rules for the Prefect of Readers at
Table,” to which were appended brief lists of books.12
These general official statements were developed while the culture of print
was still relatively young and were supplemented by texts written to explain
the practice of librarianship itself. Multiple guides to creating and maintaining
libraries, and histories of libraries, were published in the late sixteenth century and throughout the seventeenth century. In part, the development of this
genre can be traced to the increased interest in book collection, directly connected to the Protestant and Catholic Reformations. The religious crisis led
both educational institutions and governments to create libraries that could
“train a loyal and doctrinally sound class of ministers and civil servants,” and
therefore to curate both the new books, and ones dispersed by suppressions
or consolidations of religious houses, carefully.13 These included works by the
Jesuits Claude Clément (1596–1642), who taught at the Colegio Imperial de
Madrid and organized the library at the Escorial Palace; Jean Garnier (1612–81),
who taught at the Collège de Clermont in Paris; and Possevino; along with
10
11
12
13
1st ed. (Rome: Typographia Apostolica Vaticana, 1593). See Luigi Balsamo, “Le biblioteche
dei gesuiti” [Jesuit libraries], in Dall’Isola alla città: I gesuiti a Bologna [From the island to
the city: Jesuits in Bologna], ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi and Anna Maria Matteucci (Bologna:
Nuova Alfa, 1988), 183–92, here 183–84.
Andrew Pettegree and Arthur der Weduwen, The Library: A Fragile History (New York:
Hachette, 2021), 173.
See Institutum Societatis Iesu, vol. 3 of 3, Regulae, Ratio studiorum, Ordinationes, Instructiones, Industriae, Exercitia, Directorium [Rules, the Ratio studiorum, Regulations,
Instructions, Industries, Practices, (and) Directory] (Florence: Typographia SS. Conceptione, 1893), 120–31, here 121–22; Regula Societatis Iesu (Tarragona: Philip Mey, 1583),
143–45, 257–58; Regula Societatis Iesu (Rome: Collegium Societatis Iesu, 1590), 99, 238–39.
In addition to the entire New Testament, the Pentateuch (except Leviticus), the historical books of the Old Testament, the Wisdom books (except the Song of Songs), and the
Prophets (except “some obscure chapters”), and books in the vernacular or Latin that had
been approved by the provincial (which “promote piety and support the vocations [of the
residents]”), volumes listed by name included works by Ambrose of Milan (c.339–c.397),
Augustine of Hippo (354–430), the Venerable Bede (672/73–735), Bernard of Clairvaux
(1090–1153), Bonaventure (Giovanni di Fidanza [1221–74]), Eusebius of Caesarea
(c.260/65–339), John Chrysostom (c.347–407), Gregory the Great (c.540–604, r.590–604),
Luigi Lippomano (1496–1559), and Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos (c.1256–c.1335).
Pettegree and der Weduwen, Library, 149.
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those by the Netherlandish philosopher Justus Lipsius (Joost Lips [1547–1606]);
the French librarian Gabriel Naudé (1600–53); the Abruzzese doctor Muzio
Pansa (1565–1628); the Dutch historian Johannis Lomeier (1636–99); and the
French polymath Jean-Léonor Le Gallois de Grimarest (1659–1713).14 The trend
in publishing such organizational manuals reflects an increased production
of affordable printed books during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
requiring consideration of what to collect and where to put it. It is perhaps also
tied to another trend associated with the early Jesuits: missionary activity. As
historian Mark Grover has noted: “Jesuit experiences in Brazil involved building European-like settlements, insistence on European-style clothing, and the
strict use of European methods of education. Collections of books were an
important aspect of this physical reconstruction.”15
As the practices that governed these libraries developed, they spread and
resulted in some standardization of organization. Clément’s Musei, sive bibliothecae and Garnier’s Systema bibliothecae collegii Parisiensis were influential in
the development of librarianship in Europe and its colonies.16 Like Possevino’s
14
15
16
Claude Clément, Musei, sive bibliothecae tam privatae quam publicae extructio, instructio, cura, usus, libri IV [The construction, instruction, care, and use of the museum, or of
the library, both private and public: Four books] (Lyon: Jacob Prost, 1635); Jean Garnier,
Systema bibliothecae Collegii Parisiensis Societatis Jesu [The library system of the Parisian
college of the Society of Jesus] (Paris: Sebastianus Mabre-Carmoisy, 1678); Justus Lipsius,
De bibliothecis syntagma [On the orderly arrangement of libraries] (Antwerp: Jan Moretus,
1602); Gabriel Naudé, Advis pour dresser une bibliothèque: presenté à monseigneur le president de Mesme [Advice to create a library: Presented to Monseigneur the president of
Mesme] (Paris: Rolet le Duc, 1644); Muzio Pansa, Della Libraria vaticana ragionamenti
[On the Vatican Library: Interpretations] (Rome: Giovanni Martinelli, 1590); Johannes
Lomeier, De bibliothecis liber singularis [On libraries: A unique text] (Utrecht: Johannes
Ribbius, 1680); and Jean-Léonor Le Gallois de Grimarest, Traitté des plus belles bibliotheques de l’Europe: Des premiers livres qui ont êté faits [Treatise on the most beautiful
libraries in Europe: Of the first books that were made] (Paris: Estienne Michallet, 1680).
For Possevino, see note. 10 above. See Aurora Miguel Alonso, “La evolución del ‘systema
bibliothecae’ de la Compañía de Jesús y su influencia en la historia de la bibliografía española” [The evolution of the “library system” of the Society of Jesus and its influence on the
history of Spanish bibliography] (Alicante: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, 2006),
http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/nd/ark:/59851/bmcp2781 (accessed August 4, 2022),
and Edmond Lamalle, “Un livret d’instructions de 1660 pour les archives des maisons de
la Compagnie” [A 1660 instruction manual for the archives of the houses of the Society],
Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu [henceforth AHSI] 11 (1942): 113–25.
Mark L. Grover, “The Book and the Conquest: Jesuit Libraries in Colonial Brazil,” Libraries
and Culture 28 (1993): 266–83, here 266.
Paul Begheyn, “The Jesuits in the Low Countries 1540–1773: Apostles of the Printing Press,”
in The Jesuits of the Low Countries: Identity and Impact (1540–1773), ed. Rob Faesen and Leo
Kenis (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 129–38, here 131.
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Bibliotheca selecta, these two encyclopedic works discuss theory and practice
and incorporate suggestions of books they considered valuable for libraries
to collect. As librarian Mathilde Rovelstad (1920–2010) notes: “With the rapidly increasing availability of printed books, the number of libraries also grew.
They had become indispensable to the intellectual pursuits of scholars.”17 This
desire for acquiring and arranging knowledge led, among other things, to the
development of dictionaries, which relied on alphabetical order as an organizing principle. Historian of the book Malcolm Walsby has connected this
to the introduction of alphabetical indexing not only of printed books but of
book lists.18 As useful as such tools may have been for the librarian of the past,
they are essential to those working on library history, who rely on such patterns. The greater availability of cheaply printed books, as opposed to expensive manuscripts, and the increase of literacy generally associated with both
the advent of printing and the European Reformations, led owners to create
organizational structures in centers of print and commerce. As a result, cities
like Seville, Amsterdam, Paris, Venice, and London developed as both nexuses
of information exchange and information storage.19
In practice, however, early Jesuit colleges and houses were not equipped
financially to create extensive libraries ex nihilo. As a result, the collections
rarely reflect close adherence with either the guidelines developed within the
Society or the treatises on library collecting. They were, instead, largely the
products of requests, direct purchase, and bequests by Jesuits and others and
were printed locally or far away. While references to budgeting for the purchase of books are available, there is to date no general or synthetic study of
the economics of building or maintaining Jesuit libraries. Local patterns can
help build a picture of the finances of early Jesuit libraries. For the second
half of the sixteenth century, Dominique Julia has identified directives for
the colleges of Vienna, institutions in the Low Countries, and the Collège du
Clermont (Paris), authorizing both specific expenditures and the solicitation
of funds for future purchases.20 During the same period, in Milan, two hundred
17
18
19
20
Mathilde V. Rovelstad, “Two Seventeenth-Century Library Handbooks, Two Different
Library Theories,” Libraries and Culture 35, no. 4 (2000): 540–56, here 542. See also Ann
Blair, Too Much to Know: Managing Scholarly Information before the Modern Age (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 2010).
Malcolm Walsby, “Books and Their Meaning,” in Documenting the Early Modern Book
World: Inventories and Catalogues in Manuscript and Print, ed. Malcolm Walsby and
Nicolas Constantinidou (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 1–24, here 3.
Peter Burke, A Social History of Knowledge: From Gutenberg to Diderot (Malden, MA:
Blackwell, 2000), 61.
Dominique Julia, “La constitution des bibliothèques des collèges: Remarques de méthode”
[The constitution of the college libraries: Remarks on method], Revue d’histoire de l’èglise
de France 83 (1997): 145–61, here 150.
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scudi were sent to Rome with a list of books that should be purchased so that
the college would no longer have to borrow books.21 In 1694, former procurator
general, then lecturer in philosophy at the Roman College, Cardinal Giovanni
Battista Tolomei (1653–1726), persuaded Angelo Alemanni (1637–1710), rector
of the college from 1695 to 1698, to establish an annual fund for the purchase
and maintenance of books, a practice Tolomei continued when he became
rector on Alemanni’s departure. Tolomei also commissioned a catalog of the
library and left his personal book collection to the institution upon his death.22
In Valladolid in 1599, one thousand ducados were set aside in one college for
the “room and the library,” presumably meaning creating or renovating the
space as well as finding books to fill it. The same amount was set aside for the
maintenance of the sacristy.23 The Colegio San Bernardo in Oropesa, Spain,
founded in 1578 by Don Francisco Álvarez de Toledo (1515–82), viceroy of Peru,
was the beneficiary of a significant bequest. The viceroy set aside one thousand ducats for the purchase of books and stipulated that another fifty ducats
from the annual income (estimated at 450 ducats, amounting to about eleven
percent of the college’s yearly finances) “han de quedar perpetuamente consignados para la dicha librería sun poderlos convertir en ninguno otro uso” (must
perpetually be allocated to the said library, without the possibility to convert
them to any other use).24 These indications are of little help in understanding
collection practices, however: they provide no information on how those who
were purchasing books would select titles, or how often such purchases were
replacements for lost or damaged books, or for texts once used but recently
deemed inappropriate. In rare cases, inventories may note the date or cost of
21
22
23
24
Flavio Rurale, I gesuiti a Milano: Religione e politica nel secondo cinquecento [The Jesuits in
Milan: Religion and politics in the second half of the sixteenth century] (Rome: Bulzoni
Editore, 1992), 74–75. Rurale does not provide information on how many, or which, books
were purchased in this manner. For some context, five hundred scudi were allocated for a
year’s worth of food and determined to be insufficient.
Aurora Miguel Alonso, “Los fondos jesuitas en las bibliotecas de Roma: Una aportación
para su conocimiento” [The Jesuit collections in the libraries of Rome: A contribution to
knowledge about them], Revista general de información y documentación 28, no. 2 (2018):
345–72, here 354. Alonso does not provide a figure for the annual fund.
Bernabé Bartolomé Martinez, “Las librerias e imprentas de los jesuitas (1540–1767): Una
aportacion notable a la cultura Española” [The libraries and printing presses of the Jesuits
(1540–1767): A notable contribution to Spanish culture], Hispania sacra 40 (1988): 315–88,
here 318.
Ramón Sánchez González, “La biblioteca del Colegio San Bernardo de la Compañía de
Jesús en Oropesa (Toledo)” [The library of the Jesuit Colegio San Bernardo in Oropesa
(Toledo)], Hispania sacra 63 (2011): 41–74, here 44, quoting from Archivo historico de la
Nobleza (Spain), Frias C.1288, D.7.
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acquisition, but this still leaves questions about what decisions were made,
and by whom, regarding the purchases.25
Libraries of all kinds relied on donations of books, not just of funds to purchase them, and the wills in the Jesuit archives probably can shed light on such
gifts from generous benefactors; occasionally, provenance markings on extant
volumes also provide information about donations from individuals.26 Marica
Šapro-Ficović and Željko Vegh note that significant donations of manuscripts
and printed books fed the collections of the library at the college in Dubrovnik
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and that “[m]any of those books
were signed by their former owners or those associated with the college,” making them still easily identifiable.27 It is more difficult to trace the path of books
between institutions. Mission libraries and new foundations requested books
from existing establishments, allowing the newer institutions both to save
money on purchasing and to provide a similar level of training and support
to their older counterparts, but it is not always possible to trace a direct line
between requests and the contents of libraries. Some foundations asked for
books that could not be spared, or that were sent but did not arrive.28 Mission
libraries also relied on direct gifts from patrons. Donors to the college in Cluj,
for example, included Possevino and István (Stephen) Báthory (1533–86),
the Hungarian ruler of Transylvania (r.1571–86), and of Poland and Lithuania
(1576–86), in the early 1580s.29 As a result, these institutions could not always
25
26
27
28
29
For example, in a Bolognese inventory, several books were described as having cost “at
least ten scudi”; Archivio Arcivescovile di Bologna 244, Libreria, Missioni, Patronati
(1690s?). An inventory of books identified as “Catalogus van de boeken over architectuur, achtergelaten door P. Guilielmus Cornelii, overleden te Leuven in 1660” [Catalog of
books on architecture, left by P. Willem Cornelis, d. Leuven 1660] indicates that these volumes were received by the College of Antwerp some time around that date. Rijksarchief
Antwerpen, Archief Nederduitse Jezuïetenprovincie (Flandro Belgica) 2046.
See Karen Attar, “Books in the Library,” in The Cambridge Companion to the History of
the Book, ed. Leslie Howsam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 17–35, here
19–20, for a brief discussion of the importance of books that libraries did not choose
to acquire but instead were given, and of how the value ascribed to books can change
over time.
Marica Šapro-Ficović and Željko Vegh, “The History of Jesuit Libraries in Croatia,”
Journal of Jesuit Studies [henceforth JJS] 2, no. 2 (2015): 283–301, here 295, https://doi
.org/10.1163/22141332-00202008 (accessed August 4, 2022).
See, e.g., Kristen Windmuller-Luna, “Guerra com a lingoa: Book Culture and Biblioclasm
in the Ethiopian Jesuit Missions,” JJS 2, no. 2 (2015): 223–47, here 228–29, https://doi
.org/10.1163/22141332-00202004 (accessed August 4, 2022).
Ioan-Aurel Pop and Llana Lǎpǎdatu, “Les débuts de l’université moderne à Cluj: Le collège
jésuite entre 1579 et 1581” [The beginnings of the modern university at Cluj: The Jesuit college between 1759 and 1581], Transylvanian Review 18, no. 74 (2009): 3–20, here 15. Báthory
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choose which books they wanted. The 1603 inventory of that institution shows
that the philosophical offerings in Cluj were dominated by medieval authors
in early printed editions. By contrast, the books on religious topics were more
modern or contemporary, as historian Daniel Andersson has observed, which
demonstrates that “when the college was buying, it bought religion.”30 As this
was a period of religious controversy (Jansenism), it was of particular importance to have the latest approved theology. Under such circumstances, even
the institutions that attempted a systematic collection practice could find it
difficult to maintain it.
For these reasons, it is difficult to discuss anything resembling acquisition
guidelines before the development of modern library science in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, well after the restoration of the Society. The
aforementioned library treatises, including those by Jesuits, were not initially
interpreted as manuals of instruction. Possevino’s Bibliotheca selecta was perhaps the most influential of this group within the Society.31 It was, essentially,
an outline of an ideal library: Possevino provided lists of authors and titles of
texts, divided into topics including apologetics, casuistry, cosmology, dialectic,
ethics, grammar, hagiography, history, law, logic, martyrology, math, natural
history, patristics, and scripture. These categories are not all faithfully replicated in the collections of the pre- or post-suppression colleges or houses, from
what remaining inventories and modern cataloging show. It is evident, however, that the library administrations attempted both to adhere to the advisory
memos that were issued by the Society and, when possible, to the Bibliotheca
selecta.32 Notably, no general congregation of the Society explicitly discussed
30
31
32
was voivode of Transylvania 1571–76, prince of Transylvania 1576–86, and king of Poland
and grand duke of Lithuania 1576–86.
Daniel C. Andersson, “On Borrowed Time: Internationalism and Its Discontents in a Late
Sixteenth-Century University Library,” Journal of Early Modern Studies 1 (2012): 9–20, here
13–14.
See Luigi Balsamo, Antonio Possevino S.I. bibliografo della Controriforma e diffusione
della sua opera in area anglicana [Antonio Possevino, S.J., bibliographer of the CounterReformation, and the diffusion of his work in the Anglican area] (Florence: Olschki,
2006); Alberto Biondo, “La Bibliotheca selecta di Antonio Possevino: Un progetto di egemonia culturale” [The Bibliotheca selecta of Antonio Possevino: A project in cultural hegemony], in La Ratio studiorum: Modelli culturali e pratiche educative dei gesuiti in Italia
tra Cinque e Seicento [The Ratio studiorum: Cultural models and educational practices
of the Jesuits in Italy between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries], ed. Gian Paolo
Brizzi (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981), 43–75; and Barbara Mahlmann-Bauer, “Antonio Possevino’s
Bibliotheca selecta: Knowledge as a Weapon,” in I gesuiti e la Ratio studiorum, ed. Manfred
Hinz, Roberto Righi, and Danilo Zardin (Rome: Bulzoni, 2004), 315–55.
See Kathleen Comerford, “Jesuit Tuscan Libraries of the 1560s and 1570s: Bibliotheca notyet selecta,” AHSI 162 (2013): 515–31.
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libraries or librarianship until General Congregation 30, in 1957. In decree 77,
“Changes in the Common Rules,” paragraph 17 stated only the following: “No
one should have books without permission; and in those that are allowed for
use, no one is to write anything or make any mark. The rules of the library
should be observed with great care.”33
Over several centuries of experimentation, libraries around the world have
developed and standardized subject-based classification systems, making
searching for books relatively easy. Premodern libraries, which were considerably smaller in size, could manage by sorting books by size, author, subject, or
some combination thereof. Early Jesuit librarians did favor subject classifications but did not limit their organization to that, as they also had categories
for prohibited books, and in some cases separated Jesuit authors from others
on the same subject, or books donated by one individual from the rest of the
collection.34 However, the success of librarians in organizing their collections
varied widely from library to library. An inspection of the library at the Colegio
de San Pablo in Lima in 1576 resulted in multiple complaints from the Jesuit
visitor, Juan de Plaza (1527–1602). Shelves were not labeled, and books were
misplaced as a result; others were missing, and there was no current catalog to
help keep track of borrowing; and the library itself was in a place that was too
humid, causing damage to the books. He was able to solve the last problem by
moving the library to a drier location within the complex and told the onsite
administrators to work on the rest.35 By the eighteenth century, this was changing. In the same location, the 1767 inventory of the library included Garnier’s
Systema bibliothecae collegii Parisiensis Societatis Jesu along with “large bibliographies and catalogues of famous European libraries. Among them San Pablo
boasted a fifteen-volume work described as Catálogo de Varias Bibliotecas en
Todas Lenguas, and twenty-one volumes of Juan Tomás de Rocaberti’s Index
Operum Omnium Bibliotecae Maximae Pontificiae,” a list of the contents of the
most important papal library in Rome.36
33
34
35
36
John W. Padberg, Martin D. O’Keefe, and John L. McCarthy, eds. and trans., Matters of
Greater Moment: The First Thirty Jesuit General Congregations; A Brief History and a
Translation of the Decrees (St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1994), 692.
Julián Solana Pujalte, “El fondo del siglo XVI de la biblioteca del antiguo Colegio de Santa
Catalina de la Compañía de Jesús de Córdoba” [The sixteenth-century collection of the
library of the old Jesuit Colegio de Santa Catalina in Córdoba], AHSI 76, no. 151 (2007):
113–37, here 119. An example of separating out books by donor is Rijksarchief Leuven,
Jezuïeten College Leuven, 20. Catalogus van de schenkingen aan de bibliotheek [Catalog
of the donations to the library], 1635.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 76–77.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 86. See also Juan Tomás de Rocaberti, Index operum omnium Bibliotecae Maximae Pontificiae [List of all the works in the Great Pontifical
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Collecting and shelving books is only one of the physical challenges of
libraries; a much larger one is creating and maintaining a dedicated space.
The size of Jesuit libraries varied considerably from place to place, even within
national borders, and from century to century.37 In early colleges and houses,
many libraries were little more than rooms with bookshelves, but some were
also museums displaying artifacts and art. Architectural plans sometimes
show exactly where the libraries were, but often do not. The largest collection
of pre-suppression college floor plans was published by librarian and art historian Jean Vallery-Radot (1890–1971).38 Other hints can occasionally be found
in institutional studies, for instance, historian Luís Martín’s (1927–2018) study
of the Lima Colegio de San Pablo and historian Alfonso Rubío Hernández’s
work on the colleges of New Granada.39 In more modern times, a dedicated
space for libraries is de rigueur for the construction of an educational institution, and the emphasis on libraries as spaces of wonder—not just for what
they hold, but for how they look—has led to a number of lavish books on the
art and architectural history of libraries, which, one hopes, will pique interest
in similar details for Jesuit libraries.40 The number of available volumes in a
37
38
39
40
Library] (Rome: Giovanni Francesco Buagni, 1697–99). I have been unable to identify
Catálogo de varias bibliotecas en todas lenguas any further.
Bartolomé Martinez, “Las librerias e imprentas de los jesuitas,” 352. See also María Victoria
Játiva Miralles, “La biblioteca de los jesuitas del Colegio de San Esteban de Murcia”
[The library of the Jesuit College of St. Stephen of Murcia] (PhD diss., Universidad de
Murcia, Departamento de Información y Documentación, 2009), http://hdl.handle
.net/10803/10910 (accessed August 4, 2022). On the architecture of libraries, which
developed significantly in the seventeenth century and later, see, e.g., Rovelstad, “Two
Seventeenth-Century Library Handbooks,” passim.
Jean Vallery-Radot, Le recueil de plans d’édifices de la Compagnie de Jesus conserve à la
Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris [Collection of building plans for the Society of Jesus preserved at the Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris] (Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1960).
The Colegio de San Pablo was one of the largest libraries in Spanish America. By 1767,
its collection, consisting of more than twenty-five thousand volumes, occupied two
large rooms, with ample natural lighting, floor-to-ceiling shelving, and portraits of Jesuit
authors, along with reading tables, and was equipped with globes, maps, and compasses.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 76. The inventories of 1767 from the libraries of the
colleges of Santa Fe de Antioquía and Santa Fe de Bogotá, in New Granada, note similar
details and include further information on the decoration of the spaces: globes, instruments of measurement, and religious images, conforming with the ideals outlined in
Claude Clément’s Musei, sive bibliothecae. Alfonso Rubio Hernández, “Las librerías de la
Compañía de Jesús en Nueva Granada: Un análisis descriptivo a través de sus inventarios”
[The libraries of the Society of Jesus in New Granada: A descriptive analysis based on
their inventories], Información, cultura y sociedad 31 (2014): 53–66, here 59–60.
