King John of England

A obra que contem dois dos manuscritos que vão ser abordados e analisados na realização deste trabalho: as Chronicles of the Crusades, em que contem a Chronicon de rebus gestis Ricardi Primi, de Richard of Devizes, que relata os 3 primeiros anos do reinado de Ricardo I de Inglaterra entre 1189 e 1192 e que abordam os eventos que ocorrem em Inglaterra enquanto Ricardo está ausente e torna-se líder da Terceira Cruzada, e o Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi de Geoffrey of Vinsauf, que relata opostamente os eventos ocorridos em Jerusalém enquanto Ricardo I participa na Terceira Cruzada.

This article tried to analyse the legislation of these two kings and kingdoms, first separately, then comparatively, to find similarities between both bodies of law, so as to question whether they represented or not a type of strategy common to both 13th century kings: affirm personal power and/or keep their subjects contented.

This chapter investigates the form and consequences of the English invasion of Ireland, c.1166-c.1254, situated within the wider framework of European political configurations and frontier societies. A rapid narrative of the cut and thrust of medieval conquest is interwoven with the analysis of major themes relating to lordship and colonisation.

King John's own discourse enables us to recover his ideas about his royal power.  His statements, though disordered and occasionally discordant, support a lofty view of kingship,  He found historical precedents to support his view of authoritarian monarchy with royal supremacy based on custom.

In King John untersucht Shakespeare den historischen Moment der ursprünglichen Akkumulation, den Beginn dessen, was wir heute Kapitalismus nennen. Besonderes Augenmerk legt die Tragödie dabei auf die Verbindung von ökonomischer Transformation und politischer und religiöser Veränderung im Zuge der Reformation. Der mittelalterliche König John, der sich seinerzeit vorübergehend von der Autorität Roms loslöste, galt dem elisabethanischen Theaterpublikum als Vorläufer des Tudor-Königs Heinrichs VIII, was es Shakespeare ermöglichte, die Zeiten von Dramenhandlung und Dramenentstehung in Deckung zu bringen. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht durch die Linse von Marx’ historischer Analyse in Das Kapital das Shakespeare’sche Drama als eines das (Proto- )Reformation und ökonomische Transformation zusammendenkt. Dabei spielt insbesondere die Figur des Bastards eine wichtige Rolle, der in seiner sog. „commodity speech“ über die Ware und die Warenförmigkeit der Welt reflektiert. Diese Rede bringt die Ebenen des politischen, religiösen und ökonomischen performativ zur Überlagerung und macht das Stück als Erforschung historischer Transformationsprozesse lesbar.

This article’s main aim is to summarise the crucial period of the reign of King John of England during so-called first barons’ war of 1215–1217 and through the examination of contemporary sources show possible attitudes to the invasion of Prince Louis of France in 1216, when he was invited by English barons to become their new king, which eventually turned to the usurpation when King John died and his son Henry became the King of England with support of those who had been adherents of Louis before. In June 1215, English barons persuaded King John to agree with terms of Magna Carta, limiting royal power in various branches of law. When Magna Carta was proclaimed null and unlawful by Pope Innocent III allowing John not to be bound by its terms, it meant open war with English rebels. They negotiated an invasion of Prince Louis, the eldest son of Philip II, the King of France, and they promised him a crown of England. In October 1216, King John suddenly died in the middle of war and he was succeeded by his son Henry. Henry III was in relatively short time accepted by most of rebellious barons leaving Louis in very precarious situation and it eventually led to Louis’ defeat in 1217. The treaty of Lambeth (September 1217) ended this war with Plantagenets still on English throne

A dissertation for the study of a Masters in Medieval History at the University of Birmingham. It details the ups and downs the Cistercian Order had with King Richard and John, within the confines of the Angevin Empire.

Sorry the Latin text is not translated.

Highly Commended in the British Records Association Janette Harley Prize 2018.

The pontificate of Honorius III (1216–27) ranks among the most important papal reigns of the thirteenth century: the pope organised two large-scale crusades to recover the Holy Land, the second of which recovered Jerusalem for the first time since 1187; he presided over a ‘golden summer’ of papal-imperial relations with the medieval stupor mundi, Frederick II, emperor of the Romans and king of Sicily; he developed an original theological conception of his office; and he laid the foundations for a centralised papal financial machine. Yet, despite his significant impact on early thirteenth-century Christendom, Honorius has often languished in the shadow of his famous predecessor, Innocent III – a balance that the present book redresses.

