Pablo Baisotti
Ph.D. in Politics, Institutions, History. University of Bologna (Italy). M.Phil. International Relations Europe-Latin America, University of Bologna. M.A. Law and Economic Integration. University Paris I Pantheon Sorbonne (France) and University of El Salvador (Argentina). B.A. History. University of El Salvador (Argentina). Particularly interested in the relationship and influence between Politics, History, and Religion in contemporary Latin America
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Modernity of Religiosities and Beliefs: A New Path in Latin America from the Nineteenth to Twenty-First Century synthesizes new research on various phenomena related to religions and beliefs in Latin America. The contributors provide comprehensive. analytical interpretations of Latin American spheres of religious ideas and worldviews and show that they are a key element to understanding the history of the region. Overall, this book gives an account of the whole spectrum of religious phenomena in Latin American societies, providing a “global” interpretation that will contribute to the study of political, economic, and cultural modernities in Latin America.
unos 1,400 millones de habitantes se constituye en el país más poblado del
mundo y representa una nación pujante con un papel dominante en muchos
ámbitos. De tal manera, el interés hacia este país se ha generalizado en las últimas
décadas y con ello el atractivo de los estudios sobre la diáspora china. Esta
temática es un asunto de investigación interdisciplinario por excelencia. Su
análisis permite conjugar disciplinas tan desiguales como la geografía, la historia,
la antropología, la sociología, las ciencias políticas, la psicología, la economía,
las relaciones internacionales y el estudio del comercio. El número de trabajos
realizados en los últimos tiempos concernientes a la diáspora china es muy significativo
y aborda temas de una gran diversidad.
Actualmente, la diáspora china está diseminada en los cinco continentes y
abarca unos 150 países. El término “chinos de ultramar” generalmente es empleado
como un término neutro para referirse a los casi 50 millones de individuos
de origen chino estimados que residen fuera de la China continental, Hong
Kong, Taiwán y Macao. Evidentemente estas cifras representan cálculos generales
y su cuantificación puede verse alterada por muchos factores como las
estrategias propias de las diferentes estadísticas nacionales y de organismos
internacionales. Cabe destacar también que, en algunas ocasiones, algunos chinos
no se reconocen en la apelación específica de “chinos de ultramar” y se
niegan a ser registrados como tales, pues se asumen como ciudadanos de otros países. Al comienzo de la década de 1980 los “chinos de ultramar” eran tres
veces más numerosos que al final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Entre 1948
y 1982 se calcula que la tasa de crecimiento anual era superior a 3% y de un
2.7% entre 1982 y la década del noventa. Precisamente, en la última década del
siglo XX se pueden estimar unos 30 millones mientras una década antes era
calculada en 20 millones.
De este significativo número de chinos considerados como “chinos de ultramar”,
unos 25 millones se sitúan principalmente en Tailandia —más 9 millones
y un 11% de la población—, Malasia, Indonesia y Singapur. La significativa
cantidad de chinos en países asiáticos se puede observar en los cerca de 6 millones
que se localizan en Corea de Sur, Birmania, Filipinas, Vietnam, Camboya y
Laos. Por otro lado, en conjunto en Europa son calculados en un poco más de
2 millones especialmente en Francia, Reino Unido e Italia. En Estados Unidos
se computan casi unos 4 millones y en Canadá alrededor de 1.8 millones. En
Oceanía se cuentan cerca de 1.2 millones en Australia y en Nueva Zelanda unos
170 mil de personas de origen chino. Cientos de miles de individuos de la diáspora
china se encuentran establecidos en Japón, América Latina —particularmente
en Perú donde pueden representar un alrededor de un millón— y Rusia.
En África, se calcula un total de un millón de chinos y más de la mitad se encuentra
en Sudáfrica.
