Lin2015AdverbialClause Preprint
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Adverbial Clauses
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International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, Second Edition, 2015
Adverbial Clauses
Jingxia Lin, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore 2015
This article is a revision of the previous edition article by B. Kortmann, volume 1, pp. 162–167,
2001, Elsevier Ltd.
Abstract
Adverbial clauses are known from traditional grammar as one of three major classes of
subordinate clauses. They are semantically diverse and structurally complex. In addition
to modifying main clauses, adverbial clauses can also contribute to discourse cohesion. In
light of recent cross-linguistic research, this article discusses adverbial clauses with
regard to their structure and distribution, meanings, functions in discourse, and structural
properties influencing their interpretation.
Key words
adverbial clause; adverbial subordinator; cohesion; discourse; main clause; ordering;
pragmatic function; semantic relation; speech act; typology
Adverbial clauses are known from traditional grammar as one of three major classes of
subordinate clauses (the other two being relative and complement clauses). Their major
function is that of an adverbial, i.e. they provide information on the (temporal, locative,
causal, conditional, etc.) circumstances under which the events depicted in the main
clauses take place. Correspondingly, the adverbial clauses in (1) are called temporal,
locative, causal, and conditional clauses, respectively.
Given the large spectrum of possible circumstances, adverbial clauses represent the most
semantically diverse class of subordinate clauses as well as the most challenging class for
interpretation. Also given their subject-predicate structure, adverbial clauses are formally
the most complex type of adverbials compared with adverbs (e.g., soon, here, quickly)
and adverb phrases (e.g., on Sunday, in the garden, very quickly). Combining with a
sentence frame like ‘They will meet ...’ in (1), adverbial clauses yield a complex
sentence, whereas adverbs and adverbial phrases still yield a simple(x) sentence. Beyond
the complex sentence of which they form a part, adverbial clauses have a crucial function
in the creation of a coherent discourse and are thus a prominent feature of texts. It seems
that adverbial clauses can be found in all languages of the world even though they are not
marked in the same way (Thompson and Longacre, 1985). In light of recent cross-
linguistic research, this article discusses adverbial clauses with regard to their structure
and distribution (Sect. 1), meanings (Sect. 2), functions in discourse (Sect. 3), and
structural properties influencing their interpretation (Sect. 4).
Adverbial clauses may also be expressed in verbless form, as the English example in (5).
Such clauses typically do not specify in which way (temporally, causally, conditionally,
etc.) they modify the state of affairs described in the main clause, and thus are much more
challenging for interpretation than most prototypical adverbial clauses.
Subordinators in the form of separate words (such as that and if in English) are the most
commonly way to mark adverbial clauses (Dryer, 2011). Yet the presence of a
subordinator does not guarantee that the relevant subordinate clause can be classified as
an adverbial clause, or a relative or complement clause. As illustrated in (6), the word
that is used as an adverbial subordinator in (6a), but a complementizer in (6b) and a
relativizer in (6c):
(6) (a) He talked so fast that most people couldn’t follow.
(b) He said that most people couldn’t follow.
(c) The talk that most people couldn’t follow was given by a colleague of mine.
The sentences in (6) show that even in individual languages there may exist no formal
differences between the three major types of subordinate clause. Rather, we need to refer
to their function to determine the type: an adverbial clause is a modifier of the main
clause and thus optional; a relative clause is a modifier of a noun (phrase) and thus
optional; a complement clause is the core argument of a predicate and thus not omissible
(Diessel, 2001).
Even though, a clear-cut classification may still be impossible or depend on one’s
point of view. The subordinate clauses in example (7) are sometimes called adverbial
relative clauses since they “can be paraphrased with a relative clause with a generic and
relatively semantically empty head noun” (Thompson et al., 2007: 245); in other words,
when, where, and as in (7) can be analyzed as relative adverbs rather than adverbial
subordinators, and replaced by at the time, at the place, and in the way respectively. As a
matter of fact, it is not difficult to find languages where in particular adverbial clauses of
Time, Place, and Manner resemble and share properties with relative clauses (Kortmann,
1997; Diessel, 2001; Thompson et al., 2007).
(8) a. Did you talk to her while she was still in her office?
b. While she was still in her office, did you talk to her? (Diessel, 2013: 348)
In terms of intonation, postposed adverbial clauses are found relatively more separated
from the main clause, i.e. an intonation break may be found in between the two clauses
(also see Sect. 4 for exceptions); on the contrary, preposed adverbial clauses are usually
intonationally bound to the main clause (cf. Ford, 1993).