Grounded in extensive original research into the manuscripts of Honorius’s letter registers, this study develops a revisionist interpretation of how the curia marshalled the crusading movement to recover the Holy Land. Questioning the utility of the historiographical construct of ‘papal policy’, this book provides new insights into crusade diplomacy, papal theology, the roles of legates, and the effectiveness of crusade taxation. It also includes a comprehensive and accessible introduction to the papal chancery and its documents, which will be of particular use to students and those approaching the medieval papacy for the first time.

It has long been recognized that the London collection of laws, known as the Leges Anglorum Londoniis Collectae contains a version of the so-called Leges Edwardi Confessoris that throws light upon contemporary interpretations of the relation between king and people in the years leading up to King John's issue of Magna Carta in 1215. In what follows, an attempt is made to point out the particular significance to this debate of a text interpolated into the London Collection's version of the Leges Edwardi: a letter supposedly issued in the name of Pope Eleutherius to Lucius ‘King of the Britons’. Included at the end are a transcription and translation of the extended account in Version 4 of the Leges Edwardi Confessoris on the law and appendages to the crown of the kingdom of Britain and what the king’s office is (c. 11, 1A) and Pope Eleutherius’ Letter to King Lucius (c. 11, 1B).

ne of its princes in over a century. 2 However, the alienation of Henry II of England led to the forc ed restoration of Owain's brother Cadwaladr to joint rule of Gwynedd's territory; thus, upon his death, Owain had multiple heirs, causing his kingdom to be re-divided into administrative units. 3

One of the great turning points in political and social history occured on a field near Runnymeade in 1215, when John of England put his seal to a charter granting liberties to every free land-holding man in England. Originally meant to pacify his rebellious barons, this Charter of Liberties and the Charter of the Forest have been the driving force of revolutions, civil wars and unending political debates in Britain and the United States.

How did the privileges demanded by a handful of angry English nobles become the basis for constitutions and modern natural rights, such as habeus corpus? This paper traces Magna Carta's evolution from Runnymede across the Atlantic to the floor of Congress and the Supreme Court, while analyzing the relevance of the Great Charter's tenants on current issues.

