Journal of Psycholinguistic Research

Language of older people and levels of embodiment

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Full Title: Language of older people and levels of embodiment

Article Type: Original Research

Keywords: embodiment, aging, imaginability, counterfactuals, ERPs.

Corresponding Author: José Luis Salas-Herrera

Universidad del Bio Bio
Chillán, Región de Ñuble CHILE

Corresponding Author Secondary

Information:

Corresponding Author's Institution: Universidad del Bio Bio

Corresponding Author's Secondary

Institution:

First Author: José Luis Salas-Herrera

First Author Secondary Information:

Order of Authors: José Luis Salas-Herrera

Nicolás Hinrichs, Ph.D.

Mabel Urrutia, Ph.D.

Order of Authors Secondary Information:

Funding Information: Conicyt National Scholarship Dr José Luis Salas-Herrera

(21120957)
Project for the Acquisition 2022 Dr José Luis Salas-Herrera
(2250315 AD/EQ)

Abstract: Currently, the validity of the proposals of embodied cognition and its relationship with
the language of older adults is unknown. To answer this, we carried out a
neurocognitive experiment using EEG, using linguistic variables. 27 older adults (M =
70.34 years, SD = 4.82, 15 women and 12 men) read sentences on a computer screen
and responded to an activation test.
The results indicate that the linguistic, factual and counterfactual contexts, as well as
the corporeal parameter “mental effort” modulate the understanding of language and
participate with greater or lesser preponderance in different time windows.
Furthermore, the counterfactual language seems to induce emotions that facilitate the
processing of high effort while the interaction under mental effort - counterfactuality
represents a negativity that is associated with the N400 component. The same goes for
high-effort factual language.

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Title & Authors

Title: Language of older people and levels of embodiment

Authors:

José Luis Salas Herrera, Universidad de Bío Bío, Laboratorio de Neurociencias Aplicadas,
Departamento de Ciencias Sociales; Psycholinguistics Laboratory, University of Concepción, Chile

Nicolás Hinrichs, FrameNet Brasil Computational Linguistics Lab., Federal University of Juiz de
Fora; Institute of Applied Linguistics and Translatology, Leipzig University; Psycholinguistics
Laboratory, University of Concepción, Chile