For example, Guillaume de Laubier and Jacques Bosser, Bibliothèques du monde [Libraries
of the world] (Paris: Martinière, 2003) and James W.P. Campbell and Will Pryce, The
Library: A World History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013).
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given location, and thus the size of the rooms dedicated to the library, seems
to have had little to do with the importance of the location. Sixteenth- and
early seventeenth-century inventories in Florence and Leuven, for example,
show that colleges in intellectual centers might have very small collections.41
On the other hand, by the time they were suppressed, colleges in Córdoba and
Lisbon, both major cities, held around ten thousand volumes (number of titles
unknown) each, and that in Granada, an equally important urban center, held
over twenty-nine thousand volumes (10,555 titles).42 These might not all have
been in a single collection, as some of the pre-suppression Jesuit institutions
had multiple libraries. The Roman College, which by the eighteenth century
held somewhere between eighty thousand and one hundred thousand books,
was the most significant among these, in part because it was located at the center of Jesuit operations; in part because since 1623 it was a depository library
for all books printed by Jesuits; and in part because of the multiple bequests it
received over the centuries, including from such luminaries as the celebrated
humanist Marc-Antoine Muret (1526–85) and the Jesuit cardinal and theologian Roberto Bellarmino (1542–1621). A bibliotheca secreta (sometimes also
called bibliotheca majoris) was a library for the use of the institution only; specialized libraries might be called bibliotheca minoris or a name referring to a
subject (for example, in the eighteenth century, the colleges in Coimbra, Lyon,
and Prague had mathematical libraries; the Roman College and the Antwerp
professed house had museum libraries). The biblioteca comune was a general
collection in a dedicated space, for the use of the students and residents.43
41
42
43
Rijksarchief Leuven, Jezuïeten College Leuven, 20 (1635): 613 titles; Archivio di Stato
di Firenze, Compagnie Religiose Soppresse dal Pietro Leopoldo 999, Filza 3, no. 104
(Inventory of the College of S. Giovannino, 1578): 732 titles.
Pujalte, “El fondo del siglo XVI,” 123; Giurgevich, “Visiting Old Libraries,” 257–58; and
Ramón Sánchez González, “La biblioteca del colegio San Bernardo,” 46–47, 47n20.
Alfredo Serrai, “La bibliotheca secreta del Collegio Romano” [The bibliotheca secreta of
the Roman College], Il bibliotecario 2, no. 3 (2009): 17–50; Lorenzo Mancini, “I bibliotecari del Collegio Romano (1551–1873): Un contributo per la storia delle biblioteche della
Compagnia di Gesù” [The librarians of the Roman College (1551–1873): A contribution to
the history of the libraries of the Society of Jesus], AHSI 89, no. 177 (2020): 46–115, here
51–53, 55; Rubio Hernández, “Las librerías de la Compañía de Jesús en Nueva Granada,”
59; and Miguel Alonso, “Los fondos jesuitas en las bibliotecas de Roma,” 352–53. Luana
Giurgevich explored multiple Portuguese libraries associated with different religious
orders, including the Jesuits. She notes that “the institutional library was not the only
place for the conservation and use of books. Typically, several libraries were contained
inside religious buildings and very specialised scientific collections could be amassed.”
Giurgevich, “Visiting Old Libraries,” 257. See also 261–62, where she discusses the contents
of the library of the professor of mathematics at the Santo Antão College, Lisbon.
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A library or a section of one of the above libraries was often dedicated to prohibited books.
Most of what is known about the historic libraries of the Society of
Jesus comes from a single class of sources: catalogs and inventories of the
pre-suppression period. Many scholars have sought out and deciphered information on the contents of specific libraries based on these catalogs, but these
provide information about what books were available at a given point in time,
not how, when, or in what condition those books became part of a collection, or how they were used. The most important resources for such studies
are inventories taken at the time of the suppression of the Society, but these
are not the only book lists available: occasionally, seventeenth- and even
sixteenth-century inventories remain. Modern studies and reconstructions of
these have focused on Europe and its American colonies, although occasional
references to libraries in Africa and Asia can also be found.44 We do not yet
have much comparative work on the subject, to determine whether (for example) the libraries of the Spanish colonies deliberately imitated those of Spain
or merely took what books they were offered and could print. These manuscript sources are difficult to use, as they were intended as inventory lists, not
bibliographical catalogs. As librarianship has developed, methods of keeping
track of the contents of libraries has progressed in a scientific manner, and the
introduction of typed and then electronic cataloging has improved our ability
44
Among the many available, in addition to the works cited in the current narrative, see the
following examples: Claudio Fedele and Italo Franceschini, eds., La biblioteca del collegio
dei gesuiti di Trento: Pubblicazioni e manoscritti nelle biblioteche Trentine [The library of
the Jesuit college of Trent: Publications and manuscripts in the libraries of the Trentino],
2 vols. (Trento: Soprintendenza per i beni librari e archivistici, 2007); Alfredo Eduardo
Fraschini, Index librorum bibliothecae Collegii Maximi Cordubensis Societatis Iesu 1757
[Index of books in the library of the Jesuit Collegium Maximum of Córdoba] (Córdoba:
Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, 2005); Antonio Machado Freire, “Auto de inventario e
avaliação dos livros achados no colégio dos jesuitas do Rio de Janeiro e sequestrados em
1775” [Record of the inventory and examination of books found in the Jesuit college of
Rio de Janeiro and seized in 1775], Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 301
(1973): 212–59; Ludwik Grzebień, Organizacja bibliotek jezuickich w Polsce od XVI do XVIII
wieku [Organization of Jesuit libraries in Poland from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries] (Kraków: WAM Akademia Ignatianum, 2013); Giuliana de Simone, La biblioteca del
Collegium Goritiense S.I. [The library of the Jesuit Collegium Goritiense], 5 vols. (BadenBaden: Valentin Korner, 2015–18); Jose del Rey Fajardo, “El archivo y biblioteca del colegio
jesuítico de Maracaibo: Inventariados en la expulsión de 1767” [The archive and library
of the Jesuit college of Maracaibo: Inventories from the expulsion of 1767], Boletín de la
Academia Nacional de la Historia 62, no. 247 (1979): 573–606; and Šapro-Ficović and Vegh,
“History of Jesuit Libraries in Croatia.”
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to use and to write the history of libraries. Still, more modern techniques contain and propagate their own inaccuracies. Both local and global catalogs suffer from typographical errors, misclassifications of subject, linguistic mistakes,
and misidentifications of authors, paralleling the mistakes of earlier scribes.
What electronic cataloging can do that was impossible before the internet age
is cross-reference efficiently. Many countries have nationwide Online Public
Access Catalog (OPAC) systems, and WorldCat provides global connections for
participating institutions.
In the following sections, we will address the question of what was and is
a “Jesuit” library chronologically as well as thematically. It is not a thorough
global study, because to date research on Europe and the Americas has dominated the field. Instead, what follows unfolds topically, considering both the
institutions and their impact on society, and on the Society.
1
Libraries before the Suppression
The first Jesuit libraries were small by modern standards but grew in some
cases to include tens of thousands of books before the Society of Jesus
was suppressed in a series of events between 1759 and 1773. For example, a
pre-suppression library in Bahia (Brazil) held fifteen thousand volumes; north
of that, in Maranhão, one library topped out at five thousand.45 In this part, we
will examine the size, contents, and role of these institutional libraries, connected with colleges and houses, around the globe, starting with Europe. The
development of libraries in the mission territories was heavily dependent on
European ideas and funding, so that continent is a natural starting point.
In the European cities where the Jesuits found their greatest successes, they
also had the largest libraries: these included Madrid, Paris, Rome, and Prague.
The collections consisted of the most important works of reference and scholarship associated with the Society and included books on every subject taught
by its members as well as information on matters related to the global spread
of the Jesuits: atlases, botanical manuals reflecting the flora of the Americas,
reports from the missions, and administrative texts including reports of the
congregations. They also held prohibited books (in dedicated sections of the
library, so as not to fall into the wrong hands) and other texts designed to teach
Jesuits material that was considered to be in error, for example books from
45
Luiz Antonio Gonçalves da Silva, “As bibliotecas dos jesuitas: Uma visão a partir da obra
de Serafim Leite” [The libraries of the Jesuits: A view based on the work of Serafim Leite],
Perspectivas em ciência da informação 13, no. 2 (May/August 2008): 219–37, here 229–31.
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China, brought home by returning missionaries, explaining the philosophy
of the ancient philosopher Kǒng Fūzǐ (孔夫子 [c.551–479 BCE]), whom they
called Confucius.46
Several research projects currently underway seek to understand the collection practices of the pre-suppression Society in Europe. These include the
National Library of Latvia’s reconstruction of the 1583–1621 Riga Jesuit College
library, and a parallel project at Uppsala University in Sweden on the libraries
of the colleges of Riga, Poznań, and Braniewo; the Biblioteca Statale Isontina
di Gorizia’s catalog of the Jesuit Collegium Goritiense; the Bibliothèque
Municipale de Lyon’s Collection jésuite des Fontaines; the catalogs of libraries in several pre-1711 Hungarian cities; the project by Gaetano Colli, former
head of the Biblioteca di Filosofia at the Università di Roma “La Sapienza,”
called Fondo Librario Antico, which catalogs more than ninety thousand volumes from 275 Jesuit houses and colleges in what was once the province of
Italy; the Antics posseïdors (former owners) database at the University of de
Barcelona’s Rare Book and Manuscript CRAI Library; and the European Jesuit
Libraries Provenance Project (EJLPP), a census of books known to have been
in the possession of a European Jesuit house or college prior to the suppression of the Society.47 These not only allow at least partial reconstruction of
46
47
On this, see Noël Golvers, “The Jesuit Mission in China (17th–18th Cent.) as the Framework
for the Circulation of Knowledge between Europe and China,” Lusitania sacra 36 (2017):
179–99.
“The Catalogue of the Riga Jesuit College Book Collection 1583–1621. Virtual Reconstruction,” https://kopkatalogs.lv/F/, and Gustavs Strenga et al., eds., Catalogue of the Riga
Jesuit College Book Collection (1583–1621): History and Reconstruction of the Collection/
Rīgas jezuītu kolēģijas grāmatu krājuma (1583–1621) katalogs: Krājuma vēsture un rekonstrukcija (Riga: National Library of Latvia, 2021); Uppsala University Library, Riga Jesuit
library, https://www.ub.uu.se/finding-your-way-in-the-collections/selections-of-special
-items-and-collections/riga-jesuit-library; Poznań Jesuit Library, https://www.ub.uu
.se/finding-your-way-in-the-collections/selections-of-special-items-and-collections
/poznan-jesuit-library; and Braniewo Jesuit Library, https://www.ub.uu.se/finding
-your-way-in-the-collections/selections-of-special-items-and-collections/braniewo
-jesuit-library (and see Peter Sjökvist, “On the Order of the Books in the First Uppsala
University Library Building,” JJS 6, no. 2 [2019]: 315–26, https://doi.org/10.1163/2214133200602007); Giuliana De Simone, La biblioteca del Collegium Goritiense Societatis Iesu
nella Biblioteca statale isontina di Gorizia [The library of the Jesuit Collegium Goritiense
in the Isontine State Library of Gorizia], 7 vols. (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 2015–
18); Bibliothèque municipal de Lyon, “Provenance des libres anciens” [Provenance of
old books], https://numelyo.bm-lyon.fr/collection/BML:BML_06PRV01000COL0001 (and
see “La collection jésuite des Fontaines” [The Fontaines Jesuit collection], https://
www.bm-lyon.fr/nos-blogs/la-collection-jesuite-des-fontaines; Gábor Farkas et al., eds.,
Magyarországi jezsuita könyvtárak 1711: Kassa, Pozsony, Sárospatak, Turóc, Ungvár
[Jesuit libraries in Hungary until 1711: Košice, Bratislava, Sárospatak, Turók, Uzhorod],
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libraries but also provide opportunities for data analysis. For example, using
the information in the EJLPP, collected continuously since 2016, we can compare data from institutions across Europe and test certain assumptions about
the pre-suppression collections. Among these are the following:
1.
Jesuit libraries, because they depended on donations and had low budgets for purchasing volumes, were likely to contain books printed locally,
preferably in the press at the Jesuit college housing the library.
2. The Society of Jesus would probably favor the use of Jesuit authors,
because their conformity with the global mission of the Society could
be assured, and because such authors were more easily available; they
would also collect books by local authors, even those who were not
Jesuits, because they were relatively easy to obtain.
3. While most of the texts would be in Latin and on subjects common to all
Jesuit locations, each region would keep a collection of texts related to
local history, culture, and language. This would serve those Jesuits who
were not native to the area, as well as the students they taught.
Among the more remarkable conclusions of the number-crunching that
multiple studies have reached is the weakness of these assumptions for the
European context. It is not yet possible to do the same kind of analysis for
Asian, African, or American Jesuit libraries prior to the suppression. However,
one study of a North American mission library, that of Quebec, has drawn a
connection between the presence of volumes from certain regions and the
generosity of at least one printer: Sébastien Cramoisy (1585–1669) of Paris, who
frequently printed for the Jesuits, “supplied the Library with new publications”
to the extent that he “played a key role in the formation of the Library’s original
core during the years prior to 1663.”48 In summary, the current state of the data,
comprised of over 6,200 entries in early 2022, tells us the following.
1a. Local printing. For reasons of convenience, it is reasonable to expect that
most Jesuit libraries were well stocked with locally printed books, but
48
vol. 1 of 2 [Szeged: Scriptum, 1990], available at http://mek.oszk.hu/03200/03228/index
.phtml); Il Fondo Librario Antico dei Gesuiti in Italia [The old Jesuit library collection
in Italy], http://www.fondolibrarioantico.it; Universitat de Barcelona: Antics posseïdors
[University of Barcelona: Former owners], https://marques.crai.ub.edu/ca/posseidors;
and the European Jesuit Libraries Provenance Project, www.jesuit-libraries.com. All
accessed on August 4, 2022.
André Beaulieu, “Introduction,” in La première bibliothèque canadienne: La bibliothèque
des Jésuites de la Nouvelle-France, 1632–1800/The First Canadian Library: The Library of the
Jesuit College of New France, 1632–1800, ed. National Library of Canada (Ottawa: National
Library of Canada, 1972), 14–18, here 18. For more on Cramoisy, see Jane McLeod, Licensing
Loyalty: Printers, Patrons, and the State in Early Modern France (University Park, PA: Penn
State University Press, 2011), 17.
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they were not. According to the information available in the EJLPP, only
twenty-one percent of all books were located in the same political geography as their printers were.49 The strongest correlation between printing location and library location was in the Holy Roman Empire: out of
all the titles in the EJLPP, over nine percent of the books held at institutions in that region were printed there. Spain was second, with over
six percent.
1b. Jesuit printing. Only about three percent of the books in the EJLPP were
printed at a Jesuit-owned press (most associated with a college, but
one with a professed house). Most institutions held no books printed
by a Jesuit press. Breaking down the data by region shows that Jesuit
presses played a minor role in all European countries represented, with
the exception of Bohemia: there, more than forty-one percent of books
once owned at Jesuit colleges and houses were printed by Jesuit presses
in any geography. No other region comes close. Institutions in the Papal
States (more than seven percent), Spain (over six percent), and the
Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (just above five percent) are the only
ones with more than five percent representation of Jesuit-printed volumes. The vast majority of surviving books owned by Jesuit colleges were
printed by commercial printing houses, and at least forty-two percent of
the printers of these books are known to have employed women as printmakers or booksellers.50
2a. Jesuit authors. Prior to the suppression, libraries of the Society of Jesus
contained significant numbers of books authored by members of the
Society, and the relative representation of Jesuits increased over the
centuries. Overall, around forty-one percent of all texts in the database
were authored by Jesuits. By contrast, Franciscans and Dominicans were
represented by just over two percent and slightly under four percent
each. Jesuit authors constituted at least thirty-five percent of the total
authors located so far in libraries in France and the Polish–Lithuanian
Commonwealth (thirty-seven percent each), the Papal State (forty percent), Spain (forty-three percent), the Viceroyalty of Naples (forty-seven
49
50
Locally printed books were not necessarily cheaper, which may seem counter-intuitive;
shipping alone can be quite expensive. However, as Andrew Pettegree and Arthur der
Weduwen point out in their discussion of monastic libraries of the 1490s, these institutions found it easier to purchase the right books from major cities, often with the proceeds from the sale of locally printed books, rather than to find a way of printing all the
texts that one library needed. Pettegree and der Weduwen, Library, 80.
For more information on an ongoing project to identify the women printers, see https://
www.jesuit-libraries.com/the-printers (accessed August 4, 2022).
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percent), Bohemia (fifty-one percent), the Duchy of Milan (fifty-two percent), and the Holy Roman Empire (fifty-four percent).
2b. Local authors. Only about twelve percent of the texts in the EJLPP were
found in regions that corresponded to the author’s geographical origins.
The strongest correlation was in Spain: over four percent of the books in
Spanish Jesuit libraries were authored by Spanish men. Second and third
in line were England and the Holy Roman Empire, with more than two
percent each.
3a. Local languages. Many Jesuits were sent to areas unfamiliar to them after
joining; the Society actively separated the men from their families and
native culture, and missionaries chose even more remote locations.51
Collections of texts that reflected regional history, geography, culture,
and language would therefore have been welcome and could be used
to learn about the place to which a given Jesuit was assigned. However,
they appear to have been in short supply. Only about twenty-seven percent of texts in the EJLPP were written exclusively in the modern (mostly
Western) European vernaculars of the day; nearly seventy percent were
written only in Latin. The vernacular texts are widely dispersed, and
slightly fewer than half of them can be found in regions where the languages of the book are the same as the spoken language of the people
living there. The strongest correlations between language of text and language of location are found in the Holy Roman Empire (over eight percent of the texts kept in those regions were in German), the Viceroyalty
of Sicily (over twelve percent in Italian), the Papal State (over fourteen
percent in Italian), France (over seventeen percent in French), and Spain
(over thirty-six percent in Spanish). As the EJLPP relies on surviving
books, we must note a caveat: assuming that volumes reflecting the local
region’s language were of great interest, they may have been heavily used,
and, as a result, have low rates of survival. For context, we can consult
inventories from Jesuit institution libraries prior to or at the time of the
suppression. A sample of such inventories from the Italian peninsula,
Low Countries, and England shows that around fourteen percent of the
51
On the practice of sending members far from their families, see Gian Paolo Brizzi, “Educare
il principe, formare le élites: I gesuiti e Ranuccio I Farnese” [Educating the prince, forming the elites: The Jesuits and Ranuccio I Farnese], in Università, principe, gesuiti: La
politica farnesiana dell’istruzione a Parma e Piacenza (1545–1622) [Universities, princes,
Jesuits: Farnesian politics of instruction at Parma and Piacenza (1545–1622)], ed. Gian
Paolo Brizzi, Alessandro D’Alessandro, and Alessandra del Fante (Rome: Bulzoni, 1980),
133–211, here 157–68; and A. Lynn Martin, “Jesuits and Their Families: The Experience in
Sixteenth-Century France,” Sixteenth Century Journal 13, no. 1 (1982): 3–24, here 5–6.
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Jesuit Libraries
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books in these places were in English, Dutch, French, and Italian, the vernacular languages of the regions in which the institutions were found.52
3b. Local cultures and subjects. Analysis of the texts in the EJLPP shows that,
for the most part, local subjects (i.e., histories of the region, hagiographies of local martyrs, etc.), regardless of the language in which they
were written, were not favored in the collection of books. For example,
the combination of European geography, history, and missions account
for fewer than five percent of all titles in the database, which represents
only European institutions. In the same sample inventories as above, the
same combination accounts for fewer than one percent.
In short, prior to the suppression, European Jesuit libraries were not especially
local in character, relying on printers and authors from around Europe and
containing texts unrelated to their geographical context; their collections were
largely written in Latin; and they were heavily populated by texts penned by
Jesuits. However, not all such libraries were created alike. In addition to colleges
and houses in reliably Catholic areas, Jesuits operated missions for England,
Scotland, Ireland, and Wales on the European continent.53 The upheavals
52
53
Archive sources: Rijksarchief Antwerpen, Archief Nederduitse Jezuïetenprovincie
(Flandro Belgica) [hereafter RAANJ(FB)] 3278: Bibliotheekcatalogus [Library catalog]
(n.d.); RAANJ(FB) 2045, Stukken betreffende een proces voor de Geheime Raad tussen Joachim Trognesius, boekdrukker in Antwerpen, aanlegger, en de provincie, verweerder, over het drukken van boeken voor de Sociëteit (1613) [Documents concerning
a trial before the Secret Council between Joachim Trognesius, book printer in Antwerp,
petitioner, and the province, defendant, about the printing of books for the Society
(1613)]; RAANJ(FB) 2046: Catalogus van de boeken over architectuur, achtergelaten door
P. Gulielmus Cornelii, overleden te Leuven in 1660 [Catalog of the books on architecture
left by P. Willem Cornelius, d. Leuven, 1660], which in fact contains books on many nonarchitectural subjects; and Rijksarchief Leuven, Jezuïeten College Leuven, 20. Catalogus
van de schenkingen aan de bibliotheek, 1635 [Catalog of donations to the library, 1635].
Print sources: the Delft Catalog of 1614 (RAANJ[FB] 3002, fols. 2ᵛ–4ᵛ) is transcribed by
Paul Begheyn, in “The Oldest Jesuit Library Catalogue in the Dutch Republic: The Book
Collection at Delft (1614),” in Emblematic Images and Religious Texts: Studies in Honor of
G. Richard Dimmler, S.J., ed. Pedro F. Campa and Peter M. Daly (Philadelphia: Saint Joseph’s
University Press, 2010), 71–88. The St. Omer catalog is from Willem (Wim) Schrickx, “An
Early Seventeenth-Century Catalogue of Books from the English Jesuit Mission in SaintOmer,” Archives et bibliothèques de Belgique/Archief-en bibliotheekwezen in België 46, nos.
3–4 (1975): 592–618. The inventory from the Irish College in Rome is from Hugh Fenning,
“Some Irish Donors of Books to the Irish College in Rome, 1611–1678,” in The Irish College,
Rome, and Its World, ed. Dáire Keough and Albert McDonnell (Dublin: Four Courts Press,
2008), 45–63. I have transcribed all of these and made them available in the EJLPP, at
https://www.jesuit-libraries.com/the-database (accessed August 4, 2022).
The English mission became a vice-province of its own in 1619 and a province in 1623.