Tarihin ilk yazılı anayasası olan 'Magna Carta' sadece İngiltere'nin değil tüm dünyanın özgürlük adına attığı en büyük adımı ve günümüzdeki modern anayasal düzene ulaşana kadar yaşanılan tarihi sürecin en önemli basamaklarından biri olarak nitelendirilebilir. Magna Carta Libertatum (Büyük Özgürlükler Sözleşmesi) aslen Kral John (Yurtsuz Kral John), Papa III. Innocent ve ülkedeki baronlar (derebeyler) arasında, kralın yetkilerini düzenlemek amacıyla imzalanmıştır. Bu belgeyle birlikte kral bazı yetkilerinden feragat etmiş, kanunlara uymak zorunda kalmış ve hukukun, kendi arzu ve isteklerinden daha üstün olduğunu kabul etmiştir. Magna Carta'nın imzalanması ile sonuçlanan olaylar Normanların İngiltere'yi işgal etmesine kadar dayanır. İngiltere'nin Normanlar tarafından işgal edilmesinden sonra İngiliz kralları, iktidarı tekrar ele geçirmek için uğraştılar. Amaçları iktidarı tekrar ele geçirirken aynı zamanda baronları saf dışı bırakmaktır. Baronlar, kralların tüm faaliyetlerinin sonucunda rahatsız olmuşlar ve sık sık ayaklanmaya başlamışlardı. Yaklaşık 100 yılı aşkın bir zaman İngiltere kralları ve baronları asarında çekişme, nihayetinde John'un kral olması ile daha da başa çıkılamaz bir hal aldı. Kral John'un aç gözlülüğü, egoistliği, savaşlardaki beceriksizliği ve iktidardaki sınırsız arzu ve keyfi yönetimine ek olarak baronlara getirmiş olduğu toprak ve gümrük vergileri, askerlik bedelleri gibi yaptırımlar kral ve baronların arasındaki gerilimi iyice arttırdı. Aynı dönemde Papa III. Innocent ile arasında sorunlar olan Kral John'a karşı artık din adamları ve baronlar birlikte hareket etmeye başladı. Papayı ve baronları karşısına alan Kral John için bu durum ilk zamanlarda büyük bir sorun teşkil etmemekle birlikte, baronlara karşı yaptığı baskı ve güçsüzleştirme politikası ile kendi iktidarını sağlamlaştırdığı kanısındaydı. Ancak Papa'nın aldığı bir kararla durum tam tersine döndü. İngiltere artık papalık ayinlerine katılamayacaktı. Halkın büyük tepkisine yol açan bu kadar sonucu Kral John, Papa ile görüşmek ve aralarındaki sorunları çözmek için çıktığı yolculukta Fransa Kralı Philip Augustus ile karşılaştı. 1214 yılındaki bu karşılaşma kaçınılmaz olarak savaşa dönüştü ve Kral John savaşta yenildi. Kral John'un Augustus'a karşı aldığı yenilgiyi bir fırsat olarak gören ve cesaretlenen baronlar, ülkedeki imtiyazlarını, topraklarını, kalelerini ve buna benzer haklarını geri almak için harekete geçtiler. Canterbury piskoposu önderliğinde baronlar kendi sorunlarının yanı sıra kilisenin, daha küçük feodal beylerin, kent halkının ve hatta köylülerin sorunlarını da içeren istekleri bir belge biçiminde düzenlediler. Kralla pazarlık yapmak isteyen baronlar, isteklerinin kabul edilmemesi halinde krala karşı isyan edecekleri konusunda da kendi aralarında anlaştılar. Kral John, baronlarla görüşüp pazarlık etmeyi kabul etti ancak görüşmeyi açık arazide yapmak istiyordu. Böylece baronları güç kullanarak saf dışı bırakmayı planlamıştı. Fakat görüşme, baronların isteği ile Londra şehrinde gerçekleşti. Şehri ve İngiltere'nin önemli yerlerini ele geçiren baronlar, kralı anlaşmaya mecbur ettiler. 1215'in Haziran ayında imzalanan Magna Carta Libertatum ile birlikte kral kendi hâkimiyetini ve iktidarını baronlarla paylaşmış oldu. Bu sayede kralın kayıtsız ve keyfi yönetimi ortadan kalkmış, kral ve baronların vazifeleri ve yetkileri karşılıklı olarak belirlenmiştir. Anlaşmanın imzalanması ile birlikte baronlar eski imtiyazlarından daha fazlasını elde etmişler ve derebeylik kavramını sağlam bir zemine oturtmuşlardır. Halk ise yine serf (toprakla birlikte alıp satılabilen köle) olarak kalmış, ancak anlaşmanın etkisiyle hızlanan özgürlük kavramı ile birlikte gelecek yıllarda haklarını kazanmışlardır.

Thirteenth-century England was a special place and time to be a bishop. Like their predecessors, these bishops were key members of the regnal community: anointers of kings, tenants-in-chief, pastors, counsellors, scholars, diplomats, the brothers and friends of kings and barons, and the protectors of the weak. But now circumstance and personality converged to produce an uncommonly dedicated episcopate-dedicated not only to its pastoral mission but also to the defence of the kingdom and the oversight of royal government. This cohort was bound by corporate solidarity and a vigorous culture, and possessed an authority to reform the king, and so influence political events, unknown by the episcopates of other kingdoms.

These bishops were, then, to place themselves at the heart of the dramatic events of this era. Under King John and Henry III-throughout rebellion, civil war, and invasion from France, and the turbulent years of Minority government and Henry's early personal rule-the bishops acted as peacemakers: they supported royal power when it was threatened, for the sake of regnal peace, but also used their unique authority to reform the king when his illegal actions threatened to provoke his barons to rebellion. This changed, however, between 1258 and 1265, when around half of England's bishops set aside their loyalty to the king and joined a group of magnates, led by Simon de Montfort, in England's first revolution, appropriating royal powers in order to establish conciliar rule.

Bishops in the Political Community of England, 1213-1272 examines the interaction between the bishops' actions on the ground and their culture, identity, and political thought. In so doing it reveals how the Montfortian bishops were forced to construct a new philosophy of power in the crucible of political crisis, and thus presents a new ideal-type in the study of politics and political thought: spontaneous ideology.