Mabel Urrutia Martínez1, Universidad de Concepción, Chile

1
Correspondence autor,
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5 Mental Effort and Counterfactuals Modulate Language Understanding in Older Adults
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8 Abstract
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10 Currently, the validity of the proposals of embodied cognition and its relationship with the language
11
12
13 of older adults is unknown. To answer this, we carried out a neurocognitive experiment using EEG,
14
15 using linguistic variables. 27 older adults (M = 70.34 years, SD = 4.82, 15 women and 12 men)
16
17
18
read sentences on a computer screen and responded to an activation test.
19
20 The results indicate that the linguistic, factual and counterfactual contexts, as well as the corporeal
21
22 parameter “mental effort” modulate the understanding of language and participate with greater or
23
24
25 lesser preponderance in different time windows. Furthermore, the counterfactual language seems
26
27 to induce emotions that facilitate the processing of high effort while the interaction under mental
28
29
30 effort - counterfactuality represents a negativity that is associated with the N400 component. The
31
32 same goes for high-effort factual language.
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36 Keywords: embodiment, aging, imaginability, counterfactuals, ERPs.
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39 Resumen
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42 Actualmente se desconoce la validez de las propuestas de la cognición corpórea y su relación con
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44 el lenguaje de adultos mayores. Para responder a esto realizamos un experimento neurocognitivo
45
46
47
mediante EEG, utilizando variables lingüísticas. 27 adultos mayores (M= 70.34 años, DE= 4.82,
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49 15 mujeres y 12 hombres) leyeron oraciones en la pantalla de un computador y respondieron a una
50
51 prueba de activación.
52
53
54 Los resultados indican que los contextos lingüísticos, factual y contrafactual, así como el parámetro
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56 corpóreo “esfuerzo mental” modulan la comprensión del lenguaje y participan con mayor o menor
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59 preponderancia en diferentes ventanas temporales. Además, el lenguaje contrafactual parece
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 1 2
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4 inducir emociones que facilitan el procesamiento del alto esfuerzo mientras que la interacción bajo
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7 esfuerzo mental – contrafactualidad representa una negatividad que se asocia con el componente
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9 N400. Lo mismo ocurre con el lenguaje factual de alto esfuerzo.
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12 Palabras clave: corporeidad, envejecimiento, imaginabilidad, contrafactuales, ERPs.
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14
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16 1. Introduction
17
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19 Embodied cognition is comprised within the corpus of theories of the cognitive sciences which
20
21 propose that many aspects of our cognition are heavily influenced by our body and its interactions
22
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24 with the environment. This perspective challenges the traditional cognitive science view, which
25
26 considers the mind to function mainly on the basis of symbolic manipulation and has yielded the
27
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29 notion of the human body as computer-esque in its ontogenic development (Araneda-Hinrichs,
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31 2020). Instead, accounts of embodied cognition (alongside embedded, extended, and enactive ones)
32
33
34 argue that it is grounded in multiple ways throughout the body's interactions with the world. While
35
36 some prefer to consider it still, due to its recent and brief development, less a well-defined theory
37
38 than a research agenda (Shapiro, 2011), due to the fact that even to this day there is no consensus
39
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41 regarding the implementation of this spectrum of theories of cognition in a research program
42
43 throughout which their central assumptions are accounted for; hence, amounting to a paradigmatic
44
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46 advance remains an ongoing matter of discussion. Notwithstanding, the experimental praxis of
47
48 these investigations do bear the commonality of providing the field with new descriptive
49
50
51 information through state-alteration of perception-action systems, of which all corporeal research
52
53 assumes the world to be constrained by (Milkowski, 2013; Cowart, 2004; Wilson et al., 2002). The
54
55
56
articulation of said common ground throughout diverse schools and research programs such as
57
58 linguistics, psychology, artificial intelligence, robotis, and neurobiology (Cappuccio, 2019; Cox,
59
60 2016; Kording et al., 2018; Ionescu & Vasc, 2014) seem to augur a fruitful convergence of visions.
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 1 3
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4 Indeed, it has been widely adopted as a model in linguistic research; as it suggests a linkage
5
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7 between body and environment to language and our understanding of it -as opposed to viewing
8
9 language as an abstract entity that is detached from physical reality- a number of researchers have
10
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12 incorporated it into psycholinguistic investigations on topics such as the relationship between
13
14 physical effort and counterfactual sentences (Urrutia & de Vega, 2012), or the ones between
15
16
balance and posture, and their spatial and temporal representations (Miles et al., 2010).
17
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19 Furthermore, many metaphors and idiomatic expressions have also been shown to reflect physical
20
21 and sensory experiences, like "grasping a concept" or "shouldering a burden" (Barsalou et al., 2008;
22
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24 de Vega, 2021; Fischer & Zwaan, 2008; García & Ibáñez, 2018; Glenberg & Kaschack, 2002).
25
26 This approach suggests that language comprehension isn't just an abstract process that occurs in
27
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29 the brain, but also involves sensorimotor simulations. For example, while reading or hearing the
30
31 sentence "John kicked the ball", these words aren’t processed only at a linguistic level, but brain
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areas related to physical movement are triggered and engaged, too (as if visualizing or imagining
35
36 the action of to kick a ball). Thus, the embodiment perspective posits that meaning is intimately
37
38 embedded in the brain's perceptual, motor, and emotional systems (Barsalou et al., 2008; de Vega,
39
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41 2021; Fischer & Zwaan, 2008; García & Ibáñez, 2018; Glenberg & Kaschack, 2002). From this
42
43 perspective, the body and the specific cerebral cortices related to sensation, motor skills, and
44
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46 emotions have varying degrees of participation in a dimension that ranges from the total
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48 embodiment of semantic processing and representation to full disembodiment. The idea that
49
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51 sensory and motor experiences form the basis of conceptual knowledge has a long history in
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53 philosophy, psychology, and neuroscience (Allport & Funnell, 1981; Freud, 1891; Locke, 1847;
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55
56
Wernicke, 1874). In recent years, this proposal has gained new steam under the rubric of
57
58 `embodied´ or `situated´ cognition, supported by numerous neuroimaging and behavioral studies
59
60 (Salas-Herrera et al., 2020).