Francis Courtney estimates that “roughly half of the [English] Province was engaged on
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associated with these colleges (both those in continental Europe and those
intermittently operated in the British Isles) make information on their libraries
seem especially precious. For example, in 1725, a fire in the English college in
St. Omer (in France) resulted in the burning of “all [the fathers’] gowns, books,
[and] musick instruments.”54 The English college at Liège (also then in France)
then sent books to St. Omer to make up for some of the losses.55 For much
of the pre-suppression period, foundations in England, Scotland, and Wales
were illegal; nonetheless, these clandestine colleges and residences did accumulate some books. According to historian Hannah Thomas, more than three
hundred volumes currently in Hereford Cathedral (around twenty-six kilometers east of the Welsh border) were part of the collection of the Jesuits living
on three farms in Cwm, Upper Cwm, and Llangunville (all in Wales). Most of
them were printed on the continent.56 One of the early seventeenth-century
English Jesuit houses was Clerkenwell (near London), belonging to the earl of
Shrewsbury until they were discovered there in 1628. This house apparently
contained many books, as a witness refers to “their library of books valued at
£400.”57 The fate of those books is unknown.
54
55
56
57
the Continent and the other half in England” before 1633, when the Jesuits established the
Maryland mission, after which a handful of members associated with the English province resided there. Francis Courtney, “English Jesuit Colleges in the Low Countries 1593–
1794,” Heythrop Journal 4, no. 3 (1963): 254–63, here 255. For the Irish mission, see Ciaran
O’Scea, “The Spanish Court, Ecclesiastical Patronage, and the Irish College of Santiago
de Compostela (1611–17)”; Matteo Binasco, “The Early Failures of the Irish College Rome,
1628–78”; and Christopher Korten, “Financial Mismanagement at the Irish College, 1772–
98,” in Forming Catholic Communities: Irish, Scots, and English College Networks in Europe,
1568–1918, ed. Liam Chambers (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 143–68, 169–79, 180–99.
Hubert Chadwick, St Omers to Stonyhurst: A History of Two Centuries (London: Burns &
Oates, 1962), 261–62, quoting from a letter from Richard Hyde (procurator at St. Omer) to
Thomas Eberson (rector at Liège), November 11, 1725.
Reportedly, rector James Gooden (St. Omer) sent a letter on December 10, 1725 to rector
Thomas Eberson (Liège): “This to acknowledge, with a thousand thanks, my great obligations to your Reverence; as also to the rest of your community, especially to Mr. Fitzburn
and Mr. Boucher, who have been so zealous to assist us in our pressing want of books.
With this considerable supply we shall be able to continue our school duties after some
tolerable manner; till Almighty God sends the means and opportunity of being better
provided.” “The Library of Saint Omers,” The Tablet (June 28, 1902), 1019–20, here 1020.
Hannah Thomas, “The Society of Jesus in Wales, c.1600–1679: Rediscovering the Cwm
Jesuit Library at Hereford Cathedral,” JJS 1, no. 4 (2014): 572–88, here 577–78, 577n18,
https://doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00104010 (accessed August 4, 2022).
Quoted in John Gough Nichols, “Discovery of the Jesuits’ College at Clerkenwell in
March 1627–8,” Camden Miscellany 2 (1853): 6nb. This was a considerable sum: in that
year, firewood cost nearly thirty shillings per cord, wheat prices ranged from twenty-four
to thirty-five shillings per “Winchester quarter,” or eight bushels, and the average wage
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These mission colleges were unlike their European counterparts not only in
terms of stability but also in terms of their relationship to the region in which
they were housed. The books used in the Irish, English, Welsh, and Scottish
missions were frequently written by Jesuits and printed at the continental
European colleges serving those missions. As historian Thomas Clancy has
shown, in the period 1615–40, around five hundred English-language books on
Catholic subjects were printed; about forty-two percent of those were authored
or translated by English Jesuits.58 The numbers for the latter part of the seventeenth century are smaller, but the percentages remain close: between 1690
and 1714, around 230 English Catholic works were printed, and Jesuit authors
again account for slightly over one-third.59 These texts were printed in locations like the presses attached to the English colleges in the Low Countries,
France, Spain, and Rome. The continental English colleges as a result had
many English-language books, just as Flemish colleges contained Dutch books,
colleges in the Holy Roman Empire had German books, colleges in Spain were
home to Spanish books, and so on. However, the libraries of the English colleges in the Netherlands owned more English-language books than those in
Dutch or other local languages. Thus, though the aforementioned assumptions do not hold for most European colleges, they do for the colleges serving territory within Europe that was considered part of the missions. Western
58
59
for laborers in Dover, Oxford, Cambridge, Canterbury, and London was just over eleven
shillings per week. Gregory Clark, “The Price History of English Agriculture, 1209–1914,”
Research in Economic History 22 (2004): 41–124, here appendix 3, 81; Nicholas Poynder,
“Monthly Grain Prices in England, 1270–1955,” http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/poynder-england
.php (accessed August 4, 2022); and Jan Luiten van Zanden, “Wages and the Cost of Living
in Southern England (London) 1450–1700,” http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/dover.php (accessed
August 4, 2022). Until the decimalization of 1971, the pound was worth twenty shillings of
twelve pence each; the coins were first revalued at five pence and then phased out entirely
in 1990; for a well-illustrated history of the changes, see “Decimalisation,” https://www
.royalmintmuseum.org.uk/journal/history/decimalisation (accessed August 4, 2022).
According to the historical currency converter at the National Archives of England, £400
was equivalent to the wages a skilled tradesman would earn in 5,714 days (around fifteen years and eight months) in 1630. See https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/currency
-converter (accessed August 4, 2022).
Thomas H. Clancy, A Literary History of the English Jesuits: A Century of Books 1615–1714 (San
Francisco: Catholic Scholars Press, 1996), 21, 129, 236. Maximilian Von Habsburg refines
this point: among translations only, which account for eighty books from 1615 to 1640,
seventy-five percent of those were done by Jesuits. Catholic and Protestant Translations
of the Imitatio Christi: From Late Medieval Classic to Early Modern Bestseller (Farnham:
Ashgate, 2011), 182. The single largest genres were hagiography, focusing largely on Jesuits,
and Jesuit spiritual biography, but the list includes controversial theology, humanism, and
art as well. Clancy, Literary History, 22–24.
Clancy, Literary History, 207.
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Europeans treated Eastern Europe as missionary territory as well, for example
in Transylvania, where many of the same questions as in the overseas missions
arose, including language proficiency and hostile atmosphere.60 The presence
of Jesuits and their libraries was of great import to these regions, resulting in
intellectual exchanges with Western Europe, the printing of texts in local languages, and the expansion of Catholicism.61 They resembled the Irish, English,
Welsh, and Scottish missions, with which they shared the purpose of stamping
out heretical forms of Christianity, but also had much in common with the
global missions, though the question of orthodoxy was quite different in those
arenas. In general, the written word was of paramount importance to evangelization. Jesuits who sought out such work were required to submit testimonies
in the form of litterae indipetae, expressing their fervor for the undertaking.62
Those who went on missions created a literary genre, on which future generations of potential missionaries depended: the periodic (at first quarterly,
then semestral, and finally annual) reports of activities in the different regions
where evangelization took place. These letters were printed and distributed to
Jesuit houses around the world, to be read at mealtimes, and were presented to
60
61
62
Paul Shore, “The Life and Death of a Jesuit Mission: the Collegium in Uzhgorod,
Transcarpathia (1650–1773),” Slavonic and East European Review 86, no. 4 (2008): 601–33.
See, e.g., Krzysztof Fordoński and Piotr Urbański, “Jesuit Culture in Poland and Lithuania,
1564–1773,” JJS 5, no. 3 (2018): 341–51, https://brill.com/view/journals/jjs/5/3/article-p341
_341.xml (accessed August 4, 2022); Andrea Mariani, “The Contribution of the Society
of Jesus to the Political Culture of Lithuanian Elites,” Open Political Science 2 (2019): 153–
73, https://doi.org/10.1515/openps-2019-0015 (accessed August 4, 2022); and Paul Shore,
“Fragmentum annuarium Collegii Societatis Iesu Claudiopolitani: The Account of a Jesuit
Mission in Transylvania, 1659–1662,” Reformation and Renaissance Review 8, no. 1 (2006):
83–106.
See Monika Miazek-Męczyńska, Indipetae polonae: Kołatanie do drzwi misji chińskiej
[Polish indipetae: Knocking at the door of the Chinese mission] (Poznań: Wydawnictwo
Naukowe, 2015); Camilla Russell, “Becoming ‘Indians’: The Jesuit Missionary Path from
Italy to Asia,” Renaissance & Reformation/Renaissance et Reforme 43, no. 1 (2020): 9–50;
and Elisa Frei, “The Many Faces of Ignazio Maria Romeo, S.J. (1676–1724?), Petitioner
for the Indies: A Jesuit Seen through his Litterae indipetae and the Epistulae generalium,” AHSI 85, no. 170 (2016): 365–404. The 2012 survey of the literature on the subject
(Aliocha Maldavsky, “Pedir las Indias: Las cartas indipetae de los jesuitas europeos,
siglos XVI–XVIII, ensayo historiográfico” [Ask for the Indies: The litterae indipetae of the
European Jesuits, sixteenth through eighteenth centuries; A historiographical essay],
Relaciones: Estudios de historia y sociedad 33, no. 132 [2012]: 147–81, http://www.scielo.org
.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0185-39292012000400006 [accessed August 4,
2022]), remains very useful. See also the Digital Indipetae Database, edited by Emanuele
Colombo, at https://en.indipetae.com (accessed August 4, 2022), a collection of the letters members of the Society wrote to the superiors general in hopes of being sent on missions, hosted by the Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies at Boston College.
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existing and potential donors. Along with other items of importance to the life
of the Society, for example, the Spiritual Exercises and operational documents,
these Jesuit-authored books helped create an identity for the Society and for its
libraries. Depositories of the periodical letters preserved and transmitted the
global knowledge they contained, making it available to subsequent generations of potential donors and missionaries.
The libraries in overseas missions were initially created in a less systematic
way than their European counterparts, depending on the transport of books
by missionaries themselves, the generosity of patrons, the existence of local
printing presses, and the safe arrival of requested books from Europe. The oldest Jesuit libraries in the Americas were established as part of the Spanish missions, starting with the construction of colleges in Brazil in the 1550s and in
Spanish South America in the 1560s. In North America, too, the earliest Jesuit
libraries are associated with the missions, for example, the Quebec Jesuit
College Library. A mission college was founded in that city in 1635, rebuilt after
a fire in 1640, and expanded considerably during the 1720s, the date of the first
catalog of the library associated with that institution.63 According to Martín:
“Right from the start, every Jesuit group that crossed the Atlantic brought along
a new shipment of books.”64 Musicologist David R.M. Irving has noted that
libraries were occasionally shipped intact, which meant that books published
over long intervals may have arrived in the mission colleges and houses along
with more recently written ones. However, many volumes were requested or
sent individually, and “given the high cost of printed books […], and the trouble
in subjecting them to inquisitorial censorship before their transportation halfway around the world, it is likely that only the newest and most useful works
were taken.”65 As an illustration, in 1575, Superior General Everard Mercurian
(1514–80, in office 1573–80), instructed Gonzalo de Esquivel (d.1573), the procurator of the Indies in Seville (starting 1569), to provide the missions with books.
Mercurian wrote: “You can easily gather a good supply of books, having them
sent from Flanders by way of merchants. And take special care to learn [about]
the good books that come out, which can be approved for our ministries, and
send those.”66
63
64
65
66
Beaulieu, “Introduction,” 15–16.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 75.
David R.M. Irving, “The Dissemination and Use of European Music Books in Early Modern
Asia,” Early Music History 28 (2009): 39–59, here 45.
Antonio Egaña, ed., Monumenta peruana, vol. 1 of 8 (1565–75) (Rome: MHSI, 1954), doc. 176,
“Ultima instructio patris Everardi Mercuriani pro procuratore Indiarum Occidentalium
[Anno 1575]” [The final instruction of Fr Everard Mercurian as procurator of the West
Indies (1575)], 692–69, here 696, paragraph 11: “Con facilidad puede hazer buena provisión
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This means that, in theory at least, printed books that arrived in overseas
Jesuit missions were similar to those in use in Europe.67 It also means that
Jesuits were of vital importance to the spread of the European intellectual
heritage throughout the globe. Hundreds of copies of texts written by and/or
used by the Society of Jesus in its training of priests and education of young
boys around the world were transported throughout Europe, Asia, Africa, and
the Americas.68 This had a truly global impact. Grover has observed that mission libraries were of paramount importance to developing Jesuit librarianship
around the world, a significant intellectual heritage: “As the [mission] libraries grew, the Jesuits established traditions of librarianship that were more
developed in Brazil than in any other European colony.”69 As the European
understanding of libraries was unfamiliar to those in the colonies, this is not
surprising. Many indigenous cultures of the Americas lacked written languages,
obviating the need for collecting printed works. As historian Hortensia Calvo
has observed, the Spanish brought the printing press to their American empire
in 1539, just two decades after the Spanish–Aztec War (1519–21). The machine
“served the ideological, political, and administrative purposes of Spain. The
first presses were brought to Mexico City and Lima [1581] for the explicit purpose of aiding missionaries in the Christianization of native populations.”
Within a century, the same printing presses produced not just catechisms and
hagiographies but regal, legal, and administrative documents that “primarily served the purposes of peninsular administrators and reflected the growing prosperity and intellectual needs of lettered urban criollos, Europeanized
white or mestizo colonists.”70
67
68
69
70
de libros, haziéndolos venir de Flandes[n] por via de mercaderes; y tenga especial cuidado de saber los buenos libros que salen, que puedan aprovechar para nuestros ministerios, y embiarlos.”
See José del Rey Fajardo, “The Role of Libraries in the Missionary Regions of Orinoquia,”
JJS 2, no. 2 (2015): 208–22, here 217, https://doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00202003 (accessed
August 4, 2022).
Irving, “Dissemination and Use of European Music Books,” 47, uses Athanasius Kircher’s
(1602–80) Musurgia universalis, sive, ars magna consoni et dissoni in X libros digesta [The
universal musurgy, or, the great art of consonance and dissonance, arranged in ten books]
(Rome: Francesco Corbelletti, 1650) as an example: on some unidentified date prior to
1654, out of fifteen hundred copies printed, three hundred were given to Jesuits visiting in
Rome for the occasion of electing a new superior general, leading to their distribution in
the colonies; dozens of others were brought to the missions via other means.
Grover, “Book and the Conquest,” 267.
Hortensia Calvo, “The Politics of Print: The Historiography of the Book in Early Spanish
America,” Book History 6 (2003): 277–305, here 278–79. See also Rey Fajardo, “Role of
Libraries in the Missionary Regions,” 212–14.
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Jesuit Libraries
27
Similar techniques of book collection were employed for the Chinese missions. The institution known as the Pei-t’ang Library in Beijing was begun by the
Jesuits as a mission collection in 1601. Its most important early administrator
was the missionary Nicolas Trigault of the Low Countries (1577–1628), whose
1613–20 trip to Europe (accompanied for part of the time by missionary Johann
Schreck of the Holy Roman Empire [1576–1630], whom Trigault met in Rome
in 1614), netted over six hundred books for the institution, of which around
eighty percent were a direct gift of Pope Paul V (Camillo Borghese [1550–1621,
r.1605–61]). Over the following centuries, other donations and purchases of
books printed in Europe and Asia expanded the collection to encompass over
five thousand volumes, as reflected in a 1949 inventory.71 Unfortunately, as Noël
Golvers has demonstrated in his breathtakingly thorough study of Jesuit book
collecting for Chinese missions, depending on donations could be a troublesome thing.72 Letters pleading for copies of particular volumes, or the money
to procure them, did not always produce the desired result. Some colleges
addressed this very complex problem, made more difficult in areas that did
not use the Latin alphabet, by setting up printing presses, as in Japan.73
In addition to requesting volumes from European colleges and houses, some
mission libraries in other continents directly “seeded” others, providing new
establishments with books from their existing collections. For example, the
library at the Colegio Máximo de San Pablo de Lima (founded 1568), in Peru,
began with a small collection of books brought over from Spain with the initial
mission.74 Over the following decades, this library received generous support
from Spanish donors, including, in 1602, the private library of Jesuit Francisco
71
72
73
74
The mission in Pei-t’ang (North Church) was established in 1696 and took over the libraries of both the North Church and the South Church (Nan-t’ang), the latter of which, run
by Portuguese Jesuits, was the larger of the two. The institution that today is called the
Pei-t’ang library was not named that in the seventeenth century. The renaming is the
result of the transfer of texts with the arrival of French Jesuits and the construction of
Pei-t’ang. See J.S. [James Sylvester] Cummins, “Present Location of the Pei-t‘ang Library,”
Monumenta Nipponica 22, no. 3/4 (1967): 482–87, here 482; Noël Golvers, “The Pre-1773
Jesuit Libraries in Peking as a Medium for Western Learning in the Seventeenth- and
Early Eighteenth-Century China,” The Library 7th ser. 16, no. 4 (2013): 429–45, here 430–31,
and Golvers, Johann Schreck Terrentius, S.J.: His European Network and the Origins of the
Jesuit Library in Peking (Turnhout: Brepols, 2021). The 1949 catalog is Hubert Germain
Verhaeren, Catalogue de la bibliothèque du Pe-t’ang Mission catholique des Lazaristes à
Pékin (Beijing: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1969 [1949]).
Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China.
Yoshimi Orii, “The Dispersion of Jesuit Books Printed in Japan: Trends in Bibliographical
Research and in Intellectual History,” JJS 2, no. 2 (2015): 189–207, https://doi
.org/10.1163/22141332-00202002 (accessed August 4, 2022).
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 75.
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de Coello (c.1569–1622). Coello had been alcalde de corte (a justice) in Lima
starting in 1592, after having taught at the University of Salamanca. He became
rector of the college in Lima in 1614, by which time, according to contemporary testimony, the library had accumulated around four thousand volumes
(excluding duplicates).75 This large collection included “good histories of every
period and every region of the globe” written by scholars from antiquity to the
present, in Latin, Spanish, Italian, French, and Portuguese, for example tales of
the Jesuit missions as well as texts like Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix’s
(1682–1761) Histoire et description generale de la Nouvelle France (History and
general description of New France), histories of the great European cities, and
of the religious orders.76 Alongside these were volumes recounting indigenous
religious practices, along with books on civil law and administration (regional
and international), farming, botany, animal husbandry, commerce, economics,
shipbuilding, navigation, geography, astronomy, geometry, mathematics, metallurgy, hydraulics, optics, mechanics, and electricity.77 In addition to the main
library, San Pablo also had a medical library, for which “the college’s administrators did not spare any expense to order the best medical books available
from Europe.”78 These included classic texts (and commentaries on them)
as well as modern treatises on pharmacy, surgery, anatomy, and diseases, in
Latin, Spanish, French, German, and Italian.79 As a result, San Pablo became
“a distributing center of the printed word for the entire Viceroyalty of Peru
[…]. Single copies of all the new publications were immediately placed in the
library, and the rest of the books were set aside to be sent to other Jesuit colleges throughout the viceroyalty […]. During the seventeenth century thousands of books left San Pablo” to Jesuit foundations all over the region, even as
far as the Viceroyalty of La Plata.80
Brazilian Jesuit libraries were larger than their counterparts in New Spain
and New France, and the largest Brazilian collection was at the College of
Bahia. From the beginning of that mission, the Jesuits on site requested
books from Portugal, and apparently received many—even from King João III
(1502–57, r.1521–57)—on subjects useful for teaching, for the personal use of
the resident Jesuits, and for combatting heresy. Like the college in Lima, this
college sent volumes to other Brazilian Jesuit libraries “whenever books were
75
76
77
78
79
80
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 78. Martín does not indicate the size of Coello’s
donation.
Paris: Rollin Fils, 1744. See Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 88.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 89–95.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 106.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 107–8.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 79–81, quote on 79.
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Jesuit Libraries
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needed to begin libraries or augment already existing collections.”81 In the late
sixteenth century, the provincial of Brazil determined that when a resident
died, the college or house should take an inventory. This means that we have
detailed information from this region long before the suppression inventories,
allowing for some understanding of how the libraries developed over time.82
As was true of the American missions, Jesuit missions to Asia included the
transfer of both personnel and books of importance to evangelization. The first
Jesuit library in Japan was founded in 1556, with a collection of roughly one
hundred volumes, including printed works of Plato (c.429–347 BCE), Aristotle
(384–322 BCE), Augustine (354–430), Thomas Aquinas (1224/25–74), and the
major European university theologians of the Renaissance and Reformation,
along with manuscript translations of theological works in Japanese that were
created after the arrival of missionaries in 1549.83 Early Jesuit libraries in Japan
have been the subject of intense study, made possible by the German Jesuit
Johannes Laures (1891–1959), whose 1941 book Kirishitan bunko collected documentation from the early missions in Japan, largely from the Sophia University
(Tokyo) library.84 The database contains over 15,600 books as of mid-2022.85
81
82
83
84
85
Grover, “Book and the Conquest,” 270–71 (quote on 271), 280n19. See also Gonçalves da
Silva, “As bibliotecas dos jesuitas,” especially 222–24, referring to requests for specific
texts, purchases, donations, and losses, including the 1601 seizure of books from Fernão
Cardim (c.1549–1625) by corsairs, and the removal of volumes by the Dutch during their
occupation of Bahia in 1624; and Serafim Leite, História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil
[History of the Society of Jesus in Brazil], 10 vols. (Lisbon: Livraria Portugalia, 1938–50),
esp. vol. 4.
Gonçalves da Silva, “As bibliotecas dos jesuitas,” 221, places this decision in 1587.
According to Luiz Fernando Medeiros Rodrigues, the date was 1597. “As ‘livrarias’ dos
jesuítas no Brasil colonial, segundo os documentos do Archivum Romano [sic] Societatis
Iesu,” Cauriensia 4 (2011): 375–302, here 379, https://dehesa.unex.es/handle/10662/2483
(accessed August 4, 2022).
Jesús López Gay, “La primera biblioteca de los jesuítas en el Japón (1556): Su continedo y
su influencia” [The first library of the Jesuits in Japan (1556): Its contents and influence],
Monumenta Nipponica 15, no. 3/4 (1959–60), 350–79, here 350–52. A reconstructed list of
the library’s contents is found on 354–56.
Johannes Laures, Kirishitan bunko: A Manual of Books and Documents on the Early
Christian Mission in Japan, with Special Reference to the Principal Libraries in Japan and
More Particularly in the Collection at Sophia University, Tokyo, with an Appendix of Ancient
Maps of the Far East, Especially Japan (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1941); it initially contained
only thirty-five books but has since been expanded significantly in the Laures Kirishitan
Bunko Library database (the English-language version is available at https://digital
-archives.sophia.ac.jp/laures-kirishitan-bunko/?lang=en [accessed August 4, 2022]).
For more on this, see Orii, “Dispersion of Jesuit Books Printed in Japan.”
“Kirishitan Bunko Library,” https://www.sophia.ac.jp/eng/research/research/affiliated_r
/Kirishitan_bunko.html (accessed August 4, 2022).
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Although many of the books in demand in the missions related in some
way to theology in its different forms, as Irving has observed, Jesuit missions,
along with commercial and diplomatic endeavors, brought not only European
songs and musical notation but also the instruments and theoretical treatises
that allowed both the performance and continual production of such music.