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À partir de 1066 et plus encore 1154, la formation d’un empire qui s’étend de l’Écosse au Pyrénées a été un phénomène à l’origine de transformations majeures dans l’organisation des pouvoirs en Europe de l’Ouest. Pour affirmer leur domination sur l’étendue de ces territoires, trois premiers Plantagenêts, Henri II, Richard Cœur de Lion et Jean sans Terre entre 1154 et 1216, n’ont pas eu d’autre choix que de se mettre à parcourir ce vaste espace et d’y marquer visiblement, par des constructions, l’empreinte de leur pouvoir. Cette course pour le contrôle de l’espace et pour inscrire la puissance royale – potestas regis – dans un espace de plus en plus fortement délimité et politisé fut à l’origine d’un certain nombre d’innovations gouvernementales. Une telle itinérance royale impliquait en effet une logistique sophistiquée dans l’organisation des lieux de séjours qui n’aurait été possible sans une administration performante capable de mettre en réseau les ressources et de faire circuler ingénieurs et matériaux. La mise en œuvre de dispositifs normatifs, comme le ius munitionis ou l’insertion des vassaux dans des réseaux de fidélités à une échelle plus large ont également accompagné des dispositifs plus répressifs et punitifs, comme la saisie voire la destruction de nombreux châteaux féodaux. Afin de gouverner un empire « polycratique », les Plantagenêts se sont également appuyés sur des stratégies de légitimation de leur autorité : sacralisation du corps du roi, mise en scène de la Majesté et revendication d’une action « publique » notamment autour des constructions d’intérêt commun. De ces transformations, émergent progressivement la dimension souveraine du pouvoir royal et la matrice territoriale à partir de laquelle se développera l’État anglais de la fin du Moyen Âge.

When Henry Plantagenet became king of England in 1153 he brought with him his vast territories within France, What came to be known as the Angevin Empire last for 50 years until 1203 when John lost Normandy, the original duchy which connected the King's of England to France.

This essay discusses the ideology and influence behind the Angevin Kings' rulership By using Normandy and Aquitaine as case studies, we see the methods in which they employed their rulership.

This is a revised version of a paper that I presented to the Marion County Bar Association, Ocala FL, on 1 May 2015.  I revised it for presentation to the Galveston County Bar Association on 7 May, but was unable to do so because of illness.

This contribution analyzes the extent to which the Albigensian crusade influenced the calling of the Fourth Lateran Council, a topic which has not been given much attention by those who have studied these major initiatives of Pope Innocent III. The study also explores the conciliar debates concerning the accusations of heresy made against the counts of Toulouse and other Occitan lords, as well as the decisions taken by the Council regarding the future direction of the Albigensian Crusade and the fate of its main protagonists, issues that in Castilian historiography has not paid attention. /

En esta contribución se analiza hasta qué punto la Cruzada Albigense influyó en la convocatoria del Cuarto Concilio de Letrán, una cuestión apenas tratada por quienes han estudiado estas dos trascendentes iniciativas del papa Inocencio III. Se examinan también los debates conciliares en torno a la acusación de herejía que pesaba sobre el
conde de Tolosa y otros barones occitanos, así como las importantes decisiones adoptadas por el Concilio en relación con el futuro de la Cruzada Albigense y sus principales protagonistas, asuntos a los que la historiografía en castellano no ha prestado atención.

Identifying an Islamic constitutional tradition can be controversial due to orthodox Muslim understandings of God’s sovereignty and agency. Further complicating such discussions are arguments surrounding the compatibility of Muslim traditions with international norms alternately referred to as ‘Western’ or ‘universal’, depending upon one’s political preferences. This comparative examination of Muhammad’s ‘Constitution of Medina’ and the Magna Carta argues that where there is assent and accountability, there is also agency. Just as the relatively spare discussion of rights in the Magna Carta laid the foundations of what would become a far more expansive constitutional tradition in the West, the very existence of Muhammad’s covenant along with the fact that this covenant details specific tribal duties with corresponding rights to societal goods and a vision of the rule of law, indicates that Islamic states can indeed codify and negotiate the challenges of governing, even within the framework of a transcendent law (sharīʿa). Assessing the unique constitutional characteristics of the ‘Constitution of Medina’ and the Magna Carta will reveal that each of these documents, while not properly constitutions, are concerned with fundamental constitutional issues that have surprising resonance in the aftermath of the Arab Revolutions of 2011 and in other redistributions of international power.

Happy birthday Magna Carta. It turns 804 years. King John puts his seal (not signed) to Magna Carta Charter in order to make peace with his rebel barons. This great document established some core principles of English law, including Habeas Corpus, the right to a fair trial before conviction and the place of the monarch within, rather than above, the law.