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4 Although embodied theories allow a novel approach to the relationship between cognition, body
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7 and context by proposing direct interactions between sensory-motor systems and the representation
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9 (simulation) of meaning, the empirical evidence from behavioral and neurocognitive studies has
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12 tended to concentrate on young adults, leaving aside stages such as older adulthood. In order for
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14 these theories to be considered theories of cognition, and of language in particular, they require
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exploration and validation throughout the life cycle (Salas-Herrera, 2015). In this sense, older
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19 population represents a favorable sample to carry out a contrast of possible embodied proposals,
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21 since the declines in sensory-motor systems could directly affect the processing of sentences that
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24 contain challenging semantic content from the point of view of the neural parameters involved
25
26 (Gallese & Lakoff, 2005).
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29 Psycholinguistics, oriented towards the study of aging, has been strengthened by research that has
30
31 attempted to elucidate the effects of cognitive aging on language comprehension and production
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(Véliz, Riffo & Arancibia, 2010). Models emphasizing the functional and computational
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36 architecture of the linguistic system have been successfully tested, particularly at the level of
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38 language comprehension (De Vega, 2008; Fisher & Zwaan, 2008; Glenberg & Gallese, 2012;
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41 Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002). Notions such as working memory, attentional resources, and
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43 metacognition have gained importance (Cheung & Kemper, 1992; Just & Carpenter, 1992; Kemper,
44
45
46 1987; Kemper et al., 2001). It has been determined that there are dimensions of language that are
47
48 able to resist the advance of age, such as semantic processing, linguistic comprehension, and
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51 vocabulary (Burke & Shafto, 2008; Glisky, 2007). Psycholinguistics has expanded towards
52
53 different theoretical perspectives, drawing on ideas from the neurosciences supported by
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55
experimental behavioral and neurocognitive paradigms (Barsalou, 1999; Gallese & Lakoff, 2005;
56
57
58 Pulvermüller, 1999, 2013; Zwaan, 2004). The discipline is currently being significantly influenced
59
60 by theories of embodiment, which propose a different way of looking at language and its
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2
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4 relationship with the body (De Vega, 2008; Fisher & Zwaan, 2008; Glenberg & Gallese, 2012;
5
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7 Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002).
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9 Studies on cognitive aging and language processes have observed declines in processing speed,
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12 divided attention, executive functions, and phonological retrieval in language production in older
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14 adults (Salthouse, 2000; Greenwood, 2000; Danckert & Craik, 2013; Burke & Shafto, 2008).
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However, semantic memory, sustained attention, and recall are generally preserved (Glisky, 2007).
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19 Behavioral research has shown that linguistic comprehension, particularly semantic processing and
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21 vocabulary, tends to be maintained in older adulthood (Burke & Shafto, 2008).
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24 The prevailing view in psycholinguistics suggests that cognitive decline in aging, specifically in
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26 the relationship between language and verbal working memory, is characterized by a decrease in
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29 verbal working memory capacity, which impairs the quality of language processing (Cheung &
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31 Kemper, 1992; Just & Carpenter, 1992; Kemper, 1987; Kemper et al., 2001). An alternative view
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challenges this perspective and proposes an integration of working memory models with
35
36 consideration of cognitive architecture and linguistic experience (Caplan & Waters, 1999;
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38 MacDonald Christiansen, 2002; Ericsson & Kintsch, 1995). This alternative approach suggests that
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41 individual differences in language comprehension in older adults arise from variations in working
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43 memory efficiency influenced by linguistic experience, rather than total memory capacity (Caplan
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46 & Waters, 1999; MacDonald Christiansen, 2002).
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48 Brain imaging studies have identified brain regions such as the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex,
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51 parietal lobe, premotor cortex, and inferior frontal gyrus as part of the verbal working memory
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53 circuitry (Goldman-Rakic, 1987; D'Esposito & Postle, 2015; Postle, 2015; Fegen, Buchsbaum &
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55
D'Esposito, 2015). The processing speed in cognitive aging is related to various brain structures,
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58 functions, and regions associated with different cognitive domains (Salthouse, 2017; Haász et al.,
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60 2013; Lockhart et al., 2014; Ferreira et al., 2014; Eckert et al., 2010; Papp et al., 2014).
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2
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4 The activation of motor representations would be directly related to action verb processing
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7 (Beauprez & Bidet-Ildei, 2019). Since the motor plans caused by the verbs must be integrated with
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9 the properties of the associated objects, we suppose that aging could affect the estimation of the
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12 direct object, and thus, sentence reading when this implies variable levels of effort, since the
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14 abilities to perform physical effort in older people are impaired compared to young people
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(Portegijs et al., 2019). In fact, several studies have shown that older people have difficulties using
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19 imaging and motor simulation (Muffato et al., 2017).
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21 Simulations utilize corporeal or neural parameters, such as direction for reaching and
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24 force/physical effort for grasping an object, imposing a hierarchical structure on the brain (Gallese
25
26 & Lakoff, 2005). The term "simulation" refers to mentally and unconsciously simulating the action
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29 or perceptual content of a sentence using the same neural system activated during actual perception
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31 or action (Glenberg & Robertson, 2000; Pulvermüller, 2013). Just et al. (2004) found that low-