That would eventually contribute to a market for European music, but the
demand for such material printed in Asia grew slowly. In Nagasaki, the Jesuit
press produced “the earliest example of printed European music from Asia”
in 1605: Manuale ad sacramenta ecclesiae ministranda (Manual for administering the sacraments of the church), by the Portuguese Jesuit and bishop of
Funai, Japan, Luís de Cerqueira (1551/52–1614).86 Despite its importance, it was
not until more than a century later, in 1723, that a similar work was printed in
China (in Chinese), and no other examples of printed music using European
staff notation are known before the middle of the nineteenth century.87 Music
was critical to the missions for multiple reasons, not least of which was related
to the Christian tradition, which connected music and religious ritual. Hymns,
like prayers, served as ways to praise and communicate with the divine. Irving
notes that “collections of plainchant and polyphony were imported to the
Philippines, Japan and China” from the start of the missionary period: the
first Jesuit library in Japan dates from 1556 and included works of plainchant
and polyphony.88 The Jesuit collections in Asia, thus, largely depended on
European printing presses and manuscripts for their musical texts.
These varied institutions, in Europe and its missions, depended on the written word in multiple ways, and their collections reflected a desire to preserve
and perpetuate that tradition. Before the suppression, libraries at Jesuit institutions did not have systematic collection practices. They chose or were given
books that fall into predictable categories, but there appear to be no patterns
for given percentages, for example, of rhetoric versus history, or for an emphasis on ascetical versus dogmatic theology. They chose or were given books by
authors from multiple religious orders but demonstrated a bias toward Jesuit
authors (corrected for the biases of availability, as both the Dominicans and
Franciscans had been writing books since the mid-thirteenth century versus
86
87
88
Luís de Cerqueira, Manuale ad sacramenta ecclesiae ministranda: Opera ad usum sui cleri
ordinatum [Manual for administering the sacraments of the church: Works ordained for
the use of the clergy] (Nagasaki: Collegium Japonicum Societatis Iesu, 1605); a modern
edition is available as Luís de Cerqueira, Manuale ad sacramenta ecclesiae ministranda =
サカラメンタ提要, ed. Toshiaki Kōso (Tokyo: Yūshōdō Shuppan, 2006).
Irving, “Dissemination and Use of European Music Books,” 40, 50–53.
Irving, “Dissemination and Use of European Music Books,” 43. See also López Gay, “La
primera biblioteca de los jesuitas en el Japón (1556).”
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Jesuit Libraries
31
the Jesuits, authors since the mid-sixteenth). They chose or were given books
authored by regional or local scholars. These practices could certainly have
arisen from mere convenience. Wherever the Jesuit libraries were found, they
acted as support for teaching, preaching, and administering the sacraments
but depended heavily on the generosity of donors. Mission libraries, including those in Eastern Europe as well as the global colonies, differed from the
Western European ones in notable ways, including relying more heavily on
local printing and local authors. All of the libraries run by the Society served as
repositories of knowledge, a bulwark against heretical thought, and centers of
creativity. As such, they became targets in the suppression, and their contents
were destroyed, stolen, sold, and seized by private individuals, other religious
orders, and governments. We turn now to the period between 1759 and 1814.
2
Libraries during the Suppression
While Christian missionaries were expelled from Asian countries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the Jesuits were the subject of local
expulsions in Europe during that same period, the order as a whole remained
intact until the middle of the eighteenth century.89 The formal, international
suppression of the Society of Jesus began with its expulsion from Brazil in 1754,
followed by Portugal in 1759, France and its territories in 1764, then Spain and
its territories in 1767. It was formalized in Western and Central Europe, and
the rest of the European missions, by the papal brief Dominus ac redemptor
(July 21, 1773). The Society was then banned in Austria and Hungary in 1782
but was never formally suppressed in Russia; it was restored by the papal bull
Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum (August 7, 1814).90 During this period, the possessions of the Society, including its libraries, were taken over by other religious
89
90
For more on the lengthy history of suppressions of the Society of Jesus, see, e.g., Bertrand
M. Roehner, “Jesuits and the State: A Comparative Study of their Expulsions (1590–1990),”
Religion 27, no. 2 (1997): 165–82, doi: 10.1006/reli.1996.0048 (accessed August 4, 2022),
and Sabina Pavone, “Banishment, Exile and Opposition: Jesuit Crises before the 1760s,”
Lusitania sacra 32 (2015): 105–19.
On the period of the full suppression, see Paul Shore, “The Years of Jesuit Suppression,
1773–1814: Survival, Setbacks, and Transformation,” Brill Research Perspectives in Jesuit
Studies 2, no. 1 (2020), https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004423374 (accessed August 4, 2022).
The brief of suppression is available in English at https://jesuitportal.bc.edu/research
/documents/1773_dominusacredemptor (accessed August 4, 2022); the bull of restoration is available in Latin at https://www.vatican.va/content/paul-vi/la/motu_proprio
/documents/hf_p-vi_motu-proprio_19690624_sollicitudo-omnium-ecclesiarum.html
(accessed August 4, 2022).
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orders, private individuals, and governments, not only interrupting the tradition of collecting books that had begun more than two centuries earlier but
permanently alienating many of those books from the Jesuits.
Cataclysmic events, as well as isolated problems, had previously led to
the loss of Jesuit-owned books. A few examples can illustrate this. In Japan,
Christianity was outlawed and all missionaries expelled in 1614; the Jesuit mission press books were burned in June 1626.91 In 1684, during the War of the
Reunions between France and Spain (1683–84), the French navy bombarded
Genoa for twelve days in May, as punishment for Genoese support for the
Spanish. Among the casualties was the library of the Jesuit professed house
there.92 The confiscation of territory in Goa and Malabar by the Portuguese
viceroy to India in 1648–49 certainly threatened the possessions of the
Society that were housed on that land.93 During the Swedish occupation of
Poland–Lithuania (1655–57), the siege of Kraków meant that multiple libraries were destroyed, but that of the Jesuit Collegium Maius was saved by what
Maria Nowak has called “the heroic efforts of students and faculty.” These
included giving books to the king of Sweden in exchange for protection against
plunder. The material losses were partly offset by local donations to the collegium after the occupation ended, but the combination of plague (1651–53) and
war meant that a greater loss occurred: the deaths of “many of its benefactors
and its most prominent librarians […] resulted in a severe mismanagement”
of this generosity.94 In England, the Glorious Revolution (1688–89) was the
motivation for ransacking Jesuit libraries, for example, the colleges founded in
the 1670s and ’80s in Wolverhampton, Wigan, Lincoln, Pontefract, Gateshead,
London, and Bury St Edmunds; the books were distributed to other institutions
or burned.95 When the residents of the English mission college of St. Omer
were exiled from France in 1764 with the suppression of the Society there, they
91
92
93
94
95
Peter F. Kornicki, “The History of the Book in Japan,” in The Book: A Global History, ed.
Michael F. Suarez and Henry R. Woudhuysen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013),
605–21, here 609. I thank Yoshimi Orii for her help on this point.
Luigi Marchini, “Biblioteche pubbliche a Genova nel Settecento” [Public libraries in
Genoa in the eighteenth century], Atti della Società ligure di Storia patria n.s. 20, no. 2
(1979): 40–67, here 43.
Délio Mendonça, “Jesuits in Goa: Restoration after Suppression (1759–1935),” AHSI 83, no.
165 (2014): 131–60, here 138–39.
Maria J. Nowak, “The History of the Jagiellonian Library,” Libraries & Culture 32, no. 1
(1997): 94–106, here 98–99.
See T. Gregory Holt, “A Jesuit School in the City in 1688,” Transactions of the London and
Middlesex Archaeological Society 32 (1981): 153–58. Arthur Charles Frederick Beales,
Education under Penalty: English Catholic Education from the Reformation to the Fall of
James II, 1547–1689 (London: Athlone Press, 1963), notes that at Wolverhampton, most of
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Jesuit Libraries
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moved to Bruges, taking what they could carry. There, among other hardships,
they suffered the loss of books to mice.96 After a decade there, because of the
general suppression of the Society, most of the students and teachers migrated
to Liège until 1794, and then, in the wake of the Napoleonic Wars (1803–15),
transferred to England to establish a college in Stonyhurst at an estate owned
by a former pupil, Cardinal Thomas Weld (1773–1837).97 During that evacuation, the fleeing Jesuits auctioned off some possessions, including books, and
left others behind.98 John Gerard (1564–1637), author of a history of the college,
observed: “It is said that the French destroyed all that was left, waggon loads
of the best books being converted into wadding for the cannon, and the mathematical and optical cabinet being pillaged.”99
The papal suppression was the cause of the widest and greatest destruction to Jesuit property, both real and movable. Events in Spain and its colonies, where the process began in 1767, illustrate the issue.100 In January 1767,
96
97
98
99
100
the books were burned: 258–59, 259n1. Beales also describes the burning of books and
other items in the house at Pontefract on 249.
Peter Leech and Maurice Whitehead, “‘In Paradise and among Angels’: Music and
Musicians at St. Omers English Jesuit College, 1593–1721,” Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke
Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 61 (2011): 57–82, here 59; John Gerard,
Memorials of Stonyhurst College (London: Burns & Oates, 1881), 3; Gerard, Centenary
Record: Stonyhurst College, Its Life beyond the Seas, 1592–1794 (Belfast: Marcus Ward &
Co., 1894), 8–12; and Janet Graffius, “St. Omers to Stonyhurst: Jesuit Education of English
Catholics 1593–1900,” in Catholic Collecting/Catholic Reflection, 1538–1850, ed. Virginia
Chieffo Raguin (Worcester, MA: College of the Holy Cross, Cantor Art Gallery, 2006),
161–68, here 163. According to T. [Thomas] E. Muir, Stonyhurst College 1593–1993 (London:
James & James, 1992), 61: “Already, before the inspectors arrived to take their inventories,
much property had been transferred over the border by Brother Blythe.”
Melody Layton McMahon, “Three Catholic Libraries in London,” Theological Librarianship
4, no. 1 (2011): 22–31, here 23; Atticus Hewitson, Stonyhurst College, Its Past and Present: An
Account of Its History, Architecture, Treasures, Curiosities, etc. (Preston: “Chronicle” Office,
1870), 23; Chris Pedley, “Heythrop College Library,” Bulletin of the Association of British
Theological and Philosophical Libraries 11, no. 3 (2004): 8–10, here 8.
George Gruggen and Joseph Keating, Stonyhurst: Its Past History and Life in the Present
(London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1906), 43.
Gerard, Memorials of Stonyhurst College, 41.
J. Michelle Molina has written an evocative depiction of the twenty-four hours following the notice of evacuation of the Colegio Espíritu Santo in Puebla de los Ángeles, New
Spain (modern Puebla, Mexico), starting at dawn on June 25, 1767, in a study focused on
how deeply entrenched the Society was in the everyday life and culture of that city. It is
based largely on the account of the notary Manuel del Castillo (dates unknown), hired
by the surely coincidentally named Francis Xavier Machado y Fiesco, secretary of José
de Gálvez y Gallardo, first marquess of Sonora (1720–87) and “a captain in the infantry
and the commissioner charged with overseeing the arrest of the Jesuits […] as well as the
occupation and confiscation of all their holdings” in that city. The inventory was not taken
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the Consejo Extraordinario de Madrid (Extraordinary Council of Madrid, an
ad hoc government commission called by the king) issued a statement that
included detailed instructions for those who were to take possession of the
written materials belonging to the houses and colleges. Representatives of the
state, accompanied by the Jesuits who administered the sites, were to seize
“archivos, papeles de toda especie, Biblioteca común, libros y escritorios de
aposentos” (archives, papers of all kinds, the common library, books, and writing desks in the [individual] rooms).101 In April, the royal government issued
the Instrucción de lo que se deberá observar para inventariar los libros y papeles
existentes en las casas que han sido de los regulares de la Compañía en todos los
dominios de S.M. (Instruction for what must be observed in inventorying the
books and papers existing in the houses that have been under the rule of the
Society [of Jesus] in all of His Majesty’s domains), followed in May by a royal
order that distributed the contents of the Jesuit libraries between the universities and colleges of the Spanish Empire.102
The response of individual institutions to such directives, in Spanish territories and elsewhere, can be pieced together in some part by consulting the
inventories that were taken at the occasion of the suppression. Shutting down
the operations of a global corporation is a difficult business, and the secular
and religious authorities sought detailed information about the contents of
the Jesuit colleges and houses, to determine the scope of the Society’s wealth
(and its debts) and provide for ways to manage it. These are the broadest pictures we have of pre-suppression collections, yet they are certainly incomplete,
contain errors, and reflect only a moment in time, not a thorough history of
Jesuit librarianship. Often taken in haste, by scribes who might not have been
101
102
until several years later, but the notary’s work included describing the library and making brief remarks on its contents, as well as commenting on books owned or borrowed
by individual Jesuits. J. Michelle Molina, “God in All Things? The Sacramental Logics of
Jesuit Material Remains,” Social Analysis: The International Journal of Anthropology 64,
no. 4 (2020): 60–80, here 65, 68, 71–72, https://doi.org/10.3167/sa.2020.640404 (accessed
August 4, 2022).
Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, Estado, 3.517, 10, quoted in Constancio Eguía Ruiz,
“Los jesuitas, proveedores de bibliotecas” [The Jesuits, curators of libraries], Razón y fe 130
(1944): 235–58, here 235.
See, e.g., Alfonso Rubio Hernández, “Las librerías de la Compañía de Jesús en Nueva
Granada: Un análisis descriptivo a través de sus inventarios” [The libraries of the Society
of Jesus in New Granada: A descriptive analysis based on their inventories], Información,
cultura y sociedad 31 (2014): 53–66, here 55. The most thorough study of this process is
María Dolores García Gómez, Testigos de la memoria: Los inventarios de las bibliotecas
de la Compañía de Jesús en la expulsión de 1767 [Witnesses to memory: The inventories
of the libraries of the Society of Jesus at the expulsion of 1767] (San Vicente del Raspeig:
Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 2010).
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scholars versed in multiple languages, and constructed in a period before standardization of citation practices, handwritten lists of library contents inconsistently identified manuscripts vs. print books, often abbreviated or omitted
either titles or authors, and rarely listed individual pamphlets or cheaply
printed texts. For example, in an inventory from Bagnacavallo (1774), one entry
reads simply “Libercoli nᵒ 36” (worthless books, numbering thirty-six), while
the census of books from Livorno (1773–75) indicates “Manoscritti t. 1/2/3/4/5”
(manuscripts, five volumes).103 Spelling errors and idiosyncratic abbreviations
abound in the identification of authors, titles, and sometimes both. Indeed,
as Italian historian Roberto Rusconi has observed: “It was not at all uncommon for the bibliographical elements to be translated into an inventorial Latin,
thereby making it hard to be certain of the identification of a specific issue,
especially when the same work circulated in Latin and in the vernacular.”104
Venezuelan historian José Del Rey Fajardo, S.J. has lamented “la poca importancia que el Gobernador de los Llanos dio al acervo libresco” (the little import
that the governor of the Llanos assigned to the collection of books) while
seizing Jesuit assets in the Orinoco delta (modern Colombia and Venezuela),
and notes that many of the bibliographical indications were imprecise.105
Similarly, Grover notes that less care was taken with libraries than with other
goods: books were worth less than, for example, real estate, art, and liturgical
103
104
105
Archivio Comunale di Ferrara, Ex Patrimonio Gesuitico 78: Descriptio Biblioteca
Excollegi Societatis Iesu Balneocaballi [Description of the library of the former Jesuit
college of Bagncavallo, attested to by the commune of Bagnacavallo], and Archivio di
Stato di Firenze, Compagnie Religiose Soppresse da Pietro Leopoldo. Gesuiti di Livorno.
Inventario dei Libri, Fogli, Documenti, attenenti all’Istoria, Diritti, Ragioni, ed. Azienda del
già Collegio della Compagnia di Gesù di Livorno 1773–1775 [Jesuits of Livorno: Inventory
of books, papers, (and) documents, pertaining to the history, rights, claims, and authority
of the former Jesuit college of Livorno]. In some cases, libraries were inventoried during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. One set of transcriptions of these for central
Italian colleges can be found in Brendan Connolly, “The Roots of Jesuit Librarianship,
1540–1599” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1955), 39–43. I have transcribed inventories
from selected sixteenth- and seventeenth-century European Jesuit institutions, from
archival or print sources, and made them available at https://www.jesuit-libraries.com
/the-database (accessed August 4, 2022). For some of these inventories, I have provided
the complete author and title information.
Roberto Rusconi, “The Devil’s Trick: Impossible Editions in the Lists of Titles from the
Regular Orders in Italy at the End of the Sixteenth Century,” in Lost Books: Reconstructing
the Print World of Pre-industrial Europe, ed. Flavia Bruni and Andrew Pettegree (Leiden:
Brill, 2016), 310–23, here 313.
José del Rey Fajardo, “La cultura, el libro y las lecturas de los misioneros casanareños”
[Culture, the book, and reading in the Casanareño missions], Boletín de la Academia
Nacional de la Historia 81 (1998): 213–93, here 215.
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plate.106 This was, unfortunately, a traditional approach. The Dissolution of
the Monasteries in England (1536–41), as an earlier example, had resulted in
similarly vague inventorying. Pettegree and der Weduwen note that the desire
for “hard-nosed efficiency” in the process led the assessors to “track the fate of
every piece of silverware, every bell and every lead roof,” and to have concern
for the documents detailing the value of the estates. They were not interested
in books unless they had particularly rich bindings.107 Even two centuries later,
the printed word was not considered of sufficient value to linger over detailed
descriptions. At times, this makes identification of the text very difficult, if
not impossible. In some fortunate cases, those taking the inventories included
a printing place and/or date. The largest example I have seen of this is from
Maastricht, where the lion’s share of the more than three thousand entries
includes place and date of printing as well as a general indication of subject.108
Even such a thorough and careful listing may not be complete. According to
Martín, nearly thirty-two thousand books from the library at the Colegio de
San Pablo in Lima, “a true Babel of books printed in Greek, Latin, Hebrew,
Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Catalan, French, German, and in the most
important Aboriginal languages of the new world,” were simply piled up and
“never properly described in the inventory.”109
These lists of books tell modern scholars what, at one point, the Jesuits
owned; they do not account for what became of the possessions once the inventories were taken. That information comes from eyewitness accounts and from
provenance research. Some books initially escaped the looting: as an example,
Jesuits who left Spain for the Italian peninsula, where the Society was still in
operation, carried books with them, but we do not know how many.110 Most
were transferred in response to the government’s directives, including the
contents of the libraries of the Jesuits of Granada, Oviedo, and Valladolid,
which were sent to universities in those cities. The library of the college in
Salamanca was divided unequally between the diocesan seminary and the
106
107
108
109
110
Grover, “Book and the Conquest,” 278.
Pettegree and der Weduwen, Library, 108–9; quotes from 108.
Rijksarchief in Limburg, Archief Jezuieten Maastricht, Inv. 30: Catalogus librorum Collegii
Traiectensis ad Mosam Societatis Iesu anno 1733 [Catalog of the books of the Maastricht
Jesuit college, 1733].
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 86, 165n20; he also notes that the officials taking
the inventories skipped over the German books in one private collection at that college
because they did not read German (85), which makes it likely that any German-language
books in the main inventory were similarly passed over.
Eguía Ruiz, “Los jesuitas, proveedores de bibliotecas,” 236.
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local university.111 Where there were no universities, books often ended up
in the possession of the local religious authorities, including other religious
orders: for example, the Dominicans of Manila, the Philippines, received an
unknown number of books from the library of the Jesuit Colegio de Manila,
which closed in 1768.112 In Córdoba, the bishop created a diocesan library in
part from books once owned by Jesuits; in the Canary Islands, the local seminary received the Jesuit books.113 The Reales Estudios de San Isidro, created in
1770–71 at the site of the former Jesuit Colegio Imperial in Madrid, collected “at
least 34,000 volumes” from the college, professed house, and novitiate. While
these combined libraries originally contained more books than that, the new
institution weeded out duplicates and other material it considered inappropriate for a public, secular institution with a library open to the public.114 In
Lima, Peru, the bulk of the collection of the College of San Pablo, amounting
to over forty thousand books, was transferred to the University of San Marcos,
which had no library of its own.115 Many of the colonial Jesuit libraries were
similarly nationalized, but the slow pace of bureaucracy, combined with the
vast numbers of books in question, meant that collections often sat in damp,
bookworm-riddled places for years at a time before being transferred. Books
were lost, for example, when the Real y Pontificia Universidad of Mexico
City delayed taking possession of the Jesuit libraries.116 During the French
Revolution, seized monastic libraries were sometimes sources of paper for kindling; likely, the same was true for the collections of non-monastic orders.117
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
Eguía Ruiz, “Los jesuitas, proveedores de bibliotecas,” 238, 240; Ramón Sánchez González,
“La biblioteca del Colegio San Bernardo de la Compañía de Jesús en Oropesa (Toledo)”
[The library of the Jesuit college of San Bernardo in Oropesa (Toledo)], Hispania sacra 63
(2011): 41–74, here 47.
John N. Crossley, “Dominican and Jesuit Formal Education in the First Years of Spanish
Manila (c.1571–1621),” Journal of Religious History 42, no. 2 (2018): 181–99, here 187, https://
doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12427 (accessed August 4, 2022).
Solana Pujalte, “El fondo del siglo XVI de la biblioteca del antiguo Colegio de Santa
Catalina,” 121; Sánchez González, “La biblioteca del Colegio San Bernardo,” 48.
Aurora Miguel Alonso, “La biblioteca de los Reales Estudios de San Isidro” [The library
of the Reales Estudios of San Isidro] (PhD diss., Universidad Complutense de Madrid,
Madrid, 1992), 292.
Martín, Intellectual Conquest of Peru, 96.
María Idalia García Aguilar, “Imprenta y librerias jesuitas en la Nueva España” [Print and
Jesuit libraries in New Spain], in El libro en circulación en la América colonial: Producción,
circuitos de distribución y conformación de bibliotecas en los siglos XVI al XVIII [The book
in circulation in colonial America: Production, distribution circuits, and the structure
of libraries in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries], ed. Idalia García Aguilar and
Pedro Rueda Ramírez (Mexico City: Quivira, 2014), 205–37, here 231–32.
See Pettegree and der Weduwen, Library, 236.
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Others were lost in transit, or their origins were obscured in the name of efficiency. In Genoa, the “Deputazione ex gesuitica” (Deputation of the former
Jesuits), a government body created to deal with the possessions of the Society
after the suppression, reached the decision to combine all the libraries of the
Jesuit colleges into one at the College of San Gerolamo, near the University of
Genoa (the College of Theology there, founded 1471, had been taken over by
the Jesuits in 1569), and rename it the university library. Starting in 1777, the
new library was headed by one Gaspare Luigi Oderico (1725–1803), a former
Jesuit. The books from the professed house in the city were added to the collection, and Oderico, along with an assistant Giovanni Battista Enrici (dates
unavailable), completed an inventory in 1787, which they followed by selling
duplicates and putting the proceeds toward the purchase of new books.118
Such actions do not appear to be losses in the larger sense, since once the different libraries were combined duplication was not necessary; but they must
be counted as such for the individual collection of origin.