Maison de la Recherche de Sorbonne Université, 28 rue Serpente, Paris 6e
Salle D421
Traître à son frère Richard Coeur de Lion, incapable, face à Philippe Auguste, de conserver les terres de la dynastie Plantagenêt en
France, Jean sans Terre fut également accusé d’opprimer les populations sous sa domination, et finit par coaliser contre lui les
barons anglais, qui lui imposèrent, en 1215, la « Grande Charte » des libertés. Le jugement des chroniqueurs contemporains de
Jean comme de la plupart des historiens modernes est sans appel, qu’il s’agisse des actions de ce roi dénoncé comme tyran, ou de
sa personnalité. Sans vouloir proposer une quelconque réhabilitation de Jean, on peut malgré tout tenter de déconstruire le portrait
qu’en tracèrent les chroniqueurs, et souligner l’ampleur des difficultés créées par une accession au trône difficile.
Frédérique Lachaud, Jean sans Terre, Paris, Perrin, 2018.
https://sfbh.hypotheses.org

"This book examines the rise and fall of the aristocratic Lacy family in England, Ireland, Wales and Normandy. As one of the first truly transnational studies of individual medieval aristocrats, it provides a fresh look at lordship and the interplay between aristocracy and crown from 1166 to 1241.

Hugh de Lacy (†1186), traded on his military usefulness to King Henry II of England in Wales and Normandy to gain a speculative grant of the ancient Irish kingdom of Mide (Meath). Hugh was remarkably successful in Ireland, where he was able to thwart the juvenile ambitions of the future King John to increase his powers there. Hugh was hailed by native commentators as ‘lord of the foreigners of Ireland’ and even ‘king of Ireland’. In this study his near-legendary life is firmly grounded in the realities of Anglo-Irish politics. The political career of Hugh’s less famous son and heir, Walter de Lacy (†1241), is in turn illuminated by surviving royal records and his own acta. Walter was one of the major actors in the Irish Sea province under Kings Richard I, John and Henry III, and his relationship with each king provides a unique insight into the nature of their reigns. Over the course of fifty-two years, Walter helped to shape the course of Anglo-Irish history. That history is recast in light of the transnational perspective of its chief participants.

This book is especially useful for those studying the history of medieval Britain and Ireland, and is a major contribution to current debates over the structure of medieval European society."

‘Rewriting History’ is a reappraisal of Shakespeare’s history cycle, exploring its origins, its popularity and its effects before challenging its dominance on critical and theatrical perceptions of the history plays.
A critical history of the cycle shows how external factors such as patriotism, bardolatory, character-focused criticism and the editorial decision of the First Folio are responsible for the cycle, more so than any inherent aspects of the plays.
The performance history of the cycle charts the initial innovations made in the twentieth century which have affected our perception of characters and key scenes in the texts. I then argue how the cycle has become increasingly restrictive, lacking innovation and consequently undervaluing the potential of the histories.
Having accounted for the history of the cycle to date, the second part of my thesis looks at the consequent effects upon each history play, and details how each play can be performed and analysed individually.
I close my thesis with the suggestion that a compromise between individual and serial perceptions is warranted, where both ideas are acknowledged equally for their effects and defects. By broadening our ideas about these plays we can appreciate the dramatic potential locked within them.

See also:

http://www.academia.edu/1684505/The_Rise_and_Fall_of_Hotspur_in_Henry_IV_Part_One

http://www.academia.edu/688988/The_Ladys_Percy_Challenging_Expectations_of_Structure_and_Gender_in_Henry_the_Fourth

L'invasion oubliée : l'expédition anglaise de Louis de France (1215-1217) dans son contexte européen Appel à contributions À l'automne 1215, après l'implosion du consensus politique qui avait donné lieu à la Grande Charte, les barons révoltés contre Jean sans Terre se tournèrent vers le roi de France pour obtenir un soutien militaire. À cette date Philippe Auguste ne semble pas avoir voulu être directement impliqué dans les affaires anglaises : ce fut son fils Louis qui accepta l'offre du trône anglais faite par une partie des barons. Louis mit sur pied une expédition destinée à venir leur porter secours comme à défendre ses droits et débarqua en Angleterre au mois de mai 1216 : au terme de plus d'une année de combats, marquée par les défaites de Lincoln (mai 1217) et de Sandwich (août 1217), il dut accepter un accord avec le gouvernement de régence dirigé par Guillaume le Maréchal et quitter l'Angleterre. Des récits détaillés de l'expédition ont été proposés par Charles Petit-Dutaillis en 1894 dans son Étude sur la vie et le règne de Louis VIII (1187-1226), et les ouvrages récents de Sean McGlynn et de Catherine Hanley sont revenus sur le déroulement des événements. Mais de nombreux aspects de l'expédition sont restés dans l'ombre : les médiévistes travaillant sur la France se sont essentiellement penchés sur d'autres aspects de la vie de Louis, notamment son action dans le cadre de la croisade albigeoise, alors que les spécialistes de l'Angleterre médiévale ont plutôt mis l'accent sur la postérité de la Grande Charte et l'action de Guillaume le Maréchal. Épisode peu glorieux de l'épopée capétienne, l'expédition française pouvait apparaître comme un contretemps mineur dans un récit insulaire qui faisait une place de plus en plus grande à la communauté de royaume.

