Bader College

... 6 LUCAS VILLEGAS-ARISTIZABAL stories like the Song of Roland in an oral form would have acquainted a Norman audience with a literary vision of this area of the peninsula.4 All these factors would have made the Frankish-influenced Norman noble more familiar with this ...

Reconquista from the early eleventh to the mid-thirteenth centuries. It explores the involvement of these groups as part of the changing ideas of Holy War and their transformation as result of the First Crusade. It shows that although the Reconquista was the result of important political and economic factors within the Iberian realms, the theological aura that the papacy started placing on this conflict was a powerful motivator increasing the interest of the Normans and later Anglo-Normans, especially when coincidental with the general call for crusade in western Europe that resulted in the large expeditions that are known to us as the crusades. To cover these areas, this work is divided in four main sections: the first, Chapter II, pursues chronologically the careers of individual members of the Norman nobility such as Roger of Tosny, Robert Crispin and Walter Giffard as they became involved. It also addresses the influence that institutions like Cluny and the papacy might have had in the creation of the idea of the Reconquista in the minds of those involved. The second section, Chapter III explores the brief decline of the Norman interest in the peninsula as a result of the Norman conquest of England and the First Crusade. It also explores the revitalization of the Norman interest in the peninsular conflict with the careers of Rotrou of Perche and Robert Burdet. Chapter IV, addresses the large contribution of the Anglo-Normans as part of the Second Crusade and their motivations and the impact of their arrival on the Iberian realms. Chapter V explores the participation of the lower aristocracy and merchants from the 6 mid-twelfth century onwards in the coastal actions on both the Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts of Iberia, showing the impact that these actions had in the Reconquista. Finally, Chapter VI explores how the changing political circumstances in Iberia and the Anglo-Norman domains helped to increase awareness during the rise of the Angevin empire and the newly found diplomatic relations between the two regions. However, it also shows that although by the thirteenth century the Reconquista was perceived as a legitimate area of crusading, the political and economic circumstances on the peninsula as well as of the English Crown had important repercussions for the drastic decline in the number of participants.

This article tries to gather what has been written on the subject of Roger of Tosny participation on the Iberian Reconquest and extend it by using the two narrative sources which exist: the Chronicon of Adémar of Chabannes and the Chronique de Saint Pierre le Vi., The article narrates the events of this Norman involvement in the Iberian Reconquest, trying to answer questions, base on these two sources like the reason behind his participation, what did he achieve in the county of Barcelona, and the dates of the events narrated.

This article explores the Anglo-Norman military intervention during the Third Crusade on the Portuguese coasts, by analysing the narratives of Ralph of Diceto and the Gesta regis Ricardi. It then examines the motives that produced the multiple interventions by the Anglo-Norman fleets from the point of view of the English historiography of the crusades to the Levant. Finally, it discuses the contemporary perception and the consequences of these incursions to the peninsula, and the later interventions of Nordic crusaders in Iberia.

This article revisits the failed attempt to conquer Lisbon by a combined host of Anglo-Norman and Portuguese crusaders in 1142 within the wider context of both the crusader movement to the Holy Land and the Iberian Reconquista. Focusing on the Historia Gothorum, De expugnatione Lyxbonensi and other sources, it endeavours to demonstrate the degree of involvement of the Anglo-Norman contingents in maritime adventures at a time when no other crusades had been declared. Finally, it illustrates the consequence of this undertaking for the final conquest of Lisbon, as part of the Second Crusade, in 1147.

Savary of Mauléon was a Pontevin nobleman who played a significant role in some of the most important events in England, France, and the Holy Land in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. He is also remembered for his prolific career as a troubadour. Because of his eventful life, he has received a fair amount of attention in the historiography. On the other hand, Savary of Mauleon’s participation in the campaigns of reconquest in Iberia is an episode of this noble’s life, which has not been fully researched. The involvement of this Pontevin in the failed attempt to conquer Caceres by Alfonso IX of Leon with the aid of the Iberian military orders in November 1217 is only described by the Anales toledanos. Most recent scholars have accepted the Anales’ reference without question. Yet, Savary’s contribution if it really occurred would have been significant in relation to this nobleman’s campaigns on the side of King John of England or the side of the Cathars during the Albigensian Crusade. Henry John Chaytor who wrote Savary’s bibliography and was well acquainted with Iberian history seems to have been unaware of the Iberian connection. The purpose of this paper is to assess the evidence on whether Savary of Mauleon could have been present in the campaigns of Alfonso IX of Leon and Alfonso VIII of Castile around the autumn of 1217. Also, it will explore what were the historical circumstances that would have encouraged the involvement of this particular noble in the wars of reconquest in a campaign led by two of the most belligerent Iberian monarchs of the period. Moreover, it will also attempt to contextualise his participation in Iberia in relation to his later contribution in the siege of Damietta during the Fifth Crusade.

This article explores the involvement of the Norman nobility in the wars between Christians and Muslims in the Ebro Valley in the  rst half of the 12th Century. The work recognises how the participation of this particular ethno-cultural group in the peninsula was renovated to a certain degree by the deeds and religious transformation that took place as a result of the preaching and success of the First Crusade. Furthermore, by exploring the careers of Rotrou of Perche, Robert Burdet and Walter Guidvilla this piece demonstrates how their religiosity as well as the  lial relations and traditional desire for wealth that characterise this group of warriors, made the Iberian theatre of con ict so attractive at this particular period. Also, this article, tries to show how their Iberians lay and clerical coreligionists perceived the usefulness of these Norman contingents in their con ict with the Almoravids.