El término “diáspora”, en general, empieza a ser apropiado por las ciencias
sociales y humanas a partir de las décadas de 1950 y 1960 y desde la siguiente
(1970), su uso es mucho más mediático y banalizado. Partiendo del arquetipo
de diáspora judía, historiadores y geógrafos empiezan a evocar la posibilidad de
hacer de la palabra una categoría e inician la tarea de la definición. El concepto
de “diáspora” se vuelve así el objeto de debate en múltiples ocasiones en cuanto a
su alcance y ambigüedad. Los criterios que permiten reconocer una diáspo ra
varían de un investigador al otro y las definiciones son más o menos inclusivas.
No obstante, “diáspora” constituye un vocablo adecuado para explicar esa dispersión
de miembros de un país que conforman una cierta comunidad transnacional...
Ronald Soto-Quirós
Burdeos, mayo de 2018.
fenómeno con más carga pagana sucedido durante los años estudiados –y quizás durante todo el franquismo– que fue el traslado del cuerpo del fundador de la Falange desde su casi desconocida tumba alicantina hasta el imponente monasterio de El Escorial a través de 400 kilómetros.
en España una “religión política” dentro de un espacio “sacro”, el cual una vez reforzado, se expandió fuera del mencionado espacio superponiéndose al ambiente “nacional católico” para crear una zona gris. Se buscará también de profundizar los conceptos de “religión política” y “sacralización política”, cuestiones que en las últimas décadas fueron revividas en el ambiente académico, en general, para ser aplicadas al nacional-socialismo, al fascismo y al stalinismo.
in Washington DC in 2002, one of China’s most experienced and influential international policy advisors, Zheng Bijian, proposed that the idea of China's “peaceful rise” was an unprecedented concept in contemporary international relations. Beginning in 2004, Bijian noted that to achieve its development goals, China must gradually expand its convergence and influence among communities of interest worldwide. Two years later, within the framework of the 2nd World Forum of Chinese Studies, he gave a speech entitled “China Route, Chinese Dream, and Chinese Heart.” He used this speaking opportunity to outline a possible course for China’s peaceful ascent. In 2013, Bijian presented his ensuing thoughts on the subject at the 5th World Forum of Chinese Studies and stressed that there are three possible avenues for the development of global politics and diplomacy in the 21st century. Firstly, Bijian mentioned the idea that the primary global powers may continue to follow the logic of the Cold War, secondly, that they may involve themselves in local wars and finally that they may seek to invest in, and create communities of interest around the world for mutually beneficial development. This last option is decidedly in tune with the concept of peaceful ascent (Bijian 2013, 2006, 2011)
structure which is composed of interactive units. Structure is the conceptual component that makes it possible to perceive the system as a whole. The various parts of the international political system are in a coordinated relationship. Formally speaking, each part is equal to any other. No single international actor is authorized to command; no one is obliged to obey. This has led some commentators to observe that international politics is politics in the absence of government. After the changes to the international order brought about by the fall of Soviet communism, the global economic crises and the emergence of new threats, China began to occupy a different space in Latin America that became “vacant” after the United States gradually lost its grip over the region. China’s relationship with the continent is based on its strategy of “peaceful ascent” (as defined by Zheng Bijian 2005) and the promotion of economic, political and cultural ties at all levels. Thus, the structure of the international system is changing due to the emergence of a new distribution of capacities among the interactive units that comprise it, that is, the rise of China as a global power (Waltz 1988).
For political scientists Alexander Wendt, Robert Kehoane and Joseph Nye, the politics of the international structure changed from a Hobbesian statecentric emphasis to a system with a qualitative capacity for collective action, wherein non-territorial actors such as multinational corporations, transnational social movements and international organizations play an increasingly important role. However, this type of international system is inherently anarchic, as pointed out by the political scientist Hedley Bull in his work “The Anarchical Society. A study of Order in World Politics” (Wendt 2003; Keohane and, Nye 1988; Bull 1977). At present, the “interior” and “exterior” boundaries of international actors are overlapping, and international economic dynamics have begun to have an impact on governance at all levels, affecting the internal domestic policies of the nation state. This is what Nye and Keohane describe as complex interdependence, in which the multiple channels that connect societies, at the inter-state, trans-governmental and transnational level, now transcend national borders, and the internal policies of countries increasingly interfere with each other (Keohane and, Nye 1988).