La carrière de Robert de Thurnham donne l’exemple d’une ascension spectaculaire permise par le service royal au tournant du xiiie siècle. Lorsqu’à son retour de croisade en 1194 Robert de Thurnham est fait sénéchal d’Anjou par Richard Cœur de Lion, c’est le premier Anglais nommé à ce poste depuis la création de l’office sous Henri II. L’analyse détaillée de sa carrière entre 1194 et 1211 permet de considérer sa nomination, d’abord en Anjou puis en Poitou en 1201, comme une expérimentation de la Couronne, qui espère ainsi mieux contrôler son sénéchal. L’expérience est inédite et elle n’est pas reproduite. Ce parcours continental de Robert de Thurnham peut être lu comme un choix stratégique permettant d’accéder à davantage d’opportunités que sur les îles Britanniques, et ainsi de favoriser son ascension. En faisant bénéficier de ces contacts son frère aîné Étienne de Thurnham, qui sert pour sa part le roi en Angleterre, il développe avec lui une stratégie commune afin d’augmenter le prestige et le patrimoine de leur famille.


Robert of Thurnham’s career is an example of a remarkable ascension made possible by royal service at the end of the 12th century. When he came back from crusade in 1194, he was appointed seneschal of Anjou by King Richard: Robert was the first Englishman to be given this charge since its creation under King Henry II. Detailed analysis of his career between 1194 and 1211 allows one to consider his appointment, first in Anjou and then in Poitou in 1201, as a form of royal experimentation which would facilitate the control of the king over his seneschal. This unprecedented experiment, however, was not renewed. From Robert of Thurnham’s point of view serving on the Continent was a strategic choice: it allowed him more encounters and opportunities than he would have had in the British Isles. By allowing his brother Stephen – who also served the king, but in England – to benefit from these opportunities, the two brothers thus developed a common strategy designed to enhance their family’s prestige and patrimony.

This thesis examines the role of bishops in the political community of thirteenth-century England. Stephen Langton (archbishop of Canterbury 1207-26) and his successor, Edmund of Abingdon (archbishop of Canterbury 1233-40), created a model for episcopal involvement in the affairs of the realm, especially during times of discord between king and barons. Prioritising the peace of the kingdom, they maintained their loyalty to the king as well as his subjects so that they were empowered and incentivised to act as peacemakers. This obligation was developed by Langton’s biblical understanding of the clerical duty to ensure good government. When illegal or destructive royal policies caused baronial discontent that threatened civil peace, the bishops could step in to reform the king’s behaviour. Although they threatened ecclesiastical censure, Langton and Edmund never attacked the foundations of royal power. Their policy was continued by the Aristotelian scholar Robert Grosseteste (bishop of Lincoln 1235-53). Previously, historians have suggested that Grosseteste, as a leading scholar and mentor of Simon de Montfort, might have planted the seeds of Montfortian revolution. Yet, reviewing the bishop’s work on kingship and government, it becomes clear that, whilst Grosseteste advocated the correction of errant superiors, his world-view precluded the usurpation of royal power. The Montfortian bishops, in contrast to the views and actions of Langton, Edmund of Abingdon and Grosseteste, renounced their loyalty to the king. As partisan Montfortians, they were no longer qualified to act as peacemakers. Members of a regime that seized royal power and ruled in the king’s name, they advocated measures that their predecessors would have considered illicit and dangerous. This rupture created an intellectual conflict, reflected in the actions and justificatory arguments of the Montfortian bishops, who had to construct their case from scratch in the crucible of political crisis. Their story provides an ideal-type for the study of political thought: spontaneous ideology. Not the cause but the consequence of events on the ground, their arguments are not coherent as political theory but reveal the effect on the production of ideas exerted by external pressures and the internal conflicts of those who created them.

La journée d'études est le premier volet d'une série de rencontres autour de l'expédition de Louis de France en Angleterre (1215-1217).

This workshop is the first part of a bigger research project on the expedition of prince Louis in England (1215-1217).