One would assume that not all of these semantic relations are equally central to
human cognition. Indeed there is evidence suggesting roughly a dozen cognitively most
central relations, including Simultaneity (Overlap ‘when,’ Duration ‘while’), Place
(‘where’), Similarity (‘as’), Cause, Condition, and Concession (Kortmann, 1997). For
example, the latter three relations are found in all the European languages that mainly use
finite adverbial clauses and these three also have the largest number of adverbial
subordinators in the European languages. Moreover, the adverbial subordinators marking
the core relations tend to be more reduced morphologically, much more frequently used,
and older than those marking the peripheral relations (Kortmann, 1997).
Simultaneity and Cause also figure prominently in a large-scale semantic analysis of
nonfinite adverbial clauses. In addition, nonfinite adverbial clauses are frequently
interpreted in the sense of Addition/Concomitance (‘and at the same time’), as in (10),
and Exemplification/Specification (‘e.g., i.e., in that, more exactly’), as in (11).
Therefore, not all semantic relations are equally important in different structural types of
adverbial clauses. Likewise, their relative importance as coherence relations depends on
the type of discourse. For instance, Cause, Condition, and Concession play a much more
important role in academic writing than they do in narrative fiction, where temporal
relations as well as, for nonfinite adverbial clauses, Addition/Concomitance and
Exemplification/Specification account for a much higher number of adverbial clauses
(see Kortmann (1991) for statistics and a discussion of relevant literature).
(12) a. And if I may say so Mr Speaker . . . they possibly derived some benefit from the
presence of the Chancellor . . . . [International Corpus of English] (Diessel, 2013: 345)
b. Harry will be late, because I just talked to his wife. (Thompson et al., 2007: 267)
i. choice of tense and/or mood in the adverbial clause and, accordingly, in the main
clause. For example, many languages use different tense (and mood) for the three
semantic types of conditional: present tense (indicative mood) in factual/real
conditional clauses (13a), past tense (or subjunctive mood in some languages) in
hypothetical conditional clauses (13b), and past perfect (or a conditional perfect)
in counterfactual clauses (13c).
Tense constraints also hold for the two different meanings (temporal and causal) of
English since. Since can have a temporal reading in two situations; being used with past
tense is one of them (see the other in (16)). Mood is also adopted in many (e.g.,
Romance) languages to help differentiate Result (‘so that’) and Purpose (‘in order to
that’) that share the same adverbial subordinators: indicative mood leads to a Result
reading, subjunctive mood to a Purpose reading.
ii. non-subordinate word order. As introduced in Sect. 1, German usually uses verb-
second word order for independent clauses, and verb-final word order for
dependent clauses. However, the verb-second word order is also typical in spoken
German for postposed weil-causals and obwohl-concessives clauses. An example
is given in (14).
(14) Ich hab das mal in meinem ersten Buch aufgeschrieben. Weil dann glauben’s die
Leute ja. (‘I’ve written that down in my first book. Because people believe it then.’)
(15) /I wouldn’t marry you if you were the last man on earth./ (Kortmann, 1997: 92 from
Haiman, 1986)
iv. The choice of verb forms. The dependent vs. independent verb forms was shown
to be relevant in (i) already (indicative vs. subjunctive mood). (16) illustrates the
impact of the choice between finite and nonfinite form in the adverbial clause on
the interpretation of an adverbial subordinator, here since: when introducing a free
adjunct, since can only receive a temporal reading; a causal one is impossible (cf.
since in (i)).
(16) Since working with the new company, Frank hasn’t called on us even once.
v. Constituent order, more exactly the relative order of adverbial and main clauses
(cf. Kortmann, 1991; König, 1995; Diessel, 2001, 2005, 2008). In English, for
example, the great majority of present-participial free adjuncts receive a
temporally sequential interpretation relative to the main clause (Kortmann, 1991).
That is, the order of events is presented iconically by the relative order of
adverbial and main clauses, as illustrated by the minimal pair in (17).
(17) (a) She uncurled her legs, reaching for her shoes.
(b) Reaching for her shoes, she uncurled her legs.
Cross references
Conversation Analysis: Sociological; Grammar: Functional Approaches; Grammatical
Relations; Linguistic Typology; Semantics; Iconicity; Relative Clause
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