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34
effort imagery activates the left temporal cortex and primary visual cortex, while high-effort
35
36 imagery requires generating a multidimensional internal structure of the event. Urrutia, Gennari &
37
38 De Vega (2012) identified brain areas sensitive to effort in action sentences, overlapping with
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41 regions activated during physical effort tasks. These areas include the left inferior parietal lobe,
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43 supramarginal and postcentral areas, associated with action planning. Prefrontal areas were
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46 exclusively activated for counterfactual sentences. Action language involves events performed by
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48 animate beings and entails physical effort (Trevisan et al., 2017). Research predominantly focuses
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51 on physical content involving hand and arm movements (Moody & Gennari, 2010), but studies
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53 have also examined mouth and leg movements (Tettamanti et al., 2006; De Vega, Urrutia & Riffo,
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2007; Glenberg, 2007; Pulvermüller et al., 2005).
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4 The purpose of this article being to explore the degree to which embodiment is present during
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7 processing of abstract language at varying levels of mental effort and in an indicative (real) and
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9 counterfactual (unreal) linguistic context in older adults, and having described embodiment, as well
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12 as mental effort, it’ll be necessary to further consider counterfactuality and representation theories
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14 in the context of psycho- and neurolinguistics.
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17
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19 Counterfactual thinking involves contemplating alternative outcomes that did not occur but can be
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21 imagined (Epstude & Roese, 2008). It is characterized by thoughts like "what if?" or "if only there
22
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24 had been..." that explore different possibilities (Westby, 2016). Counterfactual reasoning entails
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26 imagining alternatives to an event and shifting between real and counterfactual situations (Epstude
27
28
29 & Roese, 2008). The term "counterfactual reasoning" is used when individuals mentally bracket
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31 what is known to be true and speculate about false possibilities (Urrutia & de Vega, 2012a).
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Counterfactual language may interfere with action planning (De Vega & Urrutia, 2011) and
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36 involves pre-motor regions that overlap with action execution networks (Boulenger, Hauk &
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38 Pulvermüller, 2008). Counterfactuals elicit stronger activations and compete with each other,
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41 requiring prefrontal inhibition or control processes (Beck, Riggs, & Gorniak, 2009; McNamara,
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43 Durso, Brown & Lynch, 2003). Counterfactual reasoning involves prefrontal control processes that
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46 decouple alternatives from actual states and engage competition between alternative interpretations
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48 (Krueger, Barbey, & Grafman, 2009). Counterfactual comprehension activates medial prefrontal
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51 regions and areas involved in resolving competition between alternative actions (Chen et al., 2009;
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53 Goel, 2007; Simmonds, Pekar & Mostofsky, 2008; Speer et al., 2009; Yarkoni, Speer & Zacks,
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55
2008). Urrutia et al. (2012) investigated whether the involvement of the body in counterfactual
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58 sentences affected processing and found overlapping activations in premotor and parietal regions.
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60 Counterfactual language has implications for cognitive processes like planning, causal reasoning,
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2
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4 problem-solving, and decision-making (McNamara, Durso, Brown & Lynch, 2003). Older adults
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7 with Parkinson's disease produce fewer counterfactual thoughts, suggesting a relationship between
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9 counterfactual thinking and healthy cognitive aging (McNamara et al., 2003). Age-related
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12 differences in memory processes during counterfactual reasoning have been observed, with older
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14 adults showing vulnerability to false recall (Gerlach, Dornblaser & Schacter, 2014). Older adults
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also exhibit lower inhibitory capacity for linguistic materials, impacting memory systems
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19 (Radvansky, Zacks & Hasher, 2005). Counterfactual language imposes higher processing costs on
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21 older adults, particularly working memory (Radvansky, Zacks & Hasher, 2005).
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24
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26 Multiple representation theories of abstract concepts have emerged as valuable and innovative
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29 additions to current research (Gentner & Boroditsky, 2001; Barsalou, 2008). These theories suggest
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31 that abstract concepts, although grounded in perception, action, and emotion, heavily rely on the
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recreation of linguistic experiences (Paivio, 2007; Dove, 2009). According to proponents of these
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36 theories, both sensorimotor and linguistically conveyed information contribute to the
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38 representation of concrete and abstract concepts, but their distribution varies depending on the type
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41 of concept (Binder & Desai, 2011). While perception and action information are more crucial for
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43 concrete concepts, emotion and linguistically conveyed information play a greater role in abstract
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46 ones (Kousta et al., 2011; Vigliocco et al., 2014).
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48 The role of language in abstract concept representation is characterized differently by various
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51 multiple representation approaches (Mahon & Caramazza, 2008; Dove, 2016). Some consider
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53 language as a mere shortcut to access word meaning, while others assign it a more significant role
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in enhancing thought processes or as a complex bodily and social experience (Pulvermüller, 2005;
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58 Dove, 2016). This review focuses on four influential or potentially influential multiple
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60 representation theories, including the Language and Sit Simulation (LSS) approach (Zwaan &
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2
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4 Madden, 2005), Dove's representational pluralistic approach (Dove, 2009), and the Words as Social