Migration in the Americas, 2015, noted that Argentina remained the country in Latin America with the highest level of immigration. By 2013, the country had received nearly 140,000 permanent immigrants and
approximately the same number of temporary immigrants. From 1990 to
2013 the foreign-born population ranged from 5.1% in 1990 (1,649,919
inhabitants) to 4.2% in 2010 (1,540,219), stabilizing at 4.5% between 2010 and 2013 (1,805,957 and 1,885,678 inhabitants respectively). In 2015, according to the statistics provided by the United Nations, 2,086,302 immigrants (4.81% of the total population) with “Permanent” or “Temporary” residency status lived in Argentina. The former may be
granted to persons inside or outside the country; included in this group are those who initially had temporary permission to reside in Argentina.
According to the National Direction of Migration, permanent and
authorized international immigration in Argentina remained relatively
stable between 2004 and 2006 (18,652 and 25,447 immigrants respectively) and rose to almost double those figures in 2007 (50,215).
a researcher, as the world is changing all the time – and in the current global climate these changes appear to be less predictable, and occurring at an ever faster pace – a situation which makes writing about them far less convenient than writing through the lense of history alone. As historian Eric Hobsbawm points out in the introduction to his influential work “The Age of Extremes: The short Twentieth Century 1914-1991,” it is a far simpler task to weave ideas and unravel issues that have been gleaned from books, original sources of the period or from the works of later historians. This book marks a decision to take the hard way. It is intended to provide the reader with an overview of some of the current issues associated with the social, cultural and economic relationships between Latin America and China. Culture here
is defined as the “behaviors that characterize a group” – be it Latin
American or Chinese; the reference being made is not to the educational
level of the members of each of the communities that make up these groups, but to their ancestral foods, dances, movies and traditions.
have been increasing in Latin America and the Caribbean since the 1960s. Indigenous and peasant movements are advancing against the exploitation of their territories by mining, oil, and other companies, as well as movements of migrants, women, and other popular rural and urban sectors.
1) A New Struggle for Independence in Modern Latin America
2) Problems and Alternatives in the Modern Americas
3) Setbacks and Advances in the Modern Latin American
4) Social, Political, and Religious Movements in the Modern Americas
La muerte casi desde inicios de la guerra civil jugó un papel fundamental
en la conformación del universo simbólico de los sublevados. El “caído”
pasó a trasformarse en un legitimador político de primer orden y su
herencia fue largamente aprovechada por Franco. Ello fue rápidamente
interpretado por la Falange y por la Iglesia que lucharon por el monopolio de las llamadas “políticas de la muerte”.
problems inherited from the previous military government. The question
of human rights, in other words, the search for truth and the
punishment of perpetrators of heinous crimes was a constant during
the Alfonsín government, which had to mediate between the claims of
civil society and the threat of the military who still held power. This
represented fights from official bodies and those formed by groups of
people who had suffered the loss of relatives in the previous period.
Estados Unidos. Cambios
y continuidades desde
1946 hasta la actualidad.
Reseña del libro de Howard Brick y
Christopher Phelps (2015). Radical in
America: The U.S. Left since the Second
World War. New York: Cambridge
University Press, págs. 361
Afrontar las crisis económicas y sociales en las cuales la humanidad se encuentra inmersa –no solamente por el Covid-19– es una responsabilidad de todos los sectores que participan en la sociedad. En esta perspectiva, es fundamental y necesario, proponer soluciones desde la Economía Social y Solidaria (ESS).
En este contexto, la Universidad Estatal a Distancia (UNED) de Costa Rica, que coordina el Centro de Investigación e Información sobre la Economía Pública, Social y Cooperativa (Capítulo CIRIEC- Costa Rica), lo invita a reflexionar en conjunto con personas investigadoras a participar en la redacción del libro Economía social y solidaria y COVID-19. Propuestas para una salida ´global´, que tiene como objetivo: comprender la ESS desde distintos posicionamientos teóricos en el devenir de la pospandemia.