In Rome, the library of the professed house was raided by individuals, including Cardinal Francesco Saverio de Zelada (1717–1801), who took books for their
own collections or those of their friends. The library of the Roman novitiate
was sold, along with the private collection of the late superior general Giovanni
Paolo Oliva (1600–81, in office 1664–81), to Nicola Felice Bischi (1730–c.1793),
a cousin and chamberlain of Pope Clement XIV (Giovanni Vincenzo Antonio
Ganganelli [1705–74, r. 1769–74]). Together with his own books, and those from
the library of the Jesuit College of Tivoli, a city thirty kilometers northeast of
Rome, Bischi donated this substantial collection to the city council of Tivoli.
By 1796, the city council had opened this rich treasure to the public, where it
remains as a part of the Biblioteca Comunale of Tivoli.119 In parts of France
and the Low Countries, books were auctioned on a grand scale: for example,
printed auction catalogs from Antwerp, Ghent, Leuven, Luxembourg, and
Paris each contain hundreds of pages of titles for sale.120 Presumably, some of
118
119
120
Giacomo Montanari, “Docere, delectare, movere: From the Library of the College of
the Society of Jesus in Genoa to the Iconographic Interpretation of the Great Fresco
Painted by Giovanni Andrea Carlone in the Salone degli esercizi letterari,” in Jesuits and
Universities: Artistic and Ideological Aspects of Baroque Colleges of the Society of Jesus;
Examples from Genoa and Wrocław, ed. Giacomo Montanari, Arkadiusz Wojtyła, and
Małgorzata Wyrzykowska (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2015),
81–116, here 94; and Marchini, “Biblioteche pubbliche a Genova nel Settecento,” 44–45.
Aurora Miguel Alonso, “Los fondos jesuitas en las bibliotecas de Roma,” 360–61.
Catalogue de livres des bibliothéques de la maison professe, du collége & du couvent des
ci-devant jésuites d’Anvers [Catalog of books from the libraries of the professed house,
college, and convent of the former Jesuits of Antwerp], 2 vols. (Leuven: J.P.J. Michel, 1778);
Catalogue de livres des bibliothéques de la du Collége des ci-devant jésuites a Gand [Catalog
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Jesuit Libraries
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the books sold were duplicates, and some of the proceeds were used to fulfill
debts of a given college; however, the particulars—how items were chosen for
auction, who profited from the sale—were likely to be specific to the context
and depend on such concerns as anti-Jesuit feeling within the government, the
needs of other religious orders or secular educational institution, and so on.
In Portuguese Mozambique (1759), evacuation and suppression of the missions was undertaken with directions that strictly limited what could and could
not be auctioned. These did not directly mention books but required “that only
perishable goods and stock should be auctioned […].”121 There were likely to
be both mission and college libraries (e.g., in Sena and Tete, both founded
in the first decades of the seventeenth century in Mozambique) to consider
in this territory: books that belonged to members of the Society, and books
that they used to teach. However, information on collections in the region is
sparse. One of the more recent studies of the Mozambique missions up to
the time of the suppression provides significant details about the finances of
those missions and the inventory of household items but says very little about
reading material—even for the largest of the residential complexes of the mission (in Sena). The church in Murça is reported to have had one missal.122 In
Portuguese Goa, the suppression was similarly chaotic and apparently dismayingly destructive. Many of the records there were lost and may have deliberately been destroyed. Augustinians, Capuchins, Dominicans, Franciscans, the
Brothers of St. John of God, and parish priests took over the Goan foundations,
meaning that it is likely that they were granted possession of at least some
books too.123 Jesuit historian John Correia-Afonso (1924–2005) wrote that local
officials were “most faithless” in their attention to the king’s orders to ship
the ecclesiastical archives to Lisbon, and that a 1774 attempt by Francisco da
Assunção e Brito (1726–1808), the archbishop of Goa (1773–1808), came across
the roadblock of a ship’s captain who “refused to take on board the huge heaps
121
122
123
of books from the libraries of the college of the former Jesuits of Ghent] (Brussels: n.p.,
1778); Jean Pierre Georges Michel, J. Vanden Berghen, and Walter S. Davis, Catalogues
de livres du collège des ci-devant jésuites de Louvain [Catalog of books from the college
of the former Jesuits of Louvain] (Leuven: Chez Michel, 1778); Catalogue de livres de la
bibliothèque du collége des ci-devant jésuites à Luxembourg [Catalog of books from the
library of the college of the former Jesuits of Luxembourg] (Luxembourg: Leonardy, 1778);
and Catalogue des livres de la bibliothèque des ci-devant soi-disans jésuites du Collége de
Clermont [Catalog of books from the library former so-called Jesuits of the College of
Clermont] (Paris: Saugrain & Leclerc, 1764).
William Francis Rea, The Economics of the Zambezi Missions 1580–1759 (Rome: Institutum
Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1976), 81–86, quote from 83.
Rea, Economics of the Zambezi Missions, 149, 153.
Mendonça, “Jesuits in Goa: Restoration after Suppression (1759–1935),” 147.
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of official papers and letters piled up high on the pier, and had them burned at
the Aguada Fort.”124 Some of the archival documents were purchased privately
in 1776, and others were given to the British Museum in 1828 and 1835; still
others are now found in Braga, Portugal. I have found no indications of what
became of the printed works.
Globally, the fate of Jesuit libraries during the suppression fell into essentially four categories, identified by Grover in his study of Brazilian institutions.
Some libraries were sold in their entirety, either to other religious orders or to
individuals. Others were given at no cost to religious orders that took over the
administration of the site from the Jesuits. Some books, and even entire collections, were sent from the colonies to Europe (again, either to religious orders or
to individuals). Finally, a small number of libraries languished in place with no
one to take over, leading to the destruction of their contents either by humans
or by environmental factors.125 To these four categories, we must add the sale
or transfer to non-religious public entities, like university, state, or royal libraries, as happened in Spain and its territories and in the Polish–Lithuanian
Commonwealth. In 1759, the year of the suppression in Portugal, the British
army requisitioned the college in Quebec and “turned it into a depot for provisions and supplies”—but not a well-guarded one, as it was raided in 1763. The
community remained intact until 1773, and the last of the members to die disposed of the remnants of the library by donating them to local hospitals and
the diocesan seminary.126 In at least one case, that of the Colegio San Bernardo
in Oropesa (Spain), the books reverted to a family. In his will, which helped
establish that college, Don Francisco Álvarez de Toledo (1515–82), viceroy of
Peru, donated not only a large sum of money but also his own books, with the
stipulation that those texts “no se han de poder sacar en ninguna manera, ni
por causa alguna, en ningún tiempo, del dicho Colegio” (must not be removed
in any way, neither for any reason nor at any time, from the said college). Since
the college had been suppressed, Spanish authorities determined that his family, not the state or any other entity, was the rightful heir of the books.127
124
125
126
127
John Correa-Afonso, Jesuit Letters and Indian History 1542–1773 (Bombay: Oxford University
Press, 1969), 134.
Grover, “Book and the Conquest,” 278–79, 283nn55–57. See also María Idalia García
Aguilar, “Entre el olvido y la supervivencia: Los libros jesuitas del colegio de San Luis
Potosí” [Between oblivion and survival: The Jesuit books of the college of San Luis Potosí],
Revista de el Colegio de San Luis n.s. 6, no. 11 (2016): 48–105, here 62–63.
Beaulieu, “Introduction,” 16.
Sánchez González, “La biblioteca del Colegio San Bernardo,” 44, quoting from Archivo
historico de la Nobleza (Toledo, Spain), Frias C.1288, D.7.
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Jesuit Libraries
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The contents of suppressed Jesuit libraries rarely remained in the places to
which they were initially transferred. One particularly complicated example of
suppression-related movement of texts is the collection once held by the Jesuit
college in Gorizia (now in Italy), now held by the Biblioteca Statale Isontina di
Gorizia. The Piarists first took over that library in 1780, when they assumed the
educational role of the Jesuits there. Thirty years later, the government of the
French Illyrian Provinces (in existence 1809–14) took over the Piarist foundation for a state lyceum. The restored Habsburg monarchy moved the books
in the library to create one of the six institutions called Studienbibliothek,
libraries that served the educational communities of important cities without
universities (Gorizia [Görz], Linz, Salzburg, Klagenfurt, Ljubljana [Laibach],
and Olomouc [Olmütz]). In 1825, the Gorizia Studienbibliothek opened to the
general public and remained under the same administration through 1914.
Italian occupation of the city during the First World War meant a transfer of
the library’s treasures temporarily to the Laurentian Library of Florence to
protect them from destruction. When the province of Gorizia was annexed to
the Kingdom of Italy after the end of the First World War, the collection was
returned to Gorizia to the new State Library.128
In rare cases, we can trace the fate of whole collections: for example, in
Beijing, China, the so-called Pei-t’ang Library was given to the Vincentians,
who kept it until the death of one Monsignor Pires, “the last Catholic European
Priest [sic] still in China,” in 1838. At that point, the Russian Orthodox mission in the city took over, until the return of Roman Catholic missionaries in
1860. It later survived the Chinese Revolution (1945–50), and its contents were
fully integrated into the Chinese National Library.129 In most cases, though,
the libraries were broken up, and volumes once belonging to Jesuit colleges
around the globe have been bought, stolen, and sold, leading to a vast dispersion of these texts around the world. The transfer of ownership sometimes led
the new owners to obscure or excise provenance information, but fortunately,
many indications of Jesuit provenance remain. This is a laborious, but effective, method of tracing the fate of books, which can fill significant lacunae.
As Jeffrey Garrett has lamented, the Anglophone literature on the transfer
of books during the suppression of the Society (and other religious orders)
128
129
Circolo di Gorizia e San Floriano, Gorizia Europa supp. 1/20 (2020): “Biblioteca e non solo”
[Library and more], 24, 28, 29, 30, 32, and Rudj Gorian, “Note su alcune biblioteche a
Gorizia tra seicento e inizio ottocento” [Notes on some libraries at Gorizia between the
seventeenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century], Acta historiae 28, no.
2 (2020): 363–78, here 365–66, 372–73.
David R.M. Irving, “The Dissemination and Use of European Music Books in Early Modern
Asia,” Early Music History 28 (2009): 39–59, here 47–48.
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is relatively sparse, particularly for Central Europe, where German studies
predominate.130
Faced with staggering losses, of their homes, possessions, and vocations, the
suppressed Jesuits resisted expulsion from their property and the seizure of
their moveable goods, but to no avail. Scholars over the centuries have suspected that some books were hidden or destroyed, so that they would not fall
into the hands of any enemies of the Society, although one can only speculate on the extent of such subterfuge. Historian Rey Fajardo noted that in the
colleges of Colombia and Venezuela, Jesuits, fearing the coming suppression,
“deschicieron de libros y escritos que podrian considerar como peligrosos,
comprometedores o innecesarios” (got rid of books and writings that might
be considered dangerous, compromising, or unnecessary).131 We cannot know
either the fate of such secreted books or those that might have been hidden
for other purposes, for example, personal preference or the desire to sell them
privately. In addition, some books were surely overlooked. Those who inventoried the items in the houses and colleges did so in a hurry and often with
an eye to the value of the whole, not individual pieces. Despite the chaos,
some members of the Society worked to preserve records of what had been.
Among those was one Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro (1735–1809), a philologist and
member of the Society at the time of the suppression, who left Spanish territories for the Italian peninsula in 1767, and thus experienced the suppression
twice. Pope Pius VII (Barnaba Niccolò Maria Luigi Chiaramonti [1742–1823,
r.1800–23]) appointed him prefect of the Quirinal Library (Rome) in 1804, and
in this capacity, he met and consulted with multiple ex-Jesuits. His two-volume
manuscript Biblioteca jesuítico-española de escritores, que han florecido por
siete lustros (Jesuit-Spanish library of authors who were active over seven
decades), compiled from 1759 through 1799, is a bio-bibliographical study of
Spanish Jesuit writers, begun in the first year of the reign of Carlos III (1716–88,
r.1759–88), and continued, in a mild form of civil disobedience, as though the
suppression had not done away with the title of Jesuit.132
After the formal suppression of the Jesuits in 1773, other religious orders
suffered similar fates throughout Europe and its colonies. More than two
130
131
132
Jeffrey Garrett, “Klostursturm and Secularization in Central Europe,” Theological
Librarianship 8, no. 1 (2015): 61–69, here 63–66.
Rey Fajardo, “La cultura, el libro y las lecturas de los misioneros casanareños,” 217.
See Antonio Astorgano Abajo, “La biblioteca jesuítico-española de Hervás y su liderazgo
sobre el resto de los ex jesuitas” [The Jesuit-Spanish library of Hervás and his leadership
over the rest of the former Jesuits], Hispania sacra 56 (2004): 171–268, and Lorenzo Hervás
y Panduro, Biblioteca jesuítico-española (1759–1799) [Jesuit-Spanish library (1759–1799)],
ed. Antonio Astorgano Abajo (Madrid: Libris, 2007).
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hundred monastic houses in Bavaria alone were secularized and nationalized beginning in 1802, leading to state takeover of thousands of manuscripts
and printed books.133 In 1812, the Bavarian Benedictine Martin Schrettinger
(1772–1851), a librarian at the monastery in Weißenohe, was tasked by the king
of Bavaria, Maximilian I Joseph (1756–1825, r.1806–25), with making order out
of the chaos that had resulted from the seizures by creating a system of organization based on his 1808 treatise Versuch eines vollständigen Lehrbuchs der
Bibliothek-Wissenschaft oder Anleitung zur vollkommenen Geschäftsführung
eines Bibliothekars in wissenschaftlicher Form abgefasst (Toward a complete
textbook of library science; Or a guide to the librarian’s complete administration, written in scientific form).134 Schrettinger defined a library as a collection
of books organized in a way that is, to use a modern word, accessible: easily
comprehensible and useful to those who wish to use that collection. In addition to the traditional alphabetical listing of authors, he drew up a set of standardized subjects and mapped libraries with shelflists that assigned numbers
to the books contained in bookcases. In this sense, the suppression of religious
institutions, including those associated with the Society of Jesus, helped create
the modern, scientific library.135 The movement of thousands of texts to private and public collections demanded a new approach that allowed patrons to
find and use these texts. It is not surprising that the libraries in the urban areas
were the largest, and that as a result, city libraries benefited most from both the
transfer of material and the new systems of classification.
As had happened before 1773, Jesuits faced opposition upon the 1814 restoration, and local suppressions plagued the Society. These included multiple anti-Jesuit actions in France, the German states, the Italian peninsula,
Portugal, Spain, and Switzerland in the nineteenth century, another Mexican
suppression in 1856, a second Spanish suppression in 1932, expulsions from
Argentina, Uruguay, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Peru in the 1840s,
133
134
135
See Fabienne Henryot, “Le livre dans les couvents mendiants à la fin de l’Ancien régime,
d’après l’enquête nationale de 1790–1791” [The book in mendicant convents at the end
of the Ancien régime, after the national survey of 1790–91], Histoire & mesure 28, no. 2
(2013): 165–204. Garrett reports “modern estimates [that] have placed the total number
of books in the libraries of the prelate orders alone at 1.2 million” just in Bavaria. Garrett,
“Klostursturm and Secularization,” 62.
Part 1: Munich: Schrettinger, 1808; part 2: Munich: Lentner, 1808; part 3, vol. 1: Munich:
Lindauer, 1810; part 3, vol. 2: Munich: Lindauer, 1829. See Jeffrey Garrett, “Redefining Order
in the German Library,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 33, no. 1 (1999): 103–23, here 114–15.
On the development of cataloging systems, see Matthew Battles, Library: An Unquiet
History (New York: W.W. Norton, 2015), esp. 13–15, 118–19, 129–34, 138–45, 207–8, and
Peter Devereaux, The Card Catalog: Books, Cards, and Literary Treasures (San Francisco:
Chronicle Books, 2017).
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1850s, and 1860s; banishment from Iraq in 1968 (after only having been there a
little over three decades), and the anti-religious campaigns of the Soviet Union
and its allies. Since, in these instances, little was left in the possession of the
Jesuit houses, and for the most part, the colleges had not been restored to the
Society, the resulting damage to libraries was comparatively insignificant to
the Society. In particular, the closing of schools in France, Spain, and Naples
in the 1820s had little impact on libraries; the Society had had a very short
time to regroup and rebuild.136 However, these later actions, and the destruction of libraries in the extremely violent wars of the twentieth and twenty-first
centuries, certainly destroyed books formerly in the possession of the Jesuits,
for example, ones that had been transferred to state or university ownership
as the suppression progressed. The restoration of the Society, to a world deeply
changed from the one that had suppressed the order, would not see the restoration of the great treasures the Jesuits had collected over their first centuries.
The new Society of Jesus would, therefore, have to build again, rather than simply rebuild.
3
Libraries after the Restoration
This part will consider libraries at both revived institutions and new ones and
raise again the question of what defines a Jesuit library. In the twenty-first
century, Jesuit houses and colleges can be found around the world, but few of
them have libraries with direct connections to the pre-suppression collections.
Clearly, most of the great collections of the pre-suppression Society have been
136
The Spanish government had returned the college in Madrid to the Jesuits upon the restoration, but only temporarily, from 1824 to 1834. See Miguel Alonso, “La biblioteca de los
Reales Estudios,” 9–10, 292, and Aurora Miguel Alonso, “Los bienes de la Compañía de
Jesús incautados en Madrid en 1767 y 1835, y conservados en la Universidad Complutense”
[The assets of the Society of Jesus seized in Madrid in 1767 and 1835 and preserved at
the Complutense University], in La desamortización: El expolio del patrimonio artístico
y cultural de la iglesia en España [Confiscation: The plundering of the artistic and cultural heritage of the church in Spain], ed. Francisco Javier Campos and Fernández de
Sevilla (San Lorenzo de El Escorial [Madrid]: Ediciones Escurialenses de Investigaciones
Históricas y Artísticas, 2007), 413–32, here 419–20. The collection, now in the library of
the Complutense University of Madrid, survived the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) with
little destruction to the books (although other objects of interest, artistic and scientific,
were lost or destroyed). Miguel Alonso, “Los bienes,” 424, 429. On the loss to the Jesuits
of Baghdad during the rebellion and coup d’état of 1968 led by the Baʿath Socialist Party,
see the brief memoir of Joseph MacDonnell, “The Jesuits of Baghdad,” America Magazine,
May 26, 2003, http://americamagazine.org/issue/435/article/jesuits-baghdad-1932-69
(accessed August 4, 2022).
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permanently rehomed, as they appear in private, secular, and religious collections not associated with the Jesuits. In preparation for writing this study,
I conducted a survey of existing Jesuit schools and universities around
the world, sending emails to around four hundred institutions. A total of
eighty-seven sent in responses to the survey, slightly less than half (a total of
forty-two) of which were universities. Only three of them had existed prior
to the suppression. Most do not have significant holdings of pre-suppression
books, and most are not currently headed by members of the Society of Jesus.
Since the existing institutions have libraries quite far removed from the pre-1773
world, we must now ask, what are the characteristics of Jesuit libraries in the
modern Society?137
The restoration of the Society of Jesus began with the 1814 papal bull
Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum.138 Pope Pius VII named Polish scholar Tadeusz
Brzozowski (1749–1820) the superior general of the Society of Jesus (in office
1814–20) and allowed him to recruit and train Jesuits once again, but the restoration was not immediate. The bull provided Brzozowski with authority,
but not means, and said nothing about the difficulties that were immediately
obvious, including the questions of how to finance this re-opening, whether or
not the colleges and houses would have to start from nothing once again, and
what would become of the property (real and movable) that had been transferred. The suppression had involved an extensive alienation of property from
the Jesuits to other religious orders, private individuals, and governments. The
six so-called Polish congregations (those held during the suppression, in 1782,
1785, 1799, 1802, and 1805) did not discuss what had happened to the property
of Jesuit houses or colleges around the world, and the post-restoration general
congregations, beginning in 1820, also avoided the subject.139
137
138
139
A significant number of Jesuit institutions around the world today are associated with
primary and secondary education, which requires a rather different kind of librarianship
from that associated with colleges and universities. This short survey will not consider
those institutions.
See https://www.vatican.va/content/pius-vii/it/documents/bolla-sollicitudo-omnium-7
-agosto-1814.html (accessed August 4, 2022).
Translations of the decrees of the congregations during the papal suppression are
found in Padberg, O’Keefe, and McCarthy, For Matters of Greater Moment, 407–26; the
post-suppression general congregation decrees between 1820 and 1957 follow, 428–692.
The Polish congregations were held in Połock (now Polotsk), in what is now Belarus,
but which had been seized by Russia in the first partition of the Polish–Lithuanian
Commonwealth. See Stanisław Obirek, “The Historiography on Early Modern Jesuits in
Poland,” Jesuit Historiography Online, ed. Robert A. Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2017), http://
dx.doi.org/10.1163/2468-7723_jho_SIM_192569 (accessed August 4, 2022).
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Although many of the books owned by suppressed Jesuit institutions still
existed, they were now either in different locations or in the same place but
under different management. For the most part, they remained outside the
Society’s ownership. In Europe, with few exceptions, books were not returned
to the Jesuits. In at least one case, that of Sant’Apollinare in Classe (near
Ravenna, Italy), the Society was granted control of a former Camaldolese
monastery, complete with its library, which they were expected to administer
as a public library.140 After 1820, consistent with the Enlightenment changes
throughout the continent, many libraries were secularized, and the Jesuits
did not re-open colleges and universities where they had once stood.141 In
some areas, the damage of the suppression was far greater than a loss of several decades of activity. For example, as historian Paul Shore has detailed,
“Transylvania would never again be a land of literary Jesuits, who produced
devotional and scientific works, nor would any Jesuit again occupy the post of
theologus, which exercised such a direct influence on their neighbors practicing the Eastern Rite.”142 This would not be confined to Eastern Europe. Most
of the Jesuits had permanently lost their collections of books, built over the
course of two centuries, and they were not well positioned to rebuild their
role in the production of new books for some time to come. Considering their
pre-suppression dominance—Jesuits ran colleges and universities around the
world prior to 1759—this reflects a true sea change in the intellectual life of the
Catholic Church, both in its rank-and-file members and in those who worked
for it.
140
141
142
Christopher Korten, “Whose Restoration Is It? Acrimony and Division in the Fight for
Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (1814–30),” Catholic Historical Review 103, no. 3 (2020):
371–98, here 374.
Constancio Eguía Ruiz, “Los jesuitas, proveedores de bibliotecas,” 242; Paul F. Grendler,
The Jesuits and Italian Universities 1548–1773 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of
America Press, 2017); Shore, “Years of Jesuit Suppression.” Currently, several Jesuit universities based in the United States have European campuses, including Fordham University
(in London), Saint Louis University (Madrid), and Gonzaga University (Florence), but
these are not in the physical locations of earlier Jesuit colleges, and their libraries are not
built on the heritage of those colleges.