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7 Tools (PCHS) approach (Borghi & Cimatti, 2009).
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9 The PCHS approach proposes that concepts are expressed through representations derived from
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12 both perceptual/motor and linguistic experiences (Borghi & Cimatti, 2010). It emphasizes the
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14 social dimension of word acquisition and considers both concrete and abstract words as social tools
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for interaction (Borghi & Binkofski, 2014). The PCHS approach introduces four central principles,
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19 which will be examined in light of recent evidence. These principles relate to the acquisition
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21 modalities (Pulvermüller et al., 2014), conceptual representation in the brain (Barsalou, 2016),
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24 embodied counterparts of different modalities (Glenberg, 2015), and the influence of social factors
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26 on abstract word learning (Borghi et al., 2018). Research using fMRI (Binder et al., 2009), TMS
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29 (Pulvermüller et al., 2005), and behavioral studies (Meteyard et al., 2012) has provided support for
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31 the predictions made by the PCHS approach, highlighting the involvement of language processing
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areas and motor systems in abstract concept representation.
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36 Overall, these findings contribute to our understanding of the multimodal nature of abstract concept
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38 representation and the role of language and social factors in this process (Kiefer & Pulvermüller,
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41 2012; Barsalou, 2016).
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4 2. Material and methods
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7
8 2.1. Participants
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10 The sample consisted of 27 older adults from the city of Concepción, Chile (M = 70.34 years, SD
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12
13 = 4.82, 15 women and 12 men). All of them were selected for showing a right hand preference,
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15 according to the Edinburgh Handedness Inventory (Albayay et al., 2019). Only right-handed people
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18
with a laterality coefficient greater than 60 were accepted. One participant was eliminated due to
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20 the presence of excessive artifacts in her electroencephalography (EEG) recordings. In addition,
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22 all participants passed the psychological tests applied. None of them evidenced alterations in the
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25 central nervous system, abuse or problematic use of alcohol and other substances, learning or
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27 memory problems, mental health problems or serious medical illness; and none were taking
28
29
30 medications known to have central effects. All participants had normal or corrected vision and were
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32 native speakers of Chilean Spanish.
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35 Before the experiment, each participant was evaluated with cognitive tests, screening and
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37 psychopathological scales, in order to exclude participants with unwanted conditions (e.g.
38
39
depression, dementia, etc.). The Minimental State Examination (Folstein et al., 1983), with a
40
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42 sensitivity of 93.6% and specificity of 46.1% (Quiroga et al., 2004), and the Yesavage Depression
43
44 Scale (Yesavage et al., 1982) were applied, with an internal consistency of 0.78 and construct
45
46
47 reliability of 0.87 (Angulo & Arias, 2011). In addition, a brief questionnaire was applied that
48
49 assessed functionality (especially in the sensorimotor plane). Participation was free and consented,
50
51
52 which was registered through a protocol validated by an Ethics Committee. The average duration
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54 of the evaluation was 15 minutes.
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 1 11
2
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4 2.2. Materials and procedures
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7 One hundred and sixty sentences corresponding to four types of semantics were elaborated: 40 high
8
9 mental effort factual sentences (HFS), 40 low mental effort factual sentences (LFS), 40 high mental
10
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12 effort counterfactual sentences (HCS) and 40 low mental effort counterfactual sentences (LCS).
13
14 These sentences are exemplified in Table 1.
15
16
[suggested place for Table 1]
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19 At the beginning of the task, the participants observed dashes and spaces on the computer screen.
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21 The dashes corresponded to the letters of each word and the spaces to the segmentation places of
22
23
24 the sentence. Pressing a key unmasked the next segment and masked the one they just read. After
25
26 reading each sentence, participants were presented with a test word, which they had to decide
27
28
29 whether or not it was in the sentence they had just read by pressing the letter P (with a red sticker
30
31 on it) if their answer was affirmative or the letter Q (with a green sticker on it) if their answer was
32
33
34
negative.
35
36 In each experimental sentence, the intention was to record the event-related potentials (ERPs) of a
37
38 word (gerund/participle) and two syntagmas (direct object and adverbial). Technical problems
39
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41 arose when measuring the direct object, so the results will refer to the gerund/participle as
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43 POSITION 1 and the adverbial as POSITION 2. POSITION 1 reflects the effects associated with
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46 the processing of the main verb of the sentence; therefore, it indicates the type of action performed
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48 and implies, early on, the level of effort associated with it, as can be seen in the examples in Table
49
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51 1. POSITION 2 captures the effects related to the closing of the sentence and the effects that are
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53 incorporated and accumulated during its processing.
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55
For example, in the sentence: “Now you are counting the trucks on the road”, a synchronous
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58 signal was sent to the EEG corresponding to the beginning of the word “counting” (gerund) and
59
60 another signal corresponding to the syntagma “on the road” (adverbial). The purpose of recording
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 1 12
2
3
4 both positions was to check the time course of the effort level processing in contexts of different
5
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7 abstraction levels throughout the sentence. To analyze the electrophysiological signal at position 1,
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9 200 ms prior to the analyzed position were designated as the baseline, and the total recording
10
11
12 window was extended to 1200 ms after the presentation of the stimulus. For position 2, 200 ms
13
14 were also designated as the baseline but the time window was extended to 1000 ms.
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The experiment was self-administered using the E-Prime 2.0 Professional software.