Con la redacción del libro, se pretende analizar y discutir metodologías de intervención que puedan ser aplicadas a la realidad mundial, en particular a los procesos que desde las experiencias de ESS se dan para solucionar los problemas sociales y económicos de las personas y en consecuencia de los países.
Esta propuesta editorial, se enmarca dentro del VIII Congreso Internacional de Investigadores en Economía Social del CIRIEC en Costa Rica, que se llevará a cabo en setiembre de 2021, y que será coordinado por la Escuela de Ciencias de la Administración (ECA) de la UNED
La recepción de los manuscritos originales, en una primera convocatoria, será hasta el 31 de enero de 2021 y una segunda convocatoria, hasta el 31 de marzo de 2021, a las siguientes direcciones: [email protected] y [email protected]
Agradecemos su interés y gentilmente solicitamos su confirmación a la brevedad
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In this scenario, Evo Morales, a conspicuous representative of the turn to the left at the beginning of the century, was accused of electoral irregularities in the 2019 plebiscite, which finally triggered his resignation and the immediate takeover of power by a provisional right-wing government with oligarchic and racist characteristics and a worrying disposition towards popular repression. In Brazil, Dilma Rousseff was dismissed in 2016 for a questioned impeachment, and the assumption of the centrist Michel Temer marked the beginning of the ideological turnaround in Brazil that deepened when in 2018 Jair Bolsonaro defeated the PT candidate. The victory of the socialist Michelle Bachelet in 2013 in Chile meant a return to moderate center-left governments inaugurated by Ricardo Lagos in 2000; but Sebastián Piñera won again in 2017 with a center-right coalition. In Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos became president in 2010 and in 2014 as the candidate of Álvaro Uribe, representative of the harsher right. The 2018 victory of Iván Duque, also an ally of Uribe, ratifies the alignment that the country has had for years. In Costa Rica, centrist governments have been succeeding each other: in 2014 Luis Guillermo Solís, of the Citizen Action Party, began to govern, and in 2018 Carlos Alvarado Quesada, the official candidate, triumphed. Cuba, which had not made any major political changes for more than half a century, saw Raúl Castro leave the presidency of the Council of State and Ministers in 2018, giving way to a transition led by Miguel Díaz-Canel and which has included the holding of a Constituent Assembly. Rafael Correa left power in Ecuador in 2017 after a decade as president, but his replacement and supposed successor, Lenín Moreno, has adopted a policy much more aligned with the International Monetary Fund, moving away from the Bolivarian axis. In Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto had achieved in 2012 the return to power of the PRI, but in 2018 this party made the worst election in its history, allowing the triumph of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the first leftist president in recent Mexican history. Panama held a presidential election in 2019 with Laurentino Cortizo of the Democratic Revolutionary Party winning, although he gradually showed a center-right political and economic orientation. Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, president of Peru, resigned after a corruption scandal when his vice president, Martín Vizcarra, both center-right, took office. Tabaré Vázquez's victory in Uruguay in 2005 and 2015 gave momentum to the Frente Amplio, as did José Mujica's victory in 2010. But the Frente Amplio cycle came to an end with the 2019 election victory of Luis Lacalle Pou, who belongs to the National Party, the country's traditionally conservative force. In Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro heads the oldest and most radicalized leftist political cycle in the region, except for Cuba, although his government is unknown to nearly 60 countries, and his level of internal legitimacy seems to be declining.
In short, the region has entered a new cycle. Of the fifteen presidential elections held from 2015 to the beginning of 2019, nine of them have alternated: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, Colombia, Guatemala and Peru. Of the six countries where there was continuity, in four the electoral results were questioned by the opposition and/or by international electoral observation organizations: Honduras, Nicaragua, Paraguay, and Venezuela.
