Climate change scenario demonstration
Climate change scenario demonstration
Climate change scenario demonstration
1. Introduction: Weather is the state of the atmosphere, its temperature, humidity, wind, rainfall
and so on over hours to weeks. Climate describes the weather conditions that are expected in a
region at a particular time of year. A region’s climate is determined by observing its weather over
a period of many years generally 30 years or more.
Climate change describes a change in the average conditions such as temperature and rainfall in a
region over a long period of time. For example, 20,000 years ago, much of the United States was
covered in glaciers. In the United States today, we have a warmer climate and fewer glaciers.
Global climate change refers to the average long-term changes over the entire Earth. These include
warming temperatures and changes in precipitation, as well as the effects of Earth’s warming, such
as:
Climate change driven extreme weather and related disasters can damage economies, lower
farming and livestock production and intensify inequality among social groups. These factors,
when combined with other drivers of conflict, may increase risks of violence.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPPC) defines adaptation as "any adjustment in
natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects which
moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities".
There are two basic scenarios for climate change leading to conflict, with the first more likely:
Climate change could intensify environmental or resource problems that communities are facing
already, exacerbating grievances, overwhelming coping capacities, and at times spurring forced
migration. In this scenario, climate change places additional stress on pre-existing situations,
worsening the quantity, condition, and distribution of already scarce natural resources. Climate
change could create new environmental problems that lead to instability. If coping strategies are
unsuccessful or adaptation measures are not taken, the likelihood of conflict may increase as
human security is eroded and grievances intensify.
Warming increases the risk of civil war in Africa is the title of a new research paper tabled in the
Proceedings of the United States National Academy of Sciences. The report claims that
temperature rises in Africa have coincided with significant increases in the likelihood of war. But
not everyone agrees that there is a direct link between climate change and increased conflict, in an
ongoing academic debate that goes all the way to the top of the United Nations.
In 2007, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon described the conflict in Sudan’s Darfur region as
the world’s first climate change conflict. The assumption was that water scarcity from changed
rainfall patterns resulting from climate change contributed to this conflict. His thinking reflects
findings to date that the incidence of conflict is likely to be higher in years of lower precipitation.
Researchers Marshall B. Burke and his colleagues from several American universities have
published what they say is “the first comprehensive examination of the potential impact of global
climate change on armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa”.
2.2 What Climate Change Consequences Might Be Linked To Conflict And In What Ways?
The German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU) has tried to elaborate and schematize
the possible linkages between climate change and conflict through four scenarios:
1) climate-induced degradation of freshwater resources:
In the climate-induced water crisis scenario, a regional water crisis, resulting from a
combination of increased demand for agriculture, poor water management, and political
instability, sparks destabilization, and ultimately, violent conflict.
2) climate induced decline in food production:
In the food production scenario, violent crisis begins with a decline in food output in the context
of competing land-use needs, economic weaknesses, social and community instability, and
global market factors.
3) climate-induced increase in storm and flood disasters:
The disasters scenario is triggered by a significant storm or flood event that is exacerbated by a
political power vacuum, problems with emergency responses, and the creation or intensification
of ongoing conflicts.
Table-1 above summarizes the key factors and interactions for these four scenarios. International
Alert views the threat of conflict as originating in four problem areas made worse by climate
change: political instability, economic weakness, food insecurity, and demographic change (Sida
2008). Where political instability reigns, “climate change will put increased pressure on basic state
functions such as the provision of basic health care and the guarantee of basic food security.”
Economic weakness produces a double-sided dilemma: “The impacts of climate change will hinder
economic development and the lack of economic development hinders the ability to adapt to
climate change. Climate change can thus increase obstacles to economic development, worsening
poverty and thereby increasing the risk of violent conflict in these states.” Climate threats to food
security are projected “to have a profound and destabilizing effect on ordinary people’s daily
lives.” With respect to demography, alterations in the number or location of population “always
entail a change in power systems and resource allocation. Climate change-related movements of
people will place strain on host communities that already have scarce resources, whether because
of population growth, government policy or as an effect of climate change itself” (Sida 2008).
With the addition of climate change to each of these four problems areas, the threat of violent
upheaval intensifies. Based on their research on vulnerability resulting from climate change,
CARE and Maplecroft (2008) are more circumspect in their analysis of potential conflict. Their
recent report simply notes that “we consider drought, with its implications for water shortages and
food insecurity, the most significant weather-related hazard contributing to conflict”. However,
three different scenarios— “expected,” “severe,” and “catastrophic”—developed by the Center
for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the Center for a New American Security
(CNAS) suggest that conflict linked to climate change might be more pervasive (Campbell and
Parthemore 2008). These scenarios, informed by the IPCC Assessment Report 4, but modified by
other scientific sources and the expertise of the participants, all contain various elements of
violence and armed conflict. Migration, instability, and violent unrest are all considered plausible
consequences, worsening according to the severity of the expected climate changes. In the
“expected” scenario of a 1.3°C warming by 2040, also identified as the least that planners should
be prepared for, there are anticipated “internal and cross-border tensions caused by large-scale
migrations; conflict sparked by resource scarcity, particularly in the weak and failing states of
Africa; [and] increased disease proliferation, which will have economic consequences” (Campbell
and Weitz 2008). As a result of changing economic and social conditions, “countries with weak
or nondemocratic political foundations [face] a heightened risk of civil war or a toppling of the
government” (Podesta and Ogden 2008). In the “severe” scenario based on an increased average
temperature of 2.6°C by 2040, “internal cohesion of nations will be under great stress,” “protests,
civil unrest, and violent upheaval of governments are possible,” and “armed conflict between
nations over resources and even territory is likely, and even a rise in nuclear tensions is possible”
(Campbell and Weitz 2008). Significantly, the “nonlinear” changes in climate are expected to
produce “nonlinear” political and social repercussions (Fuerth 2008). The “catastrophic” scenario
is based on a 5.6°C rise in temperature by 2100 in which changes in climate will be massive and
sudden. It projects “rage at government’s inability to deal with abrupt and unpredictable crises,”
“hostility and violence toward migrants and minority groups,” and “electricity generation and
distribution highly vulnerable to attack by terrorists and rogue states” (Campbell and Weitz 2008).