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18
19
20 2.3. Design
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22 The experimental conditions were analyzed in a factorial design of two types of context (factual
23
24
25 vs. counterfactual) and two types of effort (low mental effort vs. high mental effort).
26
27
28 2.4. Electrophysiological record
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31 A high-density EEG set-up was used, with 58 thin Ag/AgCl electrodes mounted on an elastic cap
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33 that fitted the size of the head. Five electrodes were of the cup-type (10 mm in diameter) and were
34
35
36 placed in the ocular area: one under the left eye and another next to the ridge of the right eye to
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38 measure eye movements. Two electrodes were placed in the mastoid area (under each ear), being
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41
used as an average reference for the rest of the electrodes (monopolar recording) and one on the
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43 forehead, which was used as grounding.
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45 Electrode locations on the scalp were: FP1, FP2, F3, F4, C3, C4, P3, P4, O1, O2, F7, F8, T7, T8,
46
47
48 P7, P8, FZ, CZ, PZ, F1, F2, P1, P2, AF3, AF4, P5, P6, FC5, FC6, C5, C6, TP7, TP8, PO5, PO6,
49
50 FPZ, FCZ, CPZ, POZ, OZ, PO3, PO4, CP1, CP2, CP3, CP4, C1, C2, F5, F6, FC3, FC4, FC1, FC2,
51
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53 CP5, CP6, PO7 and PO8. These locations followed the standard 10/20 electrode location system.
54
55 The inter-electrode impedance was kept below 5 KΩ. The biosignals were processed by a Neuronic
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57
58 amplifier in a band between 0.02-100 Hz. In the ERP analysis, all those windows that contained
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60 eye movements (EOG greater than 80ų) and those artifacts that contaminated the measurements
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2
3
4 such as noise of body movement or facial muscles, among others, were eliminated from the
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7 individual averages. This procedure was done thanks to the filter that the Neuronic analysis
8
9 program performs automatically, but then each window was manually corrected to verify that the
10
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12 elimination criteria were always the same and thus perform a stricter cleaning of each window. The
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14 stimuli for the EEG recording system were presented through the E-Prime 2.0 Professional
15
16
software. The EEG signals were prepared for ERP analysis to reveal whether endogenous
17
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19 components, such as the N400, distinguished between factual and counterfactual meaning, and
20
21 between high and low levels of mental effort. The choice of time windows for the ERP/EEG
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23
24 analysis was based on theoretical and statistical criteria. Specifically, the nonparametric statistical
25
26 method of permutations (included in the Neuronic EP Workstation package) was applied to
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29 estimate pairwise t-test comparisons between the levels of a variable at each data point (Khosla et
30
31 al., 2020). The ERP segments that reached the statistical criteria in the permutation tests were
32
33
34
selected as time windows for their analysis, according to the topographic distribution of the ERP
35
36 components described in the literature.
37
38
39
40
3. Results
41
42
43 200-600 ms window. There were significant effects on the set of 58 electrodes, with a significant
44
45 interaction Context x Effort F(1, 25) = 4.476, MSe = 4384465334.7, p < 0.05; η2 = 0.152; η2p/ƒ =
46
47
0.423; 1-β = 1.0 (Greenhouse-Geisser correction). In this time window, it is expected to find the
48
49
50 N400 component, with a negativity between 200 and 600 ms, greater in central-parietal sites, with
51
52 a bias towards the right hemisphere for written language (Issa et al., 2018). Thirty-four channels
53
54
55 were chosen as region of interest (ROI): C3, C4, P3, P4, P7, P8, P1, P2, P5, P6, C5, C6, PO5, PO6,
56
57 PO3, PO4, CP1, CP2, CP3, CP4, C1, C2, CP5, CP6, PO7, PO8, Fz, Cz, Pz, FPz, FCz, CPz, POz
58
59
60 and Oz, where significant interaction was found between the factors Context x Effort F (1, 25) =
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 1 14
2
3
4 4.207, MSe = 330401238.1, p < 0.05; η2 = 0.144; η2p/ƒ = 0.41; 1-β = 1.0 (Greenhouse-Geisser
5
6
7 correction). This effect is shown in Figure 2.
8
9 [suggested place for Figure 2]
10
11
12 The medial channels were analyzed separately and a significant interaction was found between the
13
14 factors Context x Effort F (1, 25) = 4.238, MSe = 63211215.87, p < 0.05; η2 = 0.145; η2p/ƒ = 0.41;
15
16
1-β = 1.0 (Greenhouse-Geisser correction). In this time window, N400 was expressed mainly in the
17
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19 posterior parietal and central areas and to a lesser extent in the parieto-occipital areas.
20
21 Figure 3 shows the voltage differences (amplitude) between the different experimental conditions.
22
23
24 It can be seen that the positivity of the high mental effort counterfactual predominates, followed
25
26 by the low mental effort factual. The topographic distribution of this temporal window is mainly
27
28
29 observed in the right central parietal areas, according to the topography of a classic N400. However,
30
31 the brain wave has a morphology with several voltage changes within the temporal range, which is
32
33
34
congruent with a typical wave of the study population.
35
36 [suggested place for Figure 3]
37
38 350-500 ms window. There were no significant effects on the set of 58 electrodes, finding only a
39
40
41 marginal trend (p = 0.08 > 0.05) in the Context x Effort interaction. As in the previous case, it was
42
43 expected to find a negativity around 400 ms (N400). Even though there are few and inconsistent
44
45
46 data on the effect of age on the N400 component, the literature suggests that healthy older adults
47
48 show a decrease in the effects of N400 compared to young adults (Joyal et al., 2020). Studies
49
50
51 indicate that the reduction in the N400 effect is due to smaller amplitudes of N400 for semantically
52
53 unrelated or incongruous stimuli (Joyal et al., 2020). There is also evidence that indicates that in
54
55
the older population the N400 component becomes more frontal when context information is
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58 restricted to interpret or reinterpret a sentence (Wlotko & Federmeier, 2012), especially for those
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60 older adults with greater verbal fluency (Wlotko et al., 2010), which is relevant given that at the
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 1 15
2
3
4 sentence level to which this study was circumscribed, there was no contextual information before
5
6
7 the critical phrase.
8
9 Based on these empirical arguments, the ROI was extended to frontal areas, choosing the following
10
11
12 32 channels: F3, F4, C3, C4, P3, P4, T7, T8, F1, F2, P1, P2, C5, C6, TP7, TP8, PO5, PO6, PO3,
13
14 PO4, CP1, CP2, CP3, CP4, C1, C2, FC3, FC4, FC1, FC2, CP6, CP5, Cz, FCz and CPz. In these, a
15
16
significant interaction was found between the factors Context x Effort F(1, 25) = 4.220, MSe =
17
18
19 390132201.0, p < 0.05; η2 = 0.144; η2p/ƒ = 0.41; 1-β = 1.0 (Greenhouse-Geisser correction). Figure
20
21 4 shows the distribution of the effect on the semantics studied.
22
23
24 [suggested place for Figure 4]
25
26 The medial channels Cz, FCz and CPz were analyzed separately and a significant interaction was
27
28
29 found in them between the factors Context x Effort F(1, 25) = 4.797, MSe = 31794213.87, p <
30
31 0.05; η2 = 0.161; η2p/ƒ = 0.44; 1-β = 1.0 (Greenhouse-Geisser correction).
32
33
34
On the other hand, differences in amplitude were observed between the four experimental
35
36 conditions (Figure 5). Low-effort counterfactuals and high-effort factuals triggered the N400 effect.
37
38 In this temporal range this effect had a more frontal topographic distribution than in the previous