The region has then assumed an unstable political course, in a global moment of political, economic, climate and recently health crisis that is understood as a radicalization of the neoliberal project after the 2008-2009 crisis. While the spirit of the citizens seems to be directed against the governments of the moment (whether right or left), while their limitations to improve the quality of life of the population are evident. Encouraged by the end of the economic boom and the globalization of the economic crisis, in Latin America this is a political cycle marked by several dynamics:
a-. The weakening of the options linked to the different lefts in the region.
b-. The greater relative strength of the options of the center-right and the radical right.
c-. The persistence of two types of populism: a populism close to the proposals of "21st century socialism", and another situated on the right, with a clear "anti-elite" message.
d-. The constant crisis of legitimacy and credibility that today most of the political institutions of the region are going through.
The "liquidity" of contemporary societies is accompanied, well into the 21st century, by the blurring of traditionally solid institutions. The transformations in the universe of political parties are clear evidence of the massive loss of confidence in them, the centrality of candidates over party machines, and the loss of identification of the electorate with their labels. The new post-socialist cycle of the 21st century shows unequivocal symptoms of fatigue affecting the politics of Latin American countries. The social malaise is expressed in the presence of protest movements and open social conflict, in an environment of radicalization of narratives (not necessarily political) and polarization. At its origin we find the maintenance of patterns of inequality and social exclusion, with deficient patterns of wealth distribution.
In this context, we propose to approach the political scenario of Latin America from the hypothesis of a post-ideological cycle, often marked by decidedly anti-ideological movements. To the extent that the questioned differentiation between left and right continues to operate, the changes mentioned above imply an inclination of the countries referred to, except for Mexico, towards the right. Now, to address this scenario, we propose the following questions:
- What is the type of politics that prevails in Latin America in the second decade of the 21st century? Is it a new version of the traditional division between right, center and left (with combinations between them)? Or is it rather the emergence of a new cycle of personalist politics, with a charismatic (or not, rather effective) leader? Or is it simply a response to the social weariness that finds in external figures (outsiders) a way to punish the political system?
- What are the debates structuring politics? What are the traditional ideological arguments in the face of the emergence of new social challenges such as gender, ethno-racial, capacity, environmental, and other inclusiveness?
- Is Latin American politics "anti-politics", or is it becoming one?
- How have political parties mutated and how have they adapted to a society in constant mutation, with new and more profound demands that are expressed by taking to the streets and social networks?
- What kind of ideologies are presented in Latin America, and how have they been absorbed or transformed in recent years? Are we moving towards a society without ideology, or towards ideologies diluted in dozens of new postulates?
portata, in cui i principali protagonisti erano soprattutto paesi extra europei, e lo scenario di rivalità era tutto il mondo.
Durante la Guerra Fredda, il territorio del Medio Oriente acquistò un valore speciale per gli Stati Uniti a causa delle risorse petrolifere, delle strutture militari, delle rotte interregionali e altre strutture di comunicazione e per la vicinanza con l'Unione Sovietica. Per l'Occidente era anche fondamentale avvicinarsi al Medio Oriente arabo per motivi economici, culturali e politici. Inoltre Israele assunse, sempre per l'Occidente, un’importanza strategica per la sua posizione al centro della
regione3. La portata del Medio Oriente come regione strategica crebbe nella seconda metà del XX secolo quando il petrolio cominciò ad essere considerato di vitale importanza per entrambe le superpotenze, come vasta riserva di energia. In questa maniera, il confronto tra gli Stati Uniti e l'Unione Sovietica trasformò i termini di penetrazione internazionale nel Medio Oriente, data la concentrazione eccezionale di interessi economici e strategici -petrolio, vie di transito, e la protezione d'Israele-.