“La Transilvania non sarebbe mai più stata la patria di gesuiti letterati, che producevano
opere devozionale e scientifiche, né alcun gesuita avrebbe di nuovo occupato l’incarico di
theologus, che esercitava un’influenza così diretta sui vicini di Rito Orientale.” Paul Shore,
“Il destino degli ex gesuiti di Cluj, in Transilvania, dopo la soppressione” [The destiny of
the ex-Jesuits of Cluj, in Transylvania, after the suppression], in Morte e resurrezione di
un ordine religioso: Le strategie culturali ed educative della Compagnia di Gesù durante la
soppressione (1759–1814) [Death and resurrection of a religious order: Cultural and educational strategies of the Society of Jesus during the suppression (1759–1814)], ed. Paolo
Bianchini (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2006), 155–80, here 170.
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In addition to the temporary restoration of books to Madrid Jesuits noted
in part 2, Pope Leo XII (Annibale Francesco Clemente Melchiorre Girolamo
Nicola della Genga [1760–1829, r.1823–29]) issued the brief Cum multa in urbe
on May 17, 1824, returning to the Jesuits those possessions that had yet to be
transferred from Rome, including the property associated with the Roman and
German Colleges and the Seminario dei Nobili.143 They retained this property through the unification of Italy in 1871, until a law of June 19, 1873 took
over the property for the Ennio Quirino Visconti College and a new branch
of the Biblioteca Nazionale, named after King Vittorio Emanuele II (1820–78,
r.1861–78). The Palazzo Borromeo was repurposed in that year to form the
Pontifical University of the Roman College, which in 1919 moved to a larger
space in the Piazza della Pilotta, but much of the library remained in the
possession of the state. Some books from the original Roman Jesuit institutions can also be found in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Biblioteca
Casanatense, the Archivio storico della Pontificia Università Gregoriana and
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, and a handful of other smaller libraries
in Rome and its environs.144 Portions of the collections formerly belonging to
143
144
Miguel Alonso, “Los fondos jesuitas en las bibliotecas de Roma,” here 362. The text of
the brief is available in Italian at https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xii/it/documents
/breve-cum-multa-17-maggio-1824.html (accessed August 4, 2022), and in Latin in Bullarii
Romani continuatio, Summorum Pontificum Clementis XIII, vol. 16 of 19 (Rome: Camera
Apostolica, 1835–57), 52–53. In Italian, the initial wording of the bull translates to “In this
our dear city.”
Miguel Alonso, “Los fondos jesuitas en las bibliotecas de Roma,” 362–63, and Lorenzo
Mancini, “I bibliotecari del Collegio Romano (1551–1873): Un contributo per la storia delle
biblioteche della Compagnia di Gesù” [The librarians of the Roman College (1551–1873): A
contribution to the history of the libraries of the Society of Jesus], AHSI 89, no. 177 (2020):
46–115, here 48–49. The distribution of the pre-suppression texts was far from even among
the different institutions. In late 2021 and early 2022, the online catalog of the Biblioteca
Nazionale Centrale di Roma listed nearly twenty-five thousand volumes printed up to
1773 with Roman College provenance, more than twenty-one thousand from the Roman
professed house, over one hundred from the Roman novitiate, and more than 3,800 from
the Preposto generale, along with texts from the Portuguese, French, and German assistancies and the colleges of Prague and Połock (Polotsk). In the same time period, I conducted searches in other Roman libraries and discovered that the Casanatense library
holds just over 250 titles from the Roman professed house; the Alessandrina library, more
than forty; the Angelica library, thirty; the Vallicelliana library, twenty-five; and the libraries of the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana and Montecassino Abbey, twelve
each. In addition to nearly 350 texts from the Roman College, the Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana holds a scattering of books from other Jesuit institutions, including 150 in which
the provenance is simply listed as “Jesuits.” Undoubtedly, some titles are not yet found in
the digital catalogs. The Gregorian University Library online catalog does not give provenance indications. The Jesuit curia library catalog is not searchable online offsite. The text
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European Jesuit colleges and houses can be found in state, university, and private libraries in Europe and North America.
Collections that survived the suppression and other aspects of the Enlightenment suffered other losses, which might be considered ordinary (i.e., slow
deterioration of materials, by overuse, for reasons of poor long-term storage,
or through the work of insects and animals living in the libraries), accidental
(i.e., the result of widespread or localized natural disasters, like flooding, earthquakes, or fires), and catastrophic (i.e., deliberate destruction associated with
bombing or other explosives used during conflicts). Accounting for the lost
books is not impossible, as inventories from the suppression allow scholars to
seek out copies identified as once belonging to a particular collection; but it is
painstaking work, and unquestionably, many volumes were lost. Among the
notable attempts to address this issue is the work of literary and book historians Joran (formerly Goran) Proot and Leo Egghe on lost Jesuit plays. While the
plays themselves were rarely printed, performance programs were, and these
provide precious information about the dramas and their production. Using
statistical analysis, Proot and Egghe attempt to determine what the number of
printed programs was, and therefore what has been lost, and suggest ways to
apply their methods to other datasets.145
Collections of books that survived for many years continue to change, and
at times even to move. A notable example is the collection designated as the
Bibliothèque des Fontaines, a total of around five hundred thousand items
donated to the Municipal Library of Lyon, France, by the Jesuits when they
ceased occupation of the Centre Culturel des Fontaines in Chantilly in 1998–99.
This treasure trove includes manuscripts, incunables, other printed material,
and engravings from the Jesuit foundations on the island of Jersey (to which the
Society retreated after the 1880 expulsion from France) and Enghien, Belgium,
and is slated to accept more from Auvergne and Provence. Another fifty thousand items from this Fontaines collection, focused on Jesuit spirituality and
145
of the 1873 law (Legge 19 giugno 1873, no. 1402, “Che estende alla provincia di Roma le leggi
sulle corporazioni religiose e sulla conversione dei beni immobili degli enti morali ecclesiastici” [Which extends to the province of Rome the laws regarding the religious orders
and the conversion of the real property of the ecclesiastical moral entities] is available
at https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/1873/06/25/073U1402/sg [accessed August 4,
2022]).
For example, Goran Proot and Leo Egghe, “Estimating Editions on the Basis of Survivals:
Printed Programmes of Jesuit Plays in the ‘Provincia Flandro-Belgica’ before 1773, with a
Note on the ‘Book Historical Law,’” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 102, no.
2 (2008): 149–74. Subsequent attempts to understand what has been lost over the centuries include multiple chapters in Bruni and Pettegree, Lost Books.
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history, were sent to the Centre Sèvres in Paris.146 The Fontaines collection was
itself created from other institutions: Jesuit houses and colleges in Paris, Laval,
and Poitiers.147
As the suppression developed over decades, so did the restoration. In
Goa, the Society did not return until 1935. In the more than 175 years of their
absence, the Congregation of the Oratorians of Goa, the Dominicans, and later
the archdiocese of Goa administered their properties, until in 1956 a Jesuit was
appointed to care for the Bom Jesus Basilica, their former church.148 Jesuits did
not return to China until 1842, when they established a residence and library
in the village of Xujiahui (Zikawei, 上海图书馆徐家汇藏书楼), near Shanghai,
five years later. This library, since 1952 a branch of the Shanghai Municipal
Library, still stands in the building originally constructed for its use in 1867
and describes itself as “the earliest extant modern library in Shanghai.”149 As
had been the case with pre-suppression mission libraries, the function of the
Xujiahui library was to introduce Chinese students to Western learning and
religions. It was administered by members of the Society until the death of
its last director, Xu Zongze, S.J. (1886–1947), who had introduced the practice
of allowing non-Jesuits to read in the library. In 1932, with over two hundred
thousand volumes (eighty thousand of which were in European languages and
over two thousand of which dated from before 1800), it was the largest library
in Shanghai. Its contents still include the Jesuit-collected volumes, as the institution escaped the destruction of the Cultural Revolution.150
While books once owned by pre-suppression institutions can be traced,
many have not survived. The extensive bombing of twentieth-century wars
caused, for example, the destruction on two separate occasions of a library in
Leuven with a rich collection of Jesuitica, and of book repositories throughout
Europe, Africa, and Asia, either by direct vandalism, or by leaving the contents
146
147
148
149
150
Pierre Guinard, “La collection des Fontaines à la bibliothèque municipale” [The Fontaines
collection at the Bibliothèque municipale], Théophilyon: Revue des facultés de théologie
et de philologie de l’Université catholique de Lyon [Théophilyon: Journal of the faculties
of theology and philology at the Catholic University of Lyon] 5, no. 2 (2000): 483–92,
here 484–85, and “La collection jésuite des Fontaines” [The Fontaines Jesuit collection],
https://www.bm-lyon.fr/nos-blogs/la-collection-jesuite-des-fontaines (accessed August 4,
2022).
Guinard, “La collection des Fontaines à la bibliothèque municipale,” 490.
Mendonça, “Jesuits in Goa,” AHSI 73, no. 1 (2014): 148; see also 153–55.
Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of Shanghai, “The Bibliotheca Zi-KaWei (The Xujiahui Library),” http://www.library.sh.cn/Web/news/20101213/n1139775.html
(accessed August 4, 2022).
Gail King, “The Xujiahui (Zikawei) Library of Shanghai,” Libraries & Culture 32, no. 4
(1997): 456–69, here 461–63, 466.
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exposed to looters and the weather.151 This problem is particularly acute in
Eastern Europe, not merely because of the physical losses to libraries and
archives but also because of decades of restrictive archive policies during the
Cold War, and the chaos of the period following the revolutions of 1989–91.152
Fernando Baez, a Venezuelan scholar who has written extensively about the
damage done to books and art, has called such deliberate destruction damnatio memoriae (memory erasure), a kind of cultural genocide, because it is an
attempt to suppress the historical diversity of the past.153
As colonialism and its relative, missionary activity, are not restricted to the
pre-suppression era, imperialism, cultural and otherwise, with its incumbent
destruction (and the construction of a new culture in its wake), remains an
issue of concern when studying the construction of Jesuit libraries. For examples, we turn to the Middle East. The Collège-Séminaire de Ghazīr was founded
in 1843 and transferred to Beirut, where it became known as the Université
Saint-Joseph. Such an early foundation was unique in the region: most Jesuit
foundations in the territory once known as the Ottoman Empire were not
established before the 1930s, though the Society had made initial contact with
Syriac Christians in the region in 1610 and attempted to found a college in
Aleppo shortly thereafter.154 These Middle Eastern Jesuit institutions tended
151
152
153
154
On Leuven, see, e.g., Leo Kenis, “The Maurits Sabbe Library and Its Collection of Jesuit
Books,” in Jesuit Books in the Low Countries 1540–1773: A Selection from the Maurits Sabbe
Library, ed. Paul Begheyn et al. (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2011), xi–xix, here xii, and
Valentin Denis, Catholic University of Louvain 1425–1958, trans. Bartholomew Egan
(Brussels: Elsevier, 1985), 28–33. For a more general study of twentieth-century destruction of libraries, see Rebecca Knuth, Libricide: The Regime-Sponsored Destruction of Books
and Libraries in the Twentieth Century (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003) and Burning Books
and Leveling Libraries: Extremist Violence and Cultural Destruction (Westport, CT: Praeger,
2006).
For example, Ludwik Grzebień’s (1939–2020) “Organizacja bibliotek jezuickich w Polsce
od XVI do XVIII wieku” [Organization of Jesuit libraries in Poland from the sixteenth
through the eighteenth century], Archiwa, biblioteki i muzea koscielne 30 (1975): 223–78;
31 (1975): 225–81, has no parallel in most Eastern European nations. In “Transylvanian
Libraries and Archives in Contemporary Romania,” Journal of the Society of Archivists 12,
no. 2 (1991): 123–26, Martyn Rady discusses the decline of libraries and archives in that
region, due to neglect, frequent and drastic reorganizations, and a policy on the part of
the Communist Romanian government of suppressing information about religious and
ethnic groups that could undermine the regime.
Fernando Baes, A Universal History of the Destruction of Books: From Ancient Sumer to
Modern-Day Iraq, trans. Alfred MacAdam (New York: Atlas & Co., 2008).
Kristian Girling, “Jesuit Contributions to the Iraqi Education System in the 1930s and
Later,” International Studies in Catholic Education 8, no. 2 (2016): 179–92, here 180–81,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19422539.2016.1206400 (accessed August 4, 2022), and Robert
John Clines, “Fighting Enemies and Finding Friends: The Cosmopolitan Pragmatism of
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to focus on what were once called “Oriental studies” (Arabic languages and
literature, regional history and geography, etc.).155 The Oriental Faculty at the
Université Saint-Joseph published a journal, starting in 1906, initially called
Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale, renamed in 1922 to Mélanges de l’Université
Saint-Joseph.156 The library at that institution also had an “Orientalist” bent,
highlighting a superficial and patronizing Western understanding of Asian,
Middle Eastern, and North African cultures, often based on little experience in
those regions. This collection bias developed significantly under the library’s
second curator, Louis Ciiekho, S.J. (1857–1927), who directed it from 1880 until
his death. By the early twentieth century, in fact, this library “became the most
important research center of its kind in the entire Middle East.”157
This provides us with a sense of perspective: the restoration of the Society
did not simply raise questions about where the former possessions of the
Jesuits went; it also forced consideration of what the Society of Jesus would
be. This is an issue that many scholars have pondered in detail from different angles; here, we are concerned only with those that affect the libraries.
Globally, surviving or restored institutions, and new ones founded since 1814,
created and now maintain new forms of Jesuit librarianship, based as much
on traditions of the Society as on the development of the discipline of library
science. Among the most remarkable changes since the nineteenth century
are those associated with cataloging, a field that was literally transformed in
the late twentieth century with the spread of digital forms of inventorying. As
a result, modern Jesuit librarianship is considerably more accessible (in many
senses of that word) than that of the pre-suppression Society. University and
seminary catalogs are regularly available via digital means, and the practices
developed by librarians since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries of organizing and distributing knowledge make searching for and reading
texts easier both in person and via remote access. In addition, members of the
Society have continued to produce works stored by libraries, including items
far newer than print texts: electronic books and articles, exhibition catalogs
and websites, and other audio and visual media. For example, the Universidad
del Salvador in Buenos Aires, Argentina, hosts virtual exhibitions aimed at
promoting its bibliographical heritage and publishes Huellas en papel: Revista
155
156
157
Jesuit Residences in the Ottoman Levant,” Renaissance Studies 31, no. 1 (2015): 66–86,
https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12190 (accessed August 4, 2022).
See Rafael Herzstein, “The Oriental Library and the Catholic Press at Saint-Joseph
University in Beirut,” JJS 2, no. 2 (2015): 248–64, https://doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00202005
(accessed August 4, 2022).
Herzstein, “Oriental Library,” 252.
Herzstein, “Oriental Library,” 255–56, quote at 256.
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de la biblioteca y archivo históricos de la Universidad del Salvador (Imprints:
Journal of the library and historical archive of the Universidad del Salvador in
Buenos Aires).158 The library of Sophia University in Tokyo has extensive online
resources, including digitized books of interest to the history of Christianity in
Japan.159
The “typical” Jesuit library of the early Society was for the most part a collection of texts that supported the mission of the administrative office, novitiate,
professed house, or college to which it was attached; occasionally, it also housed
art and scientific instruments. The missions of these entities have changed
dramatically since the restoration, meaning that while the libraries associated
with training and housing members of the Society, and those attached to the
administration of the order, continue to support the work of the Jesuits as a
whole, libraries attached to schools and universities, and those that form part
of the Jesuit archive system, are quite different from their predecessors.160 In
other words, what we might call “typical” twentieth- and twenty-first-century
Jesuit school and university librarianship closely resembles librarianship at the
secular counterparts of these institutions, seeking a broad variety of works in
subjects once far outside the purview of the Society’s teaching (e.g., literature
and fiction by authors who were at one time listed on the Index of Prohibited
Books; more sensitive and positive treatments of other religious traditions,
even the inclusion of books once considered theologically dangerous; and disciplines like psychiatry, gender studies, and computer science, developed since
the twentieth century) and arranging them according to cataloging systems
developed by practitioners of library science.161 As a result, that which might
be called “Jesuit librarianship” is no longer especially distinct.
158
159
160
161
See http://bibliotecas.usal.edu.ar/biblio_exposiciones-virtuales and https://p3.usal.edu
.ar/index.php/huellas (accessed August 4, 2022).
See https://digital-archives.sophia.ac.jp/sophia-archives and https://digital-archives
.sophia.ac.jp/rarebook/ (both accessed August 4, 2022). For the Kirishitan Bunko database, see below.
The most comprehensive print study of Jesuit archives is Thomas M. McCoog, A Guide
to Jesuit Archives (St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2001); it has not been revised
since then. However, most of the global Jesuit archives have websites that are searchable
and regularly updated. See, e.g., the archive of the Jesuits in Canada (http://archivesje
suites.ca/en), the Madurai (India) Jesuit province archives (https://archivesj.in), the
archives of the Philippine province of the Society of Jesus (https://www.phjesuits.org
/portal/the-jesuits/jesuit-archives), the archive for the Society of Jesus in Southern Africa
(http://archive.sj.org.za), and the general archive of the Society of Jesus in Rome (http://
www.sjweb.info/arsi/en/archivum-romanum-societatis-iesu). Many secular libraries and
archives also host Jesuit collections, including the Archivo Nacional de Chile (http://jesui
tas.archivonacional.cl) (all accessed August 4, 2022).
On the development of modern cataloging, see Devereaux, Card Catalog.
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At the same time, the continuation of bibliographical work collecting the
publications of Jesuits provides a kind of virtual all-Society library.162 Other virtual libraries include Loyola University Chicago’s Jesuit Libraries Provenance
Project (https://jesuitlibrariesprovenanceproject.com, with a companion site at
https://www.flickr.com/photos/jesuitlibrariesprovenanceproject); Brill’s Jesuit
Historiography Online (https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/jesuit
-historiography-online); Boston College’s Digital Indipetae Database (https://
indipetae.bc.edu) and Jesuitica Collection of scanned books and manuscripts by and about Jesuits (https://archive.org/details/jesuitica); the Digital
Repertory (https://sjweb.info/arsi/Digital_Repertory.cfm); the “Monumenta
digitised” (http://www.sjweb.info/arsi/en/publications/ihsi/monumenta) pages
of the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu; the Internet Archive’s scans of
Reuben Gold Thwaites’s (1853–1913) Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
at https://rla.unc.edu/Louisiane/jesuit.html; the Jesuit Historical Institute
in Africa, which has digitized records related to the history of the Society in
Africa at http://sources.jhia.ac.ke:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/196, http://
sources.jhia.ac.ke:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/152, and http://sources.jhia
.ac.ke:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/94; and the Laures Kirishitan Bunko
Database, a collection of 15,600 manuscripts, printed texts, art, music, and
other documents, dating from the sixteenth century, related to the Japanese
mission. It was begun in the 1930s by the German-born Jesuit Johannes Laures
(1891–1959), who taught at Sophia University in Tokyo.163
162
163
Among the first Jesuits was Spaniard Pedro de Ribadeneyra (1527–1611), who, among many
other written works, published Illustrium scriptorum religionis Societatis Iesu catalogus [A
catalog of the illustrious writers of the religion of the Society of Jesus] (Antwerp: Plantin
and Moretus, 1608), the first catalog of Jesuit authors and titles. Currently, Jesuit bibliography is maintained at Jesuit Online Bibliography (formerly New Sommervogel Online),
https://jesuitonlinebibliography.bc.edu, described as “a free, collaborative, multilingual,
and fully searchable database of bibliographic records for scholarship in Jesuit Studies
produced in the 21st century.” It is updated by the Contributor Network (https://jesuit
onlinebibliography.bc.edu/about/network lists the individuals in the network) and overseen by the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, the Jesuitica Project at KU Leuven, and
the Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies at Boston College. Partners include archives and
libraries around the world (all accessed August 4, 2022). For a history of Jesuit bibliography up to 2016, see Kasper Volk and Christopher Staysniak, “Bringing Jesuit Bibliography
into the Twenty-First Century: Boston College’s New Sommervogel Online,” JJS 3, no. 1
(2016): 91–83, https://doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00301004 (accessed August 4, 2022).
All sites accessed August 4, 2022. The print edition of the Jesuit Relations is Reuben Gold
Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the
Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610–1791; The Original French, Latin, and Italian Texts,
with English Translations and Notes, 73 vols. (Cleveland: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901).
More recent publications focusing on these missionary documents include Allan Greer,
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One can also consider the collection of Jesuit items from different libraries,
in the guise of Special Collections, to be a modern, virtual incarnation of a
Jesuit library. As an example, the National Library of Australia currently owns
over 5,400 titles in some eight volumes, published between 1564 and 1965,
from colleges in the Low Countries, England, and Wales.164 Among the reasons that this collection is significant is that there were no pre-suppression
traditions of Jesuit education in Australia: the first Jesuits in that country
were missionaries from the Austro-Hungarian Empire who arrived in 1851.165
In Leuven, the Maurits Sabbe Library houses books from Jesuit colleges once
found in Antwerp, Borgerhout, Bruges, Drongen, Ghent, Maastricht, Mechelen,
Nijmegen, and Turnhout.166
Physical Jesuit libraries continue to exist, however. Hundreds of Jesuit institutions currently operate around the world, with collections considerably
larger than anything held by pre-suppression institutions. In 2021, the most
recent data available at this writing, Georgetown University (Washington,
DC), the oldest Jesuit university in the United States, owned around 2.3 million physical books and another 1.8 million e-books.167 An institution with a
164
165
166
167
The Jesuit Relations: Natives and Missionaries in Seventeenth-Century North America
(Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000) and a modern printing of Paul LeJeune’s Brève
relation du voyage de la Nouvelle-France [Brief description of a voyage to New France]
(Quebec: Presses de l’Univerité Laval, 2020). LeJeune (1592–1664), a French Jesuit missionary, wrote of his adventures in the 1630s; his accounts were published individually in
Paris by Sebastién Cramoisy in 1634, 1635, 1636, 1637, 1638, and 1640, 1658, and 1662. The
Kirishitan Bunko Library, and supplemental information added since Laures’s original
publication (Kirishitan bunko: A Manual of Books and Documents on the Early Christian
Mission in Japan), is available via https://digital-archives.sophia.ac.jp (accessed August 4,
2022). See also Orii, “Dispersion of Jesuit Books Printed in Japan.”
https://www.nla.gov.au/collections/guide-selected-collections/jesuit-collection (accessed
August 4, 2022). According to Susie Russell, coordinator of Curatorial and Collection
Research at the National Library of Australia, the library purchased the collection in
1971–72—“with the Liaison Officer based in Australia House in London playing a key
role”—from the bookseller Richard Booth (Hay-on-Wye, Wales), who learned of it from “a
scholar at the University of New England [Armidale, NSW, Australia].” Email communication from Susie Russell, July 28, 2022.