This article surveys the surviving material regarding Gregory VII and Eblous of Roucy’s expedition to Iberia c. 1073. This is an expedition that usually has been overlooked which provides a glimpse in to Gregory VII’s mindset with regard to the Iberian wars against the Muslims. This article assesses how Gregory attempted to use the current arguments for ‘Holy War’ to encourage Eblous and his followers to fight in the Christian–Muslim frontier. It also compares the papal plans with Eblous’ probable motives as they can be discerned from sources and the circumstantial evidence. Furthermore, it addresses whether Eblous went to Iberia to fight the Muslims since some of the accounts seem to contradict each other. It will also explore the significance of this episode in the development of Holy War as a preamble to the First Crusade, especially in comparison with the better-known siege of Barbastro of 1064. Lastly, it will also analyse how Eblous’ filial relations with the Aragonese rulers would help create family networks between the Burgundian and Norman nobility and the ruling houses of the Iberian Peninsula in the following decades, and the effect of these on the later involvement of Frankish contingents in the Iberian wars against the Muslims.

In 1213, Pope Innocent III issued his letter Quia maior asking Christendom to rescue the Holy Land. He also appeared to suspend the indulgences offered for participating in Iberia so the crusading forces could concentrate their efforts on their venture to Egypt. Despite this, Innocent was unprepared to totally disqualify the Iberian Christian efforts against Al-Andalus. A situation that created artificial separation between Iberian Christians and the rest of Christendom. Notwithstanding, in 1217 when a fleet of northern crusaders arrived in Lisbon, they were invited by its Bishop to join an expedition to conquer the Muslim-controlled city of Alcácer do Sal. This paper discusses the evidence available to explain what the real status of this campaign was in the eyes of the papacy and the participants themselves within the evolving concept of ‘Crusade’.

This paper assesses the evidence on whether Savary of Mauleon could have been present in the attempted conquest of Caceres by King Alfonso IX of Leon around the autumn of 1218. This paper furthermore explains, what were the possible reasons that might have encouraged the participation of this Poitevin mercenary in Iberian wars against the Almohads. It also attempts to contextualise Savary’s alleged involvement in Iberia in relation to his political and military career before and after the events of the Fifth Crusade.

Resumen: Este trabajo evalúa la evidencia existente acerca de la posibilidad de que Savary de Mauléon hubiese estado presente en el intento de conquista de la ciudad de Cáceres por el rey Alfonso IX de León en el otoño de 1218. Este trabajo también explica cuáles son las posibles razones que llevaron a este mercenario poitevino a participar en las guerras ibéricas contra los Almohades. También intenta contextualizar la supuesta participación de Savary en la península ibérica en relación con su carrera política y militar, antes y después de su participación en la Quinta Cruzada.

The Iberian wars between Christians and Muslims are a historical topos that has usually been described controversially through the Spanish term ‘Reconquista’, which in its own has been focused on the singularity of the Iberian experience. The Iberian historiography as well as much of the Northern European one, has tended to view this as a unique and almost unrelated process from the rest of western Europe. However, these wars between Christians and Muslims for political control of the peninsula were not isolated from the rest of Christendom.  The peninsula was an obligatory stopover for pilgrims, traders and crusaders travelling by sea from Northern Europe to the Mediterranean, making this area unignorable. With the pan-European rise of the crusades, the Iberian conflicts started to be framed as part of this movement by the Papacy. However, in the Iberian theatre the arrival of these groups of warriors did not always coincide with their own bellicose initiatives. As it occurred in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Christian communities of the Iberian Peninsula were forced by their circumstances to cultivate at times a modus vivendi with their Muslim territorial rivals. However, for the crusading forces of Northern Europe as it was the case in the Latin East, this relative tolerance towards the Muslim, clashed with their own religiously inspired views on the nature of the conflict. The purpose of this paper is to discuss through a series of historical encounters how the Iberian frontier societies and their northern allies developed and interacted with one another. Furthermore, it will discuss how these Christian societies of the Mediterranean Ponent, compare to their Levantine counterpart in their relations with the newly arrived crusaders from Northern Europe.

This article focuses on the Frisian narrative De itinere frisonum, while comparing it with other evidence available in order to explain the behaviour of the Frisian fleet's actions in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifth Crusade. It examines the Frisian activities within the framework of the crusading traditions established by this group. It also discusses why despite Innocent III's disqualification of the Iberian theatre in Quia maior, the Frisians did not change their views on the crusading nature of their actions in that theatre as has been traditionally argued by reinterpreting the source material. Also, it addresses how the Frisian author of De itinere sought to legitimise his compatriots' actions in comparison to other groups during the crusading journey. Additionally, this article contains in the appendix an edited version of De itinere frisonum in Latin with its corresponding English translation.

This work suggests that empires do not have to be state-led by arguing that religious-political organisations can also create their own imperial demesnes. Moreover, it argues that there are additional ways for empires to expand other than conquest (through gift, purchase and lease), and that empires do not have to be large. By drawing attention to a variety of players and methods of expansion it rethinks our understanding of what empires are. It focuses upon the history of the Medieval Knights of St John who formed autonomous states on Rhodes and Malta; yet to underscore the continuing significance of this religious-imperial nexus it also briefly draws attention to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria in the Middle East.