Il periodo della Guerra Fredda ha avuto sul Medio Oriente un effetto profondo sui loro Stati e popoli, e sulla sua posizione all'interno dell'intero sistema internazionale. Mentre gli Stati e i movimenti politici si adoperavano per volgere la rivalità globale a proprio vantaggio, quella stessa rivalità aveva un impatto profondo su molte parti della regione, ispirando movimenti di massa di destra e di sinistra
una forza politica e sociale, forse, inarrestabile. Inoltre comprendere come la ''nuova'' democrazia di massa e il processo dell'industrializzazione, direttamente o indirettamente,
trasformarono la società. Alcuni degli argomenti fondamentali del periodo oggetto di studio sono: il ruolo delle istituzioni non elettive, il tema dell'efficienza, la questione sociale, il problema del partito.
Il paper sarà strutturato in due capitoli per ognuno dei due paesi analizzati: questione politica e questione sociale. Nel primo capitolo si analizzerà l'evoluzione del sistema parlamentare, i dibattiti più importanti, la questione dell'efficienza e del ''fare'' riforme, della professionalizzazione dell'amministrazione pubblica. Nel secondo capitolo saranno approfondite i movimenti socialisti/laburista ed operai, allo sviluppo economico e l'industrializzazione.
increasing in Latin America and the Caribbean since the 1960s. Indigenous and peasant
movements are advancing against the exploitation of their territories by mining, oil and
other companies, as well as movements of migrants, women and other popular rural and
urban sectors. The Treaty signed (1993) and put into effect (1994) between the United
States, Canada and Mexico established the model of asymmetric integration subordinated
to transnational capital, which served as a model for the negotiations of others such as the
Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), proposed in December 1994, and bilateral
and multilateral treaties throughout the continent. These treaties have a regional security
component that involves the militarized part of them to ensure their functioning,
through the control of borders and other strategic spaces, for their resources, the
criminalization of social protest and even counterinsurgency. And although the FTAA was
defeated in its commercial axis by the social mobilizations carried out throughout the
continent, and the opposition of several countries, led mainly by Brazil, to the subsidy
policies of the United States for its own agricultural production, the regional security axis
has constantly advanced. In addition, some governments of South American countries -
Chávez in Venezuela, Kirchner in Argentina, Lula in Brazil, Duarte in Paraguay - began to
promote a Latin American integration process that would strengthen the region's
negotiating capacity before the FTAA, or perhaps as an alternative to it. This led to the
strengthening of MERCOSUR and the creation of the South American Community of
Nations first and UNASUR later, as well as Hugo Chávez's project to promote the
Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America/People's Trade Treaty (ALBA/TCP).
Recommended topics include, but are not limited to, the following:
• Latin American guerrillas
• Dictatorship in Latin America
• Social movement in Latin America (economical, ecological, political, social)
• Alternative movements in Latin America
• Anti-globalization movements in Latin America
• Social movements in the following country borders: México-United States; México-
Guatemala; Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador; Nicaragua and Panamá; Costa Rica –
Nicaragua; Brazil-Paraguay-Argentina
• Neoliberalism and regional relations
• Social movements in the government of Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales and Lula da Silva.
• Challenging the US in Latin America: ALCA vs. ALBA
• US-Latin America Relations in the Age of Neoliberalism
• Latin American "Tercermundismo"
• the Contadora Group
• The Pink Tide as form of resistance and alternative?
• EZLN
• Sendero Luminoso
• Central American guerrilas and social movements
America, the relationship between Latin America and China, and how that affects Latin
American States in regard with other international actors. For this reason, various
approaches and issues are considered. It seems that many of the authors represented here
are asking the same questions:
What is Latin America and what is China today?
How do they influence each other?
What are their respective roles in the world?
This book is the result of an investigation into questions such as this. Questions asked by
intellectuals and others who see contemporary situation changing rapidly and are able to
observe the growing strength of the ties that bind China and Latin America together. Ties
of Culture, for example, since the interaction of different social groups, with all their
cultural baggage, can modify the concept of culture as belonging to one particular group
and this encourages efforts to conceive of a dialectical process that offers a better
representation of this new syncretic cultural mix. The assimilation of an immigrant culture
by another vernacular culture does not occur automatically, there is no mathematical or
chemical formula that can be identified in this process, no predictable results, because the
process is defined by particular individuals in a certain place and time who build the
intercultural relationship and at the same time provoke the birth of new identities.
the nation states (especially those within Latin America) were already
consolidated. The mid-1940s has also been selected as the starting point for the
work due to the period also marking the beginning of the Cold War.