For the story of Jesuits in Australia, see, most recently, Michael Head, The Vine and the
Branches: The Fruits of the Sevenhill Mission (Adelaide: ATF Press, 2016), and David Strong,
Jesuits in Australia: An Ethnographic History of the Society of Jesus in Australia (Richmond,
Victoria: Aurora Books, 1995).
https://bib.kuleuven.be/english/msb/special-collections/major-subcollections (accessed
August 4, 2022).
“Georgetown University Library Data Snapshot,” https://library.georgetown.edu/about
/data-snapshot (accessed August 4, 2022). The university was founded in 1789 by ex-Jesuits
in Maryland, including Bishop John Carroll (1735–1815); in 1805, five of the ex-Jesuits
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considerably longer history, the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana (Pontifical
Xavierian University, founded 1623) in Bogotá, Colombia, claims a total of
just over one million print and electronic books in 2022. These figures would
beggar belief to any pre-suppression Jesuit.168 In some cases, a collection of
books once owned by a Jesuit institution remains generally intact, integrated
into another library. A notable example is the Regis College Library (founded
in Kingston, Ontario, in 1930), now part of the University of Toronto Library
System, “the third largest aggregated research university collection in North
America.”169 Using modern analytical tools to explore metadata, provenance,
cultural information, and collection practices, the curators of this collection
have worked to understand and adapt to changing norms in education and
spirituality, seeking “a constructive, non-defensive engagement of the world
from a faith perspective, which expects to find God present in other peoples,
cultures, and religions” and “challenges us to continuing, self-critical reflection
on the interrelations between knowledge, category definition, and the exercise
of social power.”170 All librarians, including those associated with Jesuit collections, have to contend with the limitations of cataloging systems and sometimes need to correct neglected or misrepresented topics. The integration of
the Regis catalog into the University of Toronto system forced a reckoning with
aging methods of classification and led to the development of new approaches
to collection organization.
Meanwhile, Jesuit universities in the United States use the “Ignatian pedagogical paradigm” (IPP), based on the Ratio studiorum, to inform their modern library practices for institutions that belong to the Association of Jesuit
Colleges and Universities.171 The IPP has five stages: context, experience, reflection, action, and evaluation. Librarians at Marquette University, the University
168
169
170
171
joined the Russian province, thereby nominally preserving the Jesuit heritage, and within
nine years, the restoration of the Society meant that Georgetown was formally a Jesuit
institution.
“Sobre nosotros” [About us], https://www.javeriana.edu.co/biblos/sobre-nosotros#cifras
(accessed August 4, 2022).
Gordon Rixon, “Engaged Collecting: Culture Transforming Mission; The Regis College
Library, University of Toronto,” JJS 2, no. 2 (2015): 265–82, here 266, https://doi.org
/10.1163/22141332-00202006 (accessed August 4, 2022). This collection incorporates volumes from the Jesuit College of Quebec (founded 1635) as well as the St. Peter Claver
Industrial School for Boys in Spanish, Ontario (open from 1946 to 1958). See Rixon,
“Engaged Collecting,” 269, 275, 276.
Rixon, “Engaged Collecting,” 267.
For the IPP, see International Commission on the Apostolate of Jesuit Education, ed.,
“Ignatian Pedagogy: A Practical Approach; The IPP (1993),” available via download at
https://www.jesuits.global/ministries/education/ (accessed August 4, 2022).
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of San Francisco, and Gonzaga University have developed courses to instruct
both library staff and users to approach information literacy in ways that echo
the ALA guidelines with a Jesuit twist.172 While library associations in other
countries have adopted position papers similar to the ALA’s “Framework,”
Jesuit institutions worldwide have not followed the path of US institutions in
implementing library-based interpretations of the IPP.173
What, then, is a modern Jesuit library? It is many things: physical (singlelocation collections of print, manuscript, and other media at existing Jesuit
universities around the world) and virtual (compilations of materials from different collections, accessible in whole or in part via databases, search engines,
and bibliographical studies), preserved (as in the restored collections of the
Riga Jesuit college found in Uppsala University) and merely remembered (testimonials of works no longer in existence, known to modern scholars only by
descriptions). It retains some of the pre-suppression ideals of collecting knowledge to support the mission of the Society of Jesus but also has adapted to the
modern world, expanding to include sections on disciplines either unknown
or forbidden to the early Society. It resembles its secular counterparts far more
than the premodern Jesuit libraries did; indeed, not since 1966 has a general
congregation of the Society addressed libraries, indicating that the management of such aspects of the work of the Jesuits is now handled by those who
administer the educational institutions, who are increasingly members of
the laity.174
172
173
174
See Eric Kowalik, Leatha Miles-Edmonson, and Vicki Rosen, “Introduction to the Ignatian
Pedagogical Paradigm: An Online Course for Librarians,” Jesuit Higher Education 8, no. 2
(2019): 87–99, https://epublications.regis.edu/jhe/vol8/iss2/7 (accessed August 4, 2022),
and Anthony Tardiff, “Ignatian Information Literacy: Applying the Ignatian Pedagogical
Paradigm to Library Instruction,” Jesuit Higher Education 10, no. 1 (2021): 77–87.
See, e.g., the Canadian Association of Research Libraries position statements at https://
www.carl-abrc.ca/publications-and-documents; the publications of the Turkish Association of University and Research Libraries, at https://unak.org.tr/yayinlar; the
International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions’ “Code of Ethics for
Librarians and Other Information Workers,” at https://repository.ifla.org/handle/1234567
89/1850; and the publication 図書館における知的自由マニュアル(第10版) [Manual:
Intellectual freedom in the library (10th ed.)], downloadable at http://www.jla.or.jp/pub
lications/tabid/87/pdid/p11-0000000584/Default.aspx (all sites accessed August 4, 2022).
Decree 28, “The Apostolate of Education,” General Congregation 31 (1966): paragraph
13.a reads, in part, “superiors should favor research, experiments, the discovery of new
methods of teaching, and see to it that the members have libraries, audiovisual aids, conferences by experts, possibilities of attending meetings, and other helps,” https://jesuit
portal.bc.edu/research/documents/1966_decree28gc31 (accessed August 4, 2022). As of
this writing, of the twenty-eight Jesuit colleges and universities in the United States, only
eight are headed by members of the Society. The survey I referenced above demonstrates
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Conclusion
Ignatius of Loyola (c.1491–1556) famously exhorted his colleague and friend,
Jesuit co-founder Francis Xavier (1506–52), to “go forth, and set the world on
fire.” In this, he surely meant to ignite a passion for Christianity, but the Society
of Jesus has long been associated with a passion for learning as well. As they
built their colleges and houses around the world, Jesuits also built large collections of books, which were intellectual kindling for that passion. Jesuits have
been librarians since the beginnings of the Society of Jesus and continue to
maintain significant collections of books in their institutions today. The history of these collections is rich, yet much remains poorly understood. By way
of concluding this survey, I offer some observations on what gaps need to be
filled by scholars of the book, of printing, of education, of missions, of globalization, of religious orders, and of information management.
The largest set of lacunae relate to the history of the book: authorship, production, and reading are all companion studies to librarianship. While scholars have long engaged the question of how books were read, and by whom,
in the early modern period, the specifics of Jesuit reading remain only partly
understood.175 Extant copies of books with Jesuit provenance demonstrate a
tradition of marginalia, which have yet to be explored in depth. The history
of Jesuit libraries, after all, is not merely a history of material culture and collection; it is also intellectual history, supporting (or interfering with) the work
of teaching in the Jesuit colleges, formation in the Jesuit houses, and evangelization in the Jesuit missions. The lack of information on personal library
collections, either in the hands of administrators or of individual teachers
or students, makes this a difficult pursuit to engage. The period of the suppression presents particular challenges here, as libraries were dismantled and
dispersed, and as it caused the mixing in of the private libraries of individual
Jesuits with the institutional collections. One text can serve multiple purposes, and when it becomes part of a different collection, those purposes may
change. Over time, too, systems for classification of knowledge have changed.
There is also no question that twenty-first-century readers approach texts in
175
that the vast majority of Jesuit university libraries are no longer headed by members of
the Society of Jesus; only one of the responding institutions, St. Xavier’s Public School,
a secondary education institution established in 2019 in Bagnan, West Bengal, India,
reported that a Jesuit was the supervisor of the library. For forty-one percent of responders, the last time that a Jesuit was head librarian was prior to 1970. Please note that only
thirty-four replies were received for this question.
On the use of books for teaching, see, e.g., Emidio Campi et al., eds., Scholarly Knowledge:
Textbooks in Early Modern Europe (Geneva: Droz, 2008).
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ways quite different from our predecessors from the sixteenth through twentieth centuries.
The relationship between libraries and the printing houses is also at present under-explored. Research endeavors such as the EJLPP and its partners
in Uppsala and Barcelona provide some information on surviving texts and
can help establish links related to printing, but much remains unknown here.
We have little doubt that, at least prior to the suppression, the Jesuit printing presses did supply texts both to individual members of the Society and
to the libraries of the colleges and houses, but we do not know the methods
by which such texts might have been commissioned or the ways in which the
more famous authors might have crowded out teachers at given colleges. We
also do not know whether there was ever any attempt to create a deliberate
practice of collecting books printed by Jesuit presses outside mission territories. The questions, and answers, are quite different for not only the pre- versus post-suppression periods but also for the European versus global markets.
Few sixteenth-, seventeenth-, or eighteenth-century European presses had the
capability to print books in (for example) Japanese or Chinese, so the mission
presses were fundamental to the creation and maintenance of libraries of use
to the indigenous people, including many who joined the Society, in those
regions. These locally printed works were supplemented by books from Europe
in European languages, but as the missionary religious orders were instrumental in committing some American, African, and Asian languages to print for the
first time, and as the missionaries made significant use of imagery in their catechizing, having printing technology within reach was essential.176 By contrast,
European colleges and houses held books printed by Jesuit presses as well as
secular printers, and by local as well as remote printing houses. In some areas,
Jesuits did dominate printing: for example, the Klementinum press in Prague,
associated with the Jesuit college there, exerted a commanding influence over
the production and suppression of texts in the region and, as a result, on the
collection practices of the university’s libraries.177
176
177
In addition to works cited above, see Abhijit Gupta, “The History of the Book in the Indian
Subcontinent,” in Suarez and Woudhuysen, Book, 553–72, esp. 555–58; Carla Gamalinda,
“A Contribution to the History of the Jesuit Press in Manila through a Study of Graphic
Art (1622–1768),” Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints 69, no. 4 (2021):
627–54; and M. Antoni J. Üçeler, “Missionary Printing,” in Suarez and Woudhuysen, Book,
107–15.
Devana Pavlik, “The History of the Book in the Czech Republic and Slovakia,” in Suarez
and Woudhuysen, Book, 461–69, here 466. See also Jakub Zouhar, “Historical Research in
the Czech Republic between 1974 and 2019 on the Pre-suppression Society of Jesus,” AHSI
89, no. 178 (2020): 467–98.
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The Tipografia della Compagnia di Gesù, in Rome, was the first Jesuit printing
house and was supposed to print books for the use of the Collegio Romano.178
In practice, the Collegio Romano, like other Jesuit colleges in Europe, owned
books printed in many locations, so that intent was not realized. Nevertheless,
Jesuits were important players in both the production and collection of books
worldwide and dominated the market on certain subjects. The press in Vilnius,
owned by Polish court official Mikolaj Krzysztof Radziwilł (1549–1616), was
among the most important printers of Jesuit material in Eastern Europe.179
Paul Gehl has noted the importance of European Jesuit colleges in the production of grammar texts, for example, with the caveat that even in Jesuit colleges, regional markets were as important as Jesuit authorship. It is certainly
clear that the Jesuits “created a steady demand for textbooks” as they opened
colleges and houses around the world and filled them with teachers and students. Even though they did not impose a standardized reading or teaching list
throughout their institutions, they both wrote and printed textbooks for their
classes, and relied on proven texts with strong local followings.180 His conclusion that the Jesuits “came to control the market for the textbooks they used,
primarily because they commissioned new texts for their colleges and then
used them more or less exclusively,” is difficult to replicate when considering
surviving texts.181 Latin grammars were heavily used, and we should not expect
that the majority have survived. On the other hand, among surviving grammar texts in the EJLPP database, none were printed by Jesuit college presses.
Thus, Gehl’s caveats—that “the Jesuits never completely overcame the more
traditional way of making and selling textbooks, namely under local patronage for local schools at the behest of local teachers,” who had their favorite
authors, and that “the Jesuits, and the Catholic world more generally in the
sixteenth century, grasped at a universal idea. But their glorious educational
armada foundered on the shoals of nationalism, sectarianism, and profound
178
179
180
181
Marta Brunelli, “Educating and Disciplining Readers: Books, Publishing, and Libraries in
Italy at the Time of the Enquiry of the Congregation of the Index,” History of Education
and Children’s Literature 4, no. 2 (2009): 17–59, here 45.
See Tomasz Garwoliński, “Ślady działalności oficyn jezuickich w Wilnie i Braniewie na
przełomie XVI i XVII wieku w zbiorach biblioteki ‘Hosianum’ w Olsztynie jako przykład
procesów integracyjnych w Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów” [Traces of the activity of
Jesuit printers in Vilnius and Braniewo at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the collection of the “Hosianum” library in Olsztyn as an example of integrative
processes in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth], Archiwa, biblioteki i muzea kościelne
113 (2020): 117–44.
Paul F. Gehl, “Religion and Politics in the Market for Books: The Jesuits and Their Rivals,”
Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 97, no. 4 (2003): 435–60, here 439.
Gehl, “Religion and Politics in the Market for Books,” 459.
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educational conservatism”—are fundamental in understanding that despite
attempts to dominate the market for supplying libraries and students with
books in specific subjects, Jesuit libraries around the world were in possession of texts printed both nearby and far away.182 Further study, particularly in
non-European colleges, is needed before one can draw conclusions.
With some exceptions, the non-European presses have received little
attention.183 In 2014, Maria Idalia García Aguilar summarized the state of
research on pre-suppression Jesuit printing houses and libraries in New Spain
in a broad historiographical article largely focused on renewing interest in
the subject.184 She covered a broad swath of institutions and drew attention
to the documentary record associated with the suppression inventories. Since
then, the field has not expanded dramatically, but the large number of articles
highlighting these inventories before and after García Aguilar’s article demonstrates that the field is a rich one. The eleven colleges of the Spanish American
colonies were of signal importance to the building of the global empire, both
by transferring European intellectual, religious, and cultural norms to the rest
of the world and by protecting those investments with the physical markings
of those norms: printed books. To my knowledge, no similar study for Europe,
the rest of the Americas, Asia, or Africa exists; some of that can be accounted
for by the late development of university presses in Africa (the earliest was
established at the University of Witwatersrand in South Africa, in 1922) and
Asia (the first was at the University of Calcutta, in 1908) and the rarity of Jesuit
universities in Africa (Loyola University in the Democratic Republic of Congo,
founded 2016, and Arrupe Jesuit University in Zimbabwe, established as a college in 1994 and accredited as a university in 2017).185 Further investigation of
182
183
184
185
Gehl, “Religion and Politics in the Market for Books,” 459, 460.
Some examples include Guillermo Wilde, “Adaptaciones y apropiaciones en una cultura textual de frontera: impresos misionales del Paraguay jesuítico” [Adaptations and
appropriations in a textual culture of the borderlands: Mission prints in Jesuit Paraguay],
História Unisinos 18, no. 2 (2014): 270–86; Ichiro Taida, “The Earliest History of European
Language Education in Japan: Focusing on Latin Education by Jesuit Missionaries,”
Classical Reception Journal 9, no. 4 (2017): 566–86; and Miguel A. Bernad, “The Colegio
de San Jose 1601–2001: The Turbulent 400-Year History of an Educational Institution,”
Landas 15, no. 1 (2001): 117–48. Ines G. Županov noted the dearth of material about Indian
Jesuit printing in “Language and Culture of the Jesuit ‘Early Modernity’ in India during the
Sixteenth Century,” Itinerario 31, no. 2 (2007): 87–110.
Maria Idalia García Aguilar, “Imprenta y librerias jesuitas en la Nueva Espana” [Print and
Jesuit libraries in New Spain], in García Aguilar and Rueda Ramírez, El libro en circulación
en la América colonial, 205–27.
Kwasi Darko-Ampem, “A University Press Publishing Consortium for Africa: Lessons
from Academic Libraries,” Journal of Scholarly Publishing 36, no. 2 (2005): 89–114, here
89–90, 94. European universities established presses in Africa and Asia well into the
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Jesuit presses, in particular those in the mission territories of the Old Society
and throughout the world for the New Society, should be of considerable interest to scholars of global history as well as those whose specialties include colonization, cultural and intellectual history, and decolonization. The journals
developed at Jesuit colleges and universities after the restoration, for example
those in Turkey and Syria, can be quite useful for understanding not only the
history of mission education but also the complex geopolitical developments
related to global conflict and decolonization since the world wars.186 The business of publication is subject to, but also shapes, contemporary attitudes. As
the landscape of scholarly publishing is again in flux in the twenty-first century, with the development of new models—including online-only journals,
Open Access, and publishing on demand—the role of both Jesuit presses and
the libraries they help to stock will require ongoing investigation.
The relationship between manuscript and print text preserved in the libraries is also a subject that deserves further consideration. While it is easier and
more practical to focus on printed volumes (as more of these were produced,
and more survive, than do manuscripts), doing so can by nature tell only a portion of the story. Recent work by historian Maria Giulia Genghini on Quito calls
our attention to the importance of manuscripts on biblical exegesis,187 and
historians and linguists have discussed the existence of manuscript language
dictionaries and wordlists in mission territories for some time. In addition, the
written work that students produced, whether as marginalia, lecture text, or
preparation for disputations, has occasionally been preserved; however, it has
rarely been investigated. Other ephemera, including music, pamphlets, and
scripts for plays, were also kept in the libraries but have been studied separately; yet a study of a library is not complete without consideration of even
the most delicate or small material it holds.188
186
187
188
twentieth century, e.g., Oxford University Press in India (1912) and Nigeria (1949); see
C.C. [Christian Chukwunedu] Aguolu and I. [Ify] E. Aguolu, “Scholarly Publishing and
Nigerian Universities,” Journal of Scholarly Publishing 29, no. 2 (1998): 118–29, here 120.
See, e.g., Philippe Luisier, “Présence des jésuites en Turquie au XIXe et au XXe siècle,”
Mélanges de l’École française de Rome: Moyen-Age 110, no. 2 (1998): 783–94.
Maria Giulia Genghini, “‘Quomodo cantabimus canticum Domini in terra aliena?’ Jesuit
Re-invention of Scriptural Commentary in a Newly Recovered Text from SeventeenthCentury Quito,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition (May 21, 2022), https://doi
.org/10.1007/s12138-022-00612-y (accessed August 4, 2022).
The following are only examples. For dictionaries and wordlists in the missions, see
Johanne Biron, “Les livres que les missionnaires de la Compagnie de Jésus ont apportés
avec eux un Nouvelle-France: Écrire l’histoire d’une bibliothèque jésuite,” in De l’orient à
la Huronie: Du récit de pèlerinage au texte missionnaire [From the east to Huronia: From
pilgrimage narrative to missionary text], ed. Guy Poirier, Marie-Christine Gomez-Géraud,
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In addition to printing texts, the Jesuits participated in censorship. This
includes the destruction of books, leading to difficult questions about the loss
of texts, and the curation of knowledge, which necessarily means foregrounding certain subjects and minimizing others. The history of library classification
systems is one of balancing access to the perceived needs of the community
with the desires of that community, and therefore has close ties to questions
of censorship. For example, Melvil Dewey’s (1851–1931) cataloging system was
designed not merely to organize books so that they could easily be found in
groups of similar subjects but also to promote access to certain subjects. Such
practices have historically included broad strokes like segregation or destruction of controversial and/or prohibited books, and more subtle actions like
creating subject headings and determining their scope.189 Jesuits were among
those who maintained prohibited book lists and dedicated sections of their
libraries to locking up forbidden knowledge.190 They also engaged in the
destruction of texts considered to be too controversial to keep, sometimes
189
190
and François Paré (Quebec: Presses de l’Université Laval, 2011), 165–84. On the use of
emblem manuscripts, see Grégory Ems, “Manuscript Circulation in the Society of Jesus:
Student Emblems from the Brussels Jesuit College,” Emblematica 21 (2014): 161–208.
On the availability of pamphlets and printed music in Połock (modern Belarus), see
Jerzy Kochanowicz and Beata Topij-Stempińska, “Education in Jesuit Boarding Schools
for Nobles in Połock (1772–1820),” History of Education and Children’s Literature 15, no.
2 (2020): 541–61. Samuel Claro Valdés (1934–94) examines print and manuscript music
in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Bolivia in “La musica en las misiones jesuitas
de Moxos” [Music in the Jesuit missions of Moxos], Revista musical chilena 23, no. 108
(1969): 7–31. Dolores García Gómez focuses on religious literature in manuscript form
from the Colegio Máximo de Alcalá de Henares in “‘Cartapacios de verbos’: Los manuscritos de literatura propia de la Compañía de Jesús” [“Portfolios of words”: Manuscripts
of literature belonging to the Society of Jesus], Hispania sacra 65, no. 131 (2013): 161–80.
For a discussion of Jesuit theater in Spanish South America, see Pedro Guibovich Pérez,
“A mayor gloria de Dios y de los hombres: El teatro escolar jesuita en el virreinato del
Perú” [For the greater glory of God and of men: Jesuit school theater in the viceroyalty of
Peru], in El teatro en la Hispanoamérica colonial [Theater in colonial Latin America], ed.
Ignacio Arellano and José Antonio Rodríguez Garrido (Madrid: Iberoamericana Editorial
Vervuert, 2008), 35–50.
The literature on classification systems is vast; for a very readable overview, see Matthew
Battles, Library: An Unquiet History, 2nd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2015).
See, e.g., Christoph Sander, “Uniformitas et soliditas doctrinae: History, Topics, and the
Impact of Jesuit Censorship in Philosophy (1550–99),” in Jesuit Philosophy on the Eve of
Modernity, ed. Cristiano Casalini (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 34–71; Michael John Gorman, The
Scientific Counter-Revolution: The Jesuits and the Invention of Modern Science (London:
Bloomsbury, 2020), chapter 3, “Discipline, Authority, and Jesuit Censorship: From the
Galileo Trial to the Ordinatio pro studiis superioribus,” 85–124; and Javier Vergara Ciordia
and Beatriz Comella Gutiérrez, “La censura pedagógica de la Compañía de Jesús en la
edad moderna a través de su reglamentación jurídica” [Pedagogical censorship by the
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by expurgation, and sometimes by attempted eradication. Infamously, they
joined in the suppression of indigenous knowledge throughout their missions, though they did not rival other religious orders in the despoliation of
native cultures in the Americas.191 They kept both expurgated books and those
prohibited outright, often in dedicated spaces in their libraries: for example,
ninety-five out of the 613 titles inventoried in Leuven in 1635 were marked as
prohibited.192
The Jesuits were also faced with censorship themselves. At the end of the
sixteenth century, the Congregation of the Index, empowered to determine
which books could be read by Catholics, requested a very particular kind of
help. In order to identify all of the books that should be expurgated or banned
outright, that office needed to know what books were in circulation, so it
requested that bishops and inquisitors report their suspicions about texts, and
their holdings, to Rome. Although this was not universally embraced—the
religious orders, in particular, resisted the idea that their collections would be
191
192
Society of Jesus in the modern era, via its legal regulation], Hispania sacra 69, no. 140
(2017): 545–66.