Acute challenges will be faced in relation to temperature, water, food productivity, and health all
over the planet. There will be a dramatic increase in failing states, failed states, and intrastate wars.
The basic point underlying all of these scenarios is that the effects of climate change, whether
moderate or harsh, will intertwine in meaningful ways with economic, social, and political systems
in conflict-prone countries, with important specificities in each instance. For example, as Erika
Weinthal (2008) puts it with respect to Central Asia, “…these systems are all interlinked. If we
just focus on the snowmelt and what is happening with the glaciers, we will fail to see what is
happening downstream in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Here you find a system of cotton
farming, which in turn is linked to government and social control. If these countries find
themselves forced to restructure their entire economies so as to be able to deal with climate change,
they may find themselves facing increased social unrest.” A final consideration in relation to
climate change and conflict is the potential for heightened tensions between developed and
developing nations. At the international level, despite rising greenhouse gas emissions from China
and India, as well as the role of deforestation in places like Brazil and Indonesia, climate change
is viewed by many developing countries as a problem visited upon them by advanced
industrialized nations. These resentments may deepen over time, accompanied by growing
requests for climate-related donor assistance “over and above” traditional development assistance.
At the same time, given that response capacity is a crucial determinant of the impact of climate
change, the effects of climate incentive to mobilize resources for confrontation or conflict.
Attempts by climate scientists to combine them with other factors to begin to map out vulnerability
to climate change across the globe. Based on the previous discussion of the postulated linkages
between climate change and conflict, a country’s likely vulnerability to climate change is a relevant
consideration in thinking about its vulnerability to conflict. Change could increase further the
development gap that exists between developed and developing nations.
2.3 The Impact of Climate Change: Two Possible Roads Ahead:
The effects of changing weather patterns will render previous lifestyles and habitats unviable in
many places. Some of these changes will be sudden, such as tropical storms and flash floods.
Others will be much slower in their onset, such as the steadily falling water levels in the Ganges
basin, lengthening droughts on the margins of the Sahel, glacial melting in Peru and Nepal, and
rising sea levels. This will lead to increased food insecurity – not just food shortages but
uncertainty of supply. Both sudden shocks and slow onset changes can increase the risk of violent
conflict in unstable states because they lack the capacity to respond, adapt and recover. It is likely
that the most common way of thinking about how to respond to these problems is through huge
humanitarian relief efforts, since such events and the response to them get a great deal of news
coverage. But there is a growing awareness that what is really needed is for communities and
countries to prepare against sudden shocks, to build their resilience and their adaptive capacity.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPPC) defines adaptation as "any adjustment in
natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects which
moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities".
3.2.2.1 NAPAs:
NAPAs are a way for developing countries to address climate change priorities for which delay
could “increase vulnerability or lead to increased costs at a later stage” (UNFCC n.d.). To date, 41
countries have submitted a NAPA.2 Included in each is a list of prioritized activities that respond
to the issues presented in the report. Examples of the proposed projects include country-wide
surveys of available water resources, improving weather monitoring systems, restoring critical
ecosystems, and investing in sustainable agricultural development. Upon completion, the Global
Environment Facility (GEF) works with countries to develop project concepts, provides monetary
support for selected projects, and assists countries in implementation. Although the NAPAs are a
good point of departure for developing countries to begin thinking about and responding to the
challenges of climate change, their effectiveness as adaptation tools remains to be seen. Moving
from analysis to implementation will be difficult. LDCs are by definition countries that have
limited budgetary resources and weak institutional capacities. Implementing climate change action
plans alongside pre-existing development initiatives will mean overcoming or negotiating
competing demands for funding and other program needs.
4.2.2 Transportation:
Sector Selected Key mitigation technologies Key mitigation technologies and
and practices currently commercially practices projected to be
available. commercialized before 2030.
Transport More fuel efficient vehicles; hybrid Second generation biofuels; higher
vehicles; biofuels; modal shifts from efficiency aircraft; advanced
road transport to rail and public transport electric and hybrid vehicles with
systems; cycling, walking; land-use more powerful and reliable batteries
planning.
4.2.3 Residential/commercial buildings:
4.2.4 Industry:
Sector Key mitigation technologies and Key mitigation technologies
practices currently commercially and practices projected to be
available. commercialized before
2030.