This project aims to provide the reader, whoever he or she may be, with
an up-to date, general, yet detailed knowledge of the contemporary history of
Latin America and the Caribbean, comparing the different realities of the
continent over a certain period of time. In this way the varied views of the
collected authors will offer impart detailed knowledge of the historical,
socioeconomic, political and cultural aspects of Latin American history.
The axes of analysis that run through history, economics, politics and
social studies share the same comparative potential, especially in the case of
countries that maintain close contact, share the same region and have other
common characteristics that engender close interactions, as in the case of
Uruguay and Argentina; Bolivia, Chile and Peru, Cuba and the Dominican
Republic. These complex interrelationships are not only bilateral but also include
relationships between groups of countries such as those of Mercosur, the
Andean Pact and Caricom. In the scope of this project Latin America is seen to
include the whole of the Caribbean, with its own set of diversities and similarities,
with its growing political and cultural contacts and interrelationships, and its
heritage and varied population demographics.
The handbooks will chart the history of the region up until the present day.
The fundamental objective of the handbooks is to provide a rational and critical
historical explanation of Latin America and the Caribbean from 1945 to the
present day with the purpose, among others, of deepening understanding of the
present. In an increasingly globalized world, in which societies are far removed
from the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious uniformity advocated by the
nineteenth-century nation-states, the "traditional vision" of history must be put
aside.
The complex composition of today's society - especially that of Latin
America and the Caribbean - demands a new interpretation of its recent history.
Furthermore, this interpretation must recognise the diversity of identities and
realities in Latin America. An attempt will be made to relate past and present
events and processes and to shed light on their interrelated influences. The book
relates the events and processes of the past with those of the present in a
historical-political-social and economic continuity. In this way, the work will
provide deep insights into the main events and processes of change and
continuity in Latin America and the Caribbean. Each of the participants in the
project will achieve these aims by using diverse methods, techniques and
instruments of analysis in their critical examination of all historical sources and
documents.
This project aims to provide the reader, whoever he or she may be, with
an up-to date, general, yet detailed knowledge of the contemporary history of
Latin America and the Caribbean, comparing the different realities of the
continent over a certain period of time. In this way the varied views of the
collected authors will offer impart detailed knowledge of the historical,
socioeconomic, political and cultural aspects of Latin American history
The handbook will also provide an interpretation and explanation of the
social inequalities and heterogeneities (class, gender, ethnicity, religion, ideology)
of the region and their role in recent historical evolution. In summary, the purpose
of these volumes is to inform, interpret and apply a scientific method to the
historical study of the region allowing the reader to utilise his own critical
reasoning and interpret the complex situation in Latin America and the
Caribbean, with all its cultural, social, political and environmental diversity.
The handbook not only seeks to convey information from author to reader,
but it also seeks to engage the reader in a dialogue. The handbook aims to
achieve this goal by refusing to impose a traditional and uncritical linear historical
narrative onto the reader and will instead propose an alternative interpretation of
the past and its relation to the present. This will enable the reader to form a
broader understanding of the past and to select, use evaluate and develop a new
point of view on the history of the region. The collective nature of this effort
should be mentioned.
This handbook will involve the participation of professors and researchers
from more than 15 countries around the world. The project represents an
excellent opportunity to better understand the recent history of Latin America in
order to inform our thinking about the present. The project may also help to
project a vision of the future for the whole continent.