On Franciscan destruction of native culture in the Spanish colonies, see, e.g., the work of
Patricia Lopes Don (including Bonfires of Culture: Franciscans, Indigenous Leaders, and the
Inquisition in Early Mexico, 1524–1540 [Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2012]).
The Jesuits are generally considered to have taken a softer approach to the indigenous cultures, but they did promote languages at the expense of others, for example preferring to
communicate in Nahuatl in New Spain, because it was the dominant tongue of the region,
and instructing and preaching both in Spanish and native languages. See Charles Polzer,
Rules and Precepts of the Jesuit Missions of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: University
of Arizona Press, 1976). The pro-native language policy of the Spanish government supported this; see Mónica Díaz, “The Education of Natives, Creole Clerics, and the Mexican
Enlightenment,” Colonial Latin American Review 24, no. 1 (2015): 60–83, here 65–68. Many
of the dictionaries and vocabulary lists generated by those men who went on missions
were kept in manuscript form in the missions and rarely printed or transferred to (or
copied by) European libraries. See Kathleen M. Comerford, “Did the Jesuits Introduce
‘Global Studies’?,” in Embodiment, Identity, and Gender in the Early Modern Age, ed. Amy
E. Leonard and David M. Whitford (Abingdon: Routledge, 2021), 197–209, here 199–200.
Fabián R. Vega notes that while there were certainly texts in Guaraní in the mission of
Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria (province of Paraguay), those were generally found in the
possession of individual Jesuits, not the libraries. “Los saberes misionales en los márgenes
de la monarquía hispánica: Los libros de la reducción jesuítico-guaraní de Candelaria”
[Missionary knowledge at the margins of the Spanish empire: The books of the JesuitGuaraní reduction of Candelaria], AHSI (2017): 337–86, here 367–70.
Rijksarchief Leuven, Jezuïeten College Leuven, 20. Catalogus van de schenkingen aan de
bibliotheek [Catalog of the donations to the library], 1635. For more on Jesuit collection
of prohibited books, see, e.g., Francisco Malta Romeiras, “Putting the Indices into Practice:
Censoring Science in Early Modern Portugal,” Annals of Science 77, no. 1 (2020): 71–95,
https://doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2020.1714295 (accessed August 4, 2022).
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inspected by outsiders and managed to convince the congregation to allow
them to inspect their own libraries—between 1596 and 1603, around 9,500
religious libraries were inventoried, and the resulting reports were sent to
Rome.193 The lists were supposed to contain all books held in the libraries,
including those already expurgated or prohibited, and to identify the language
as well as printing information.194 The inventories therefore provide a great
deal of information about sixteenth-century collection practices and can be
used in comparison with the eighteenth-century lists for fruitful investigations
of how both requirements and tastes changed, of what books might have been
lost or added over the centuries, and so on. However, these eighteenth-century
inventories were not created with a focus on the organization of the libraries.
They were designed, like the rest of the lists made during the suppression, to
list the possessions of the colleges, and thus give few of the details that are considered necessary bibliographical information today. Most, for example, note
only abbreviated author and title indications and omit publication details.
Other areas that need investigation relate to context. Studies of libraries and librarianship among religious orders are relatively siloed. The Dewey
Decimal Classification system (DDC), for example, devotes a class to “College
and University Libraries” but does not subdivide this into categories (the class
“School Libraries” specifically mentions “libraries in religious schools,” but that
for higher education does not).195 The DDC, and systems based on it (including Universal Decimal Classification), are the most widely used classification systems in the world, and these systems are used in libraries throughout
Africa, the Americas, the Asia Pacific Region, Europe, and the Middle East.196
A search in OCLC WorldCat for publications between 1972 and 2022 on the
subjects “academic libraries,” limited to “universities and colleges,” “university
and college libraries,” “libraries and colleges,” and “libraries, university and college” (all listed as subjects in WorldCat), does not point to any sources specific to colleges or universities administered by religious organizations.197 In
other words, most of the works on libraries in higher education treat Jesuit
193
194
195
196
197
Brunelli, “Educating and Disciplining Readers,” 19–20; Flavia Bruni, “The Book Inventories
of Servite Authors and the Survey of the Roman Congregation of the Index in CounterReformation Italy,” in Walsby and Constantinidou, Documenting the Early Modern Book
World, 207–30; and Rusconi, “Devil’s Trick,” 310–23.
Bruni, “Book Inventories of Servite Authors,” 210.
For more information about the Dewey system, see OCLC, “Dewey© Services,” https://
www.oclc.org/en/dewey/resources.html (accessed August 4, 2022).
For up-to-date usage of DDC-based systems, see https://www.oclc.org/en/dewey/resources
/countries.html (accessed August 4, 2022).
Search conducted on February 24, 2022.
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libraries as part of a larger intellectual history of book collection for colleges
and universities. In 2016, the US-based Association of College & Research
Libraries (ACRL) approved the current “Framework for Information Literacy
for Higher Education,” available in seven languages at the website of the
American Library Association (ALA).198 In it, the ACRL notes the importance of
libraries in the construction, maintenance, and understanding of what it calls
knowledge practices as well as access to authoritative information. Librarians
have a responsibility to instruct, define, supply context, provide access, support open-minded investigation, protect intellectual property, and engage in
cooperation and conversation with multiple experts and disciplines. In short,
twenty-first-century libraries and librarians must be trained to confront and
combat the flood of information and misinformation that threatens the basic
endeavors of any educational institution. This has certainly been an ongoing
issue since the creation of the first Jesuit libraries, only one century after the
invention of movable-type printing in Europe and in the midst of information wars associated with the Reformations and the construction of colonial
empires. Nevertheless, the challenges of the current age are accompanied by
far greater connectivity, which leads to the spread of news with far greater
speed, along with more sophisticated and subtle methods of falsification.
There is also a dearth of studies in which the libraries of educational institutions administered by religious orders are analyzed in comparison to each
other. In part, this is a methodological issue associated with the study of
those religious orders: a wealth of books and articles treat monastic libraries
of the Middle Ages, but the same attention has not been given to their early
modern or modern counterparts.199 An exception is the searchable database
198
199
American Library Association, “Framework for Information Literacy for Higher
Education,” February 9, 2015, https://www.ala.org/acrl/standards/ilframework (accessed
August 4, 2022).
Exceptions to this in the last fifty years include Silvano G.A. Benito Moya, “Agradable
a Dios y útil a los hombres”: El universo cultural en las bibliotecas de los franciscanos de
Córdoba del Tucumán (1575–1850) [Pleasing to God and useful to men: The cultural universe in the libraries of the Franciscans of Córdoba del Tucumán (1575–1850)] (Buenos
Aires: Ediciones Castañeda, 2019); Donatella Nebbiai, La bibliothèque de l’Abbaye de SaintDenis en France du IXe au XVIII siècle [The library of the Abbey of St.-Denis in France from
the ninth to the eighteenth century] (Paris: Éditions du Centre national de la recherche
scientifique, 1985); Mary Dorothy Neuhofer, “In the Benedictine Tradition: The Origins
and Early Development of Two College Libraries Founded by American Benedictine
Men and Women” (PhD diss., Florida State University, 1998); William Smith, “The English
Benedictines and the Early Printed Book,” American Benedictine Review 72, no. 1 (2021):
27–48; and Società internazionale di studi francescani, ed., Libri e biblioteche: Le letture
dei frati mendicanti tra Rinascimento ed età moderna [Books and libraries: The readings of
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RICI, Ricerca sull’Inchiesta della Congregazione dell’Indice (Research on the
investigation by the Congregation of the Index), which aggregates the lists of
many Italian religious orders whose libraries were inventoried between 1598
and 1603.200 It is headed by historian Roberto Rusconi and a team of scholars at various Italian universities and has produced numerous studies since
2006. It allows for searching via library, author, title, place of publication, or
edition, and thus makes comparative analysis possible; however, this database
excludes Jesuit libraries. Attention to such issues would be of interest for the
entire history of Jesuit libraries, but perhaps most so at the point of restoration, because of the inevitable clashes. Since some of the Jesuit colleges and
their libraries had been transferred to different religious orders, for example,
the question of restoration involved turf wars. When, instead, books had been
sold, the religious orders had little standing to make claims that their property should be given back with no compensation. As historian Christopher
Korten has observed for the Italian peninsula: “Between 1796 and 1814, too
many ecclesiastically-owned properties had been sold to too many important
men; too much damage and looting had been done to structures formerly in
possession of religious congregations; and too much money had been taken.”
Forty-six religious orders had been suppressed, and all wanted their property
back; the situation was impossible and caused bitter competition across the
Catholic world.201
The geographical spread of information about libraries is very uneven.
Indeed, the story of Jesuit libraries in Africa, both before and after the suppression, is sadly underappreciated. In part, this has to do with the Society itself:
members did not write histories of most of the early missions during their
ministry (excepting Ethiopia, the mission that has received the largest amount
of attention), though they did author biographies that focused on the adventures in which the subjects participated.202 While more recent studies of the
200
201
202
the mendicant friars between the Renaissance and the modern age] (Spoleto: Fondazione
Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 2019).
See Giovanna Granata, “On the Track of Lost Editions in Italian Religious Libraries at the
End of the Sixteenth Century: A Numerical Analysis of the RICI Database,” in Bruni and
Pettegree, Lost Books, 324–44. The database is at https://rici.vatlib.it/site/index (accessed
August 4, 2022).
Christopher Korten, “Whose Restoration Is It? Acrimony and Division in the Fight for
Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (1814–30),” Catholic Historical Review 103, no. 3 (2020):
371–98, here 373.
Festo Mkenda, “Jesuit Historiography in Africa,” Jesuit Historiography Online, ed. Robert
A. Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2468-7723_jho_COM_192529
(accessed August 4, 2022). On the Jesuit use of books in Ethiopia, see Kristen WindmullerLuna, “Guerra com a lingoa: Book Culture and Biblioclasm in the Ethiopian Jesuit Mission,”
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Society in that continent are careful to include consideration of Jesuits during
and after the suppression, collections of books are not at the forefront of these
discussions.203 This is true despite the nineteenth- and twentieth-century missionary journal, which in its final incarnation was called Revue missionnaire des
jésuites belges (Missionary journal of the Belgian Jesuits)—a journal that might
have been read with some interest by those living in one of those missions.204
With the exception of China and Japan, studies of Jesuit books in Asian countries are also fairly uncommon. The corpus of work by Noël Golvers on the
libraries of the Chinese Jesuit missions is unparalleled.205 Macau, where most
of the European missionaries to Japan and China learned Asian languages, certainly had a notable library; Goa, the capital of the eastern Portuguese Empire
and a stopping point for members of the Society to complete their studies,
must have had one as well, and certainly had a printing press “which generated
a vast body of printed material, including the first local-language (Konkani)
Grammar, in 1640.”206 I have to date found no in-depth study of Jesuit libraries
in these locations, but Portuguese historian of the book Rui Manuel Loureiro
discusses both book production and collection in the East Asian missions.207
The library associated with the province of Japan apparently held “more than
five thousand volumes” at the end of the sixteenth century.208 The earliest
Jesuit library in Manila was reportedly quite small but had grown enough by
203
204
205
206
207
208
JJS 2, no. 2 (2015): 223–47, https://doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00202004 (accessed August 4,
2022).
See Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Wright, eds., Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A
Global History, 1773–1900 (Boston: Brill, 2014); Robert A. Maryks and Festo Mkenda,
eds., Encounters between Jesuits and Protestants in Africa (Boston: Brill, 2018); Victor M.
Fernández et al., The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia 1557–1632 (Boston: Brill,
2017); and Basil Amaeshi, Classical Readings in African Library Development (Lanham,
MD: Scarecrow Press, 2003).
Précis historiques [Historical summaries] (published 1852–98) changed its name to
Mission Belges de la Compagnie de Jésus [Belgian mission of the Society of Jesus] (1899–
1926) and then to Revue missionaire des jésuites belges [Missionary review of the Belgian
Jesuits], under which it published 1927–51. See Mkenda, “Jesuit Historiography in Africa.”
Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China; Golvers, “The Pre-1773 Jesuit Libraries in
Peking as Medium for Western Learning in Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century
China,” The Library 16 (2015): 429–45, and other publications cited here, passim.
Mendonça, “Jesuits in Goa: Restoration after Suppression (1759–1935),” 135.
See Na Companhia dos livros: Manuscritos e impressos nas missões jesuítas da Ásia Oriental
1540–1620 [In the company of books: Manuscripts and prints in the Jesuit missions of East
Asia 1540–1620] (Macau: Universidade de Macau, 2007).
Leonor Diaz de Seabra, “Macau e os jesuítas na China (séculos XVI e XVII)” [Macau and
the Jesuits in China (sixteenth and seventeenth centuries)], História Unisinos 15, no. 3
(2011): 417–24, here 419.
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1768 to be lamented when the Society was forced to leave.209 Despite the large
number of Jesuits currently working in India, there is also no study of libraries
associated with the Society of Jesus in that country.210
As a final geographical consideration, the history of the libraries of the
Western Asian and Middle Eastern Jesuits is little known outside of that region.
Many factors complicate investigating this subject, including problems related
to twentieth-century wars and decolonization movements and the forms
of nationalism that accompanied them; the continuing tensions between
Christians and Muslims in the region; and the role of anti-Western, and in particular anti-American, sentiments in the establishment and continuation of
remote campuses associated with US universities (e.g., Georgetown, in Qatar,
established 2005) or other administrative units (e.g., the New England province of Jesuits, who created Al-Hikma University in Baghdad, Iraq, in 1956).211
Since library catalogs for study abroad centers are routinely included within
general library catalogs, studying the collections on-site in those campuses can
be complicated. An investigation into the processes of acquisition and cataloging should provide insights into the ways that these institutions have struck a
balance between the curriculum requirements of the parent university and the
context in which the program exists. Presumably, the construction and population of libraries for branch campuses, which began in the mid-twentieth
century and continues to the present, has developed along lines similar to
those used in fashioning libraries for campuses created by Jesuit institutions
founded in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Thus, a comparison of,
for example, the collections of the Georgetown Qatar campus with those of
Université Saint-Joseph of Beirut, founded by French Jesuits in 1875, should be
of great interest in understanding the distinct missions of institutions dedicated to quite different purposes but administered by the same religious order.
Perhaps the most neglected aspect of Jesuit library history is associated
with staffing. In 2020, intellectual historian Lorenzo Mancini provided a
209
210
211
John N. Crossley, “Dominican and Jesuit Formal Education in the First Years of Spanish
Manila (c.1571–1621),” Journal of Religious History 42, no. 2 (2018): 181–99, here 187–88,
10.1111/1467-9809.12427 (accessed August 4, 2022). The Jesuit books are now held by the
Dominican University of Santo Tomas Library in Manila, the Philippines; see http://
library.ust.edu.ph/index.html (accessed August 4, 2022).
For example, a broad survey, Jashu Patel and Krishan Kumar, eds., Libraries and
Librarianship in India (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001), 6, makes only passing reference to libraries established by Jesuits under the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (1592–1666,
r.1628–58).
See Joseph Seferta, “The Jesuit Contribution to Christian Education in Iraq: A Personal
Reflection,” International Studies in Catholic Education 8, no. 2 (2016): 193–201, here
196–98.
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chronology of all the librarians of the Roman College between 1551 and 1873,
a herculean task not attempted by any other scholar of Jesuit libraries.212
Modern approaches to library history still often ignore general staffing issues,
preferring to focus on “star” librarians, like the English diplomat and founder
of the Bodleian Library, Thomas Bodley (1545–1613); Americans Melvile
Dewey, inventor of the DDC, and Carla Hayden (b.1952; librarian of Congress
starting 2016); and Indian librarian and professor of library science Shiyali
Ramamrita Ranganathan (1892–1972), but most of those who have worked in
libraries, including those who have engaged in the formidable, ongoing task of
cataloging, remain unknown and unknowable. Among the few exceptions is
Czesławowi Michalunio (1919–2013), the Polish Jesuit who directed the Jesuit
Philosophical Library of the Society of Jesus Kraków (Biblioteka Filozoficzna
Towarzystwa Jezusowego) to whom a Festschrift was dedicated in 2004.213
Staffing is one of the most significant costs associated with any institution
and thus naturally leads to questions about library budgets. For the contemporary age, questions on this front are significantly complicated by factors related
to the technological demands of remote access imposed by the COVID-19
pandemic. These are costly changes and updates, and libraries associated
with schools and universities have had to face major budgeting challenges,
and concerns about the usage of space, with little warning. The economic
downturn that has accompanied the pandemic led to significant demands
on resources (particularly on remote access) and staffing, and its effects are
not yet well understood.214 However, libraries have always required funds not
212
213
214
Lorenzo Mancini, “I bibliotecari del Collegio Romano (1551–1873): Un contributo per la
storia delle biblioteche della Compagnia di Gesù” [The librarians of the Roman College
(1551–1873): A contribution toward the story of the libraries of the Society of Jesus], AHSI
89, no. 177 (2020): 46–115, here 69–79, followed by brief biographical notes in alphabetical
order, 80–108.
Andrzej Paweł Bieś, Librorum amatori: Księga pamiątkowa ofiarowana ks. Czesławowi
Michalunio SJ na 50-lecie ofiarnej pracy w bibliotece filozoficznej Towarzystwa Jezusowego w
Krakowie [Librorum amatori: A commemorative book, donated to Fr. Czesław Michalunio,
S.J., on the fiftieth anniversary of his dedicated work at the philosophical library of
the Society of Jesus in Kraków] (Kraków: Wyższa Szkoła Filozoficzno-Pedagogiczna
“Ignatianum,” 2004).
For some preliminary attempts to assess the impact of the pandemic on higher education in the United States, see Ruth Sara Connell, Lisa C. Wallis, and David Comeaux, “The
Impact of COVID-19 on the Use of Academic Library Resources,” Information Technology
and Libraries 40, no. 2 (2021), https://doi.org/10.6017/ital.v40i2.12629 (accessed August 4,
2022); Sandra L. De Groote and Jung Mi Scoulas, “Impact of COVID-19 on the Use of
the Academic Library,” Reference Services Review 49, no. 3/4 (2022): 281–301, https://doi
.org/10.1108/rsr-07-2021-0043 (accessed August 4, 2022). Kay Tucker and Becky Batagol
examined the effects of the pandemic on marginalized students and staff at Monash
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only to acquire books but also to maintain and store them, and they represent
an institutional division that in most cases is designed for continued growth.
Untangling the issues associated with library financing for the history of
Jesuit-associated institutions will depend on deep study of the operating costs
of the colleges and universities, professed and probationary houses, missions,
secondary schools, and regional as well as central administrative units. While
some have attempted this for the pre-suppression Society, I have been unable
to locate any economic studies of Jesuit libraries following the restoration.215
All things associated with Jesuit libraries have changed significantly over
the centuries: the production and storage of books, the decline of religious
censorship, the rise of politically motivated censorship, the creation of virtual
curated collections, the processes of cataloging inventory, the accessibility
of library possessions, the size of collections, continued expansion of digital
media resources, the development of a “Learning Commons” approach rather
than a focus on the acquisition and maintenance of print book collections,
the introduction of more remote learning resulting by necessity from the
global COVID-19 pandemic, and even the Society of Jesus itself. At the same
215
University in Australia in “Pandemic Pressures in Universities and Their Libraries: A View
from Australia,” Legal Information Management 21, nos. 3–4 (2021): 129–45. For the United
Arab Emirates, see Abdoulaye Kaba, “Assessing an Academic Library Performance before
and during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Case Study in UAE,” Performance Measurement &
Metrics 22, no. 3 (2021): 187–99. A student-centered study in South Africa by Sibonokuhle
Ndlovu is “The Impact of Covid-19 on Students with Disabilities’ Access to Education
in South Africa,” Journal of Social Development in Africa 35, Special Issue (2020): 131–66;
a different South African perspective, from Madina Institute (Cape Town), is found in
Ramoshweu Solom Lebelo, Kholeka Constance Moloi, and Saleemeh Jaffer, “Corona Virus
Pandemic and Change to Online Learning in One South African Private Higher Education
Institution: An Action Research,” Loyola Journal of Social Sciences 34, no. 2 (2020): 51–74.
The leadership role of academic libraries during the pandemic in India is explored
in Sandip Majumdar, “Tryst with Uncertainty: Efforts of Department of Library and
Information Science, University of Gour Banga, Malda, West Bengal, India,” Education
for Information 36, no. 3 (2020): 327–31 and Elangovan N. et al., “Transitional Challenges
in Technology Adoption among Academic Communities of Indian Higher Education,”
Journal of International Technology & Information Management 30, no. 2 (2021): 59–96.
Studies of the economics of the global missions, both pre- and post-suppression, abound,
as do discussions of the funding of European Jesuit colleges. I speak here of the specifics of funding the libraries. For information on the economics of pre-suppression Jesuit
libraries, see “Introduction,” and Idalia García, “‘Para que les den libre paso en todas partes sin que los abran ni detengan’: Libros para las comunidades religiosas de la Nueva
España” [“To give them free passage everywhere without opening or stopping”: Books for
the religious communities of New Spain], Cuadernos de historia moderna 42, no. 1 (2017):
151–73. As with other aspects of modern and contemporary university history, the study
of library financing for Jesuit institutions tends to be folded into that of similar religious
and secular colleges and universities.
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71
time, the libraries of the modern Society continue a long tradition of supporting their educational communities of faculty, students, staff, and researchers
from other institutions. Developments in both library science and education
have helped with this flexibility, as have changes in the understanding of the
global mission of the Jesuits. The Society continues to evangelize but no longer
with the cooperation of secular colonial powers, and no longer with the goal of
Europeanizing all to whom they minister. In the guise of international research
universities—like the Universidad Iberoamericana in Tijuana, Mexico; the
Ateneo de Manila in the Philippines; and the Pontifical Catholic University of
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil—Jesuit libraries continue to create and preserve knowledge in a broad array of subjects and make it available to a global scholarly
community. That might be the most important desideratum of all: a recognition that the practice of Jesuit librarianship is now, and has been since its
inception, a complex balancing act between serving the needs of the moment
(an inherently conservative and institutional action) and preparing for the
needs of the future (an inherently flexible and open-minded one). Despite
their appearance as static loci for the preservation of objects that represent
the past, Jesuit libraries are dynamic means of both creating knowledge and
fostering ethical responsibility.
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