39
40
41 window.
42
43 [suggested place for Figure 5]
44
45
46 400-600 ms window. These results, in a way, were the extension of the results in the 200-600 ms
47
48 window. There were no significant effects on the set of 58 electrodes, finding only a marginal trend
49
50
51 (p = 0.058 > 0.05) in the Context x Effort interaction. The same channels were taken from the 200-
52
53 600 ms window (for the same reasons) and a significant interaction was found between the factors
54
55
Context x Effort F(1, 25) = 4.079, MSe = 333835235.8; p < 0.05; η2 = 0.14; η2p/ƒ = 0.42; 1-β = 1.0
56
57
58 (Greenhouse-Geisser correction). Figure 6 shows the direction of this effect and Figure 7 shows
59
60 the voltage amplitude differences.
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 1 16
2
3
4 [suggested place for Figure 6]
5
6
7 Based on statistical criteria, the medial channels taken in this window were Cz, Pz, FCz, CPz, and
8
9 POz (not the eight medial channels in the 200-600 ms window). These were analyzed separately
10
11
12 and a significant interaction was found between the factors Context x Effort F(1, 25) = 4.396, MSe=
13
14 39918962.82, p < 0.05; η2 = 0.15; η2p/ƒ = 0.42; 1-β = 1.0 (Greenhouse-Geisser correction).
15
16
This negativity pointed in a direction similar to that of the findings of Zhu et al. (2018). These
17
18
19 authors found that N400 is delayed and has a smaller amplitude in older adults. It is important to
20
21 remember that the N400 component is not only modulated by the degree of semantic incongruity.
22
23
24 Among the various factors is the N400 concretion effect (Kounios & Holcomb, 1994). This effect
25
26 is typically seen in relation to concrete and abstract noun processing, with concrete nouns eliciting
27
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29 improved frontal N400 responses compared to abstract nouns; and tends to be more pronounced
30
31 on the frontal scalp than on the parietal scalp (as opposed to the more central-parietal distribution
32
33
34
of the N400 semantic context effect for written words). The effect is also higher when word
35
36 processing goes beyond surface-level characteristics and when contextual constraints are weak
37
38 (Kounios & Holcomb, 1994).
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41 The region of interest for this particular window is presented below, showing a right central-parietal
42
43 distribution. Due to the sinuous morphology of the brain wave, that we assume was characteristic
44
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46 of the studied population, effects were found in different topographies in the N400 component.
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2
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4 4. Discussion
5
6
7 This study explored the ERP components that are produced while processing sentences with
8
9
10 different levels of mental effort, in factual and counterfactual linguistic contexts, in elderly
11
12 population. The conceptual discussion of these results was carried out under the paradigm of
13
14
15 embodied and situated cognition (Schilhab, 2017; Winter, 2019). It is important to consider that
16
17 the analysis criteria will be framed in several aspects such as the characteristics of the population,
18
19
20 in terms of its cognitive decline, form of social and interpersonal interaction, as well as the
21
22 subjective emotional well-being of the elderly through the development of wisdom. This study also
23
24
25
provides elements for the analysis of both cognitive and affective processes involved in the
26
27 processing of these linguistic structures. The motor aspect will be used as a criterion and we will
28
29 delve in its interaction with the other analysis criteria described.
30
31
32 The results of each time window will be discussed below, following a sequence that allows a deeper
33
34 understanding of the components or effects found.
35
36
37
38 3.
39
40
41 4.
42
43
44
45 4.1. N400 component
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47 Given the elicitation of the ERP N400 component in the three time windows, it is necessary to
48
49
50 discuss it in an integrated and sequential way. Based on the results found, the most striking thing
51
52 about this component lies in its latency. Negativity was expressed early at 200 ms and it was
53
54
extended to 600 ms.
55
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57 In relation to these experimental antecedents, our results are novel as they show an onset 180 ms
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59 earlier and 160 ms extended, compared to the typical time window in young people. The extension
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 1 18
2
3
4 of the latency of the N400 has been interpreted as a consequence of the increase in the size of the
5
6
7 semantic networks related to the greater lexical-conceptual volume (Joyal et al., 2020). This
8
9 linguistic aspect is formed from the sensorimotor information present in the degree of mental effort,
10
11
12 producing greater negativity in actions of low factual mental effort than sentences of high mental
13
14 effort. On the other hand, the counterfactual also modulates the degree of mental effort, with low
15
16
mental effort being more negative than high mental effort.
17
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19 Another notable aspect is that the sentences used in our study did not include words semantically
20
21 incongruous with the immediate linguistic context in the sentence final position. Our results show
22
23
24 that the N400 component was modulated, early and primarily, by the level of mental effort and the
25
26 counterfactual context, that is, embodied, emotional and linguistic aspects integrated with each
27
28
29 other in early processing zones (gerund).
30
31 If we observe the three moments of the N400 component in succession from its earliest stages of
32
33
34
onset (200 ms) to its latest (400 ms), we can observe that the high mental effort factual sentences
35
36 become more negative as the timeline advances. This implies that older adults process the
37
38 embodiment of the sentence as a less plausible event, semantically incoherent or pragmatically
39
40
41 little adjusted to the body-context relationship. On the other hand, in the high mental effort
42
43 counterfactual sentences, the positivity of the potentials decreased, probably due to the fact that the
44
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46 reinterpretation of the events loses degrees of veracity due to the low semantic integration of the
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48 events. There, older adults began to process the double counterfactual meaning, leaning towards
49
50
51 the reality of events. The N400 component, therefore, is modulated by linguistic and embodiment
52
53 factors.
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55
A cognitive and embodied explanation for these effects can be found in the idea that high-effort
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58 factual sentences are interpreted as events that are difficult to carry out, in relation to the effort that
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60 it implies for an older person to generate mental actions that demand high mental energy levels.
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 1 19
2
3
4 These types of actions are mentally represented or simulated as more demanding, and therefore
5
6
7 require more time and effort to be performed appropriately.
8
9 In parallel, the low effort factuals seem to offer greater opportunities to be simulated, represented
10
11
12 and semantically integrated, which is reflected in the positive voltages obtained. This facilitates
13
14 their processing and corroborates the idea that they function as more concrete elements than the
15
16
rest of the semantics expressed as experimental conditions of the study. On the other hand, it is also
17
18
19 striking that the high-effort counterfactual sentences were constantly more positive than the rest of
20
21 the sentences, reflecting that older adults feel, perhaps, stimulated to imagine challenging past
22
23
24 scenarios, which is probably experienced with a sensation of challenge, possibly accompanied by
25
26 positive emotions. The positivity when processing these sentences would therefore be linked to the