It will study the situation of Latin America and the Caribbean in relation to
major recent world events, such as economic crises, the emergence of right-wing
movements, and the transition from a bipolar to a multipolar international system
and back again. Globalisation, renewed attempts at regional integration and the
emergence of independent political projects are all shaping the current social
panorama of Latin America and the Caribbean. The challenge for Latin America
and the Caribbean is still that of moving towards the establishment of mature,
participative democracies without corruption, ideological colonizations, or
autocratic and demagogic pretensions.
capitalist expansion are the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) through specific
instruments such as investment rules, intellectual property or others. The Treaty
signed (1993) and put into effect (1994) between the United States, Canada and
Mexico established the model of asymmetric and subordinate integration to
transnational capital, which would serve as a template for the negotiations of others
such as the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), proposed in December
1994, and bi- and multilateral treaties throughout the continent. These treaties have
a regional security component that involves the militarized part of them to ensure
their functioning, through the control of borders and other strategic spaces, for their
resources, the criminalization of social protest, and even counterinsurgency.
Thus, NAFTA and the FTAA have a security component, the former not explicit, and
the latter has it integrated as one of its axes: a) to promote free trade; b) to promote
democracy; and, c) to establish a new regional security throughout the continent.
The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) signed in 2005
confirms this strategy. And so does the new conception of Multidimensional
Security, agreed at the OAS Assembly held in October 2003 in Mexico. And
although the FTAA was defeated in its commercial axis by the social mobilizations
carried out throughout the continent, and the opposition of several countries, led
mainly by Brazil, to the US policies of subsidies to their own agricultural production;
the regional security axis has constantly advanced.
In addition, some governments of South American countries - Chávez in Venezuela,
Kirchner in Argentina, Lula in Brazil, Duarte in Paraguay - began to promote a Latin
American integration process that would strengthen the region's negotiating
capacity before the FTAA, or perhaps as an alternative to it. This led to the
strengthening of MERCOSUR, and the creation of the South American Community
of Nations first and UNASUR later, as well as Hugo Chávez's project to promote the
Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America/People's Trade Treaty
(ALBA/TCP). The change of government policy in Argentina in 2015, and the crises
in countries such as Venezuela, Ecuador, Brazil and Bolivia, put this process at risk.
The mega-projects of transnational corporations, which are based on the looting of
common goods and metabolic rupture, have become the main source of
socioenvironmental conflicts in the Continent. These dispossessions are considered
"formally" in the aforementioned treaties, and the signing of mega-commercial
agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TTP), or the
Transatlantic Partnership Agreement for Trade and Investment (TTIP), will further
expand and intensify them. Resistance movements to increased neoliberal
economic measures and militaristic policies have been increasing, even within the
United States where Republicans are trying to impose anti-union and antiimmigrant
laws. In Latin America and the Caribbean, indigenous and peasant
movements against the exploitation of their territories by mining, oil and other
companies are advancing, as are movements of migrants, women and other
popular rural and urban sectors. It is necessary, therefore, to promote analysis from
critical thinking and research on the edge, in a collective, interdisciplinary,
committed and participatory manner, through Action Research, on the various
aspects of this situation in the various regions of the Continent.
Study topics - but not limited to-
U.S.-Mexico
Mexico-Guatemala
Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador
Great Inter-Oceanic Canal in Nicaragua and Panama.
Costa Rica - Nicaragua
Brazil-Paraguay-Argentina
Venezuela-Colombia
Bolivia-Chile
Argentina-Chile
Argentina-Brazil
To analyze how the mentioned regions have been produced as new Transnational
or Global Spaces for the expansion of capital, in its phase of transnational
accumulation, from the capitalist restructuring occurred during the 1970s and
1980s; subordinating or subordinating to the territorial supremacy of transnational
instances, the borders and territorial sovereignties of the nation States integrated to
such expansion. Likewise, to analyze how in the face of these instances and
transnational capital that try to impose their hegemony or domination, social protest
and the mobilization of peoples and communities emerge, which as forms of
struggle antagonize with large-scale projects that impact in diverse ways on their
lands and territories, incorporating strategies of territorial escalation and insertion in
global networks of resistance and alternative movements