27
28
29 emotional salience that these sentences contain or trigger.
30
31 In relation to the brain regions that participate directly in the expression of the found N400
32
33
34
components, the early N400 effect was modulated by the right central and parietal zones. The
35
36 “standard” N400 component is regulated by mainly frontal and central zones. In contrast, late N400
37
38 appeared to be activated by brain activity in frontal, frontal-central, central, central-parietal, and
39
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41 parieto-occipital areas.
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43 The greater negativity of the high mental effort factual would imply that, by progressively building
44
45
46 the situation model of the sentence and reaching the critical zone where the gerund connects with
47
48 the direct object, the high effort in indicative grammatical mode tries to recruit personal
49
50
51 dispositions that the person unconsciously rejects or does not prefer, which would be interpreted
52
53 as implausibility or semantic/pragmatic incoherence. The opposite case occurs with the high mental
54
55
effort counterfactual, which continues to be salient, probably due to emotional and social factors.
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58 The social aspect would be explained because the mandate contained in the sentence that begins
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60 with “You should have...” is ultimately a social mandate oriented to the “should be” that comes
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 1 20
2
3
4 from moral standards introjected from the culture and that could, eventually, imply the review of
5
6
7 behavior from the gaze of other people who judge or evaluate behavior.
8
9 Finally, it seems relevant to comment on these results as a whole, in relation to other studies. If the
10
11
12 assumption is accepted that low mental effort factual sentences are processed in a more concrete
13
14 way than high mental effort factual sentences, given their similarity to the everyday life of older
15
16
people (component N400) and that, on the other hand, the processing of high mental effort
17
18
19 counterfactuals is more salient for reasons related to their emotional load and double semantic
20
21 representation, the results in these time windows (component N400) are similar to those obtained
22
23
24 by Scorolli et al. (2011). These authors found that the processing of concrete or abstract words does
25
26 not only depend on the level of imaginability. It would also depend on how they are used in
27
28
29 linguistic-social contexts and different levels of self-relationship (Buccino et al., 2019; Scorolli et
30
31 al., 2011). This seems to be the case in our study since, despite the fact that mental verbs are
32
33
34
abstract, they can be embodied based on their high frequency of personal and social use, which
35
36 would provide evidence for the Theory of Words as Social Tools (Borghi et al., 2019).
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38
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43
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2
3
4 5. Conclusion
5
6
7 The present research provides evidence on the time course in which the aging brain processes
8
9
10 language. Both linguistic contexts -factual and counterfactual-, as well as the embodied parameter
11
12 of mental effort modulate the processing and participate with greater or lesser preponderance in
13
14
15 different time windows.
16
17 Counterfactual language seems to induce emotions that facilitate the processing of high effort,
18
19
20 whereas the low effort - counterfactual interaction represents a negativity that is associated with
21
22 the N400 component. The same goes for high-effort factual language. The appearance of an early
23
24
25
N400 is noteworthy, and could be related to both the high lexical knowledge of the elderly and the
26
27 failure of inhibitory processes, phenomena that seem to be stimulated by the high effort factual
28
29 semantics and low effort counterfactual semantics.
30
31
32 Older adults present a proportionally higher N400 for the high mental effort factual language than
33
34 for the low mental effort factual language, depending on the fact that they process the embodied
35
36
37 aspects of the sentence as less plausible, incoherent situations or less adjusted to their life context,
38
39 which coincides with the evidence that shows that language processing is facilitated when an action
40
41
42
is perceived in its usual context (Beauprez & Bidet-Ildei, 2019; Beauprez et al., 2020). On the other
43
44 hand, the counterfactual sentences behave in a different way, since their initial positivity
45
46 progressively declines given the reinterpretation of the double meaning of the events and leaning
47
48
49 towards the factual or real version of them. This effect could be of a linguistic-semantic nature,
50
51 probably modulated by emotions, which also constitute an embodied aspect.
52
53
54 Our analysis suggests that age-related declines in cognitive abilities, particularly those associated
55
56 with the mirror neuron system extending over the inferior frontal lobe, inferior parietal, and
57
58
59 superior temporal areas (Buccino et al., 2001), have the potential to impact various processes such
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 1 22
2
3
4 as action observation and prediction, theory of mind, empathic resonance, motor resonance, and
5
6
7 sensorimotor simulation in the elderly. These findings have significant clinical relevance, as they
8
9 highlight the importance of considering the influence of age-related changes in the mirror neuron
10
11
12 system on language comprehension, specifically in relation to action language that incorporates
13
14 references (explicit or implicit) to actual effort, whether it be physical or mental.
15
16
Understanding how age-related cognitive changes affect language comprehension can have
17
18
19 important implications for the development of interventions and therapies aimed at improving
20
21 communication and linguistic abilities in older adults. By recognizing the specific linguistic
22
23
24 challenges that arise due to compromised mirror neuron system functioning, clinicians and
25
26 language therapists can tailor their approaches to better address the needs of older individuals.
27
28
29 Moreover, this research opens new avenues for investigating the potential benefits of targeted
30
31 cognitive training programs and rehabilitation strategies that aim to enhance the mirror neuron
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33
34
system and its associated processes. By exploring ways to mitigate the effects of aging on action
35
36 language comprehension, we may be able to improve overall communication skills and quality of
37
38 life for older adults.
39
40
41 In summary, delving into the interplay between neural mechanisms, language processing, and
42
43 cognitive aging not only expands our theoretical understanding but also provides valuable insights
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45
46 for clinical interventions and language therapies targeting older populations. Such endeavors hold
47
48 great promise in addressing the communication challenges faced by the elderly and improving their
49
50
51 overall cognitive well-being.
52
53
54 Declaration of interest: None.
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4 Funding: This work was supported by the Conicyt National Scholarship No. 21120957 of the
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7 Doctorate in Linguistics of the University of Concepción, and the Project for the Acquisition and
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9 Replacement of Scientific Equipment for Research 2022 "Cognitive Neuroscience Laboratory,
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12 University of Bio Bio", code 2250315 AD/EQ of the University of Bío Bío, Chillán Campus. Chile.
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15 Acknowledgements: We appreciate the funding granted by ANID/PIA/Basal Funds for Centers of
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Excellence FB0003.
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17 Fig. 5. Experimental conditions at C3 and C4 electrodes between 350-500 ms.
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