The Structural Study of Myth

Author(s): Claude Lévi-Strauss

Source: The Journal of American Folklore , Oct. - Dec., 1955, Vol. 68, No. 270, Myth: A
Symposium (Oct. - Dec., 1955), pp. 428-444
Published by: American Folklore Society

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/536768

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 THE STRUCTURAL STUDY OF MYTH
BY CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUSS

"It would seem that mythological worlds have been built up only to be shatte
that new worlds were built from the fragments."
Franz Boas, in Introduction to James Teit
Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of
British Columbia, Memoirs of the America
Folklore Society, VI (I898), i8.

I.o. Despite some recent attempts to renew them, it would seem that
past twenty years anthropology has more and more turned away from stu
field of religion. At the same time, and precisely because professional anth
interest has withdrawn from primitive religion, all kinds of amateurs
belong to other disciplines have seized this opportunity to move in, thereb
into their private playground what we had left as a wasteland. Thus, t
for the scientific study of religion have been undermined in two ways.
I.I. The explanation for that situation lies to some extent in the fac
anthropological study of religion was started by men like Tylor, Fraze
heim who were psychologically oriented, although not in a position to
the progress of psychological research and theory. Therefore, their in
soon became vitiated by the outmoded psychological approach which
their backing. Although they were undoubtedly right in giving their
intellectual processes, the way they handled them remained so coarse a
them altogether. This is much to be regretted since, as Hocart so profoun
in his introduction to a posthumous book recently published,' psycho
pretations were withdrawn from the intellectual field only to be introduc
the field of affectivity, thus adding to "the inherent defects of the p
school . . . the mistake of deriving clear-cut ideas . . . from vague emotion
of trying to enlarge the framework of our logic to include processes whic
their apparent differences, belong to the same kind of intellectual operati
attempt was made to reduce them to inarticulate emotional drives wh
only in withering our studies.
I.2. Of all the chapters of religious anthropology probably none has tarr
same extent as studies in the field of mythology. From a theoretical poin
situation remains very much the same as it was fifty years ago, namely,
chaos. Myths are still widely interpreted in conflicting ways: collectiv
outcome of a kind of esthetic play, the foundation of ritual.... Mythol
are considered as personified abstractions, divinized heroes or decayed god
the hypothesis, the choice amounts to reducing mythology either to a
to a coarse kind of speculation.
I.3. In order to understand what a myth really is, are we compelled
between platitude and sophism? Some claim that human societies mer
1A. M. Hocart, Social Origins (London, 1954), p. 7.

428

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 The Structural Study of Myth 429

through their mythology, fundamental feelings common to the whole of mankind,

such as love, hate, revenge; or that they try to provide some kind of explanations for
phenomena which they cannot understand otherwise: astronomical, meteorological,
and the like. But why should these societies do it in such elaborate and devious ways,
since all of them are also acquainted with positive explanations? On the other hand,
psychoanalysts and many anthropologists have shifted the problems to be explained
away from the natural or cosmological towards the sociological and psychological
fields. But then the interpretation becomes too easy: if a given mythology confers
prominence to a certain character, let us say an evil grandmother, it will be claimed
that in such a society grandmothers are actually evil and that mythology reflects the
social structure and the social relations; but should the actual data be conflicting, it
would be readily claimed that the purpose of mythology is to provide an outlet for
repressed feelings. Whatever the situation may be, a clever dialectic will always find
a way to pretend that a meaning has been unravelled.
2.0. Mythology confronts the student with a situation which at first sight could
be looked upon as contradictory. On the one hand, it would seem that in the course
of a myth anything is likely to happen. There is no logic, no continuity. Any charac-
teristic can be attributed to any subject; every conceivable relation can be met. With
myth, everything becomes possible. But on the other hand, this apparent arbitrari-
ness is belied by the astounding similarity between myths collected in widely different
regions. Therefore the problem: if the content of a myth is contingent, how are we
going to explain that throughout the world myths do resemble one another so much?
2.I. It is precisely this awareness of a basic antinomy pertaining to the nature of
myth that may lead us towards its solution. For the contradiction which we face is
very similar to that which in earlier times brought considerable worry to the first
philosophers concerned with linguistic problems; linguistics could only begin to
evolve as a science after this contradiction had been overcome. Ancient philosophers
were reasoning about language the way we are about mythology. On the one hand,
they did notice that in a given language certain sequences of sounds were associated
with definite meanings, and they earnestly aimed at discovering a reason for the
linkage between those sounds and that meaning. Their attempt, however, was
thwarted from the very beginning by the fact that the same sounds were equally
present in other languages though the meaning they conveyed was entirely different.
The contradiction was surmounted only by the discovery that it is the combination
of sounds, not the sounds in themselves, which provides the significant data.
2.2. Now, it is easy to see that some of the more recent interpretations of mytho-
logical thought originated from the same kind of misconception under which those
early linguists were laboring. Let us consider, for instance, Jung's idea that a given
mythological pattern-the so-called archetype-possesses a certain signification. This
is comparable to the long supported error that a sound may possess a certain affinity
with a meaning: for instance, the "liquid" semi-vowels with water, the open vowels
with things that are big, large, loud, or heavy, etc., a kind of theory which still
has its supporters.2 Whatever emendations the original formulation may now call for,
everybody will agree that the Saussurean principle of the arbitrary character of the
linguistic signs was a prerequisite for the acceding of linguistics to the scientific level.
2 See, for instance, Sir R. A. Paget, "The Origin of Language. .. ," Journal of World History,
I, No. 2 (UNESCO, 1953).

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430 Journal of American Folklore
2.3. To invite the mythologist to compare his precarious situation with that of the
linguist in the prescientific stage is not enough. As a matter of fact we may thus be
led only from one difficulty to another. There is a very good reason why myth cannot
simply be treated as language if its specific problems are to be solved; myth is lan-
guage: to be known, myth has to be told; it is a part of human speech. In order to
preserve its specificity we should thus put ourselves in a position to show that it is
both the same thing as language, and also something different from it. Here, too, the
past experience of linguists may help us. For language itself can be analyzed into
things which are at the same time similar and different. This is precisely what is
expressed in Saussure's distinction between langue and parole, one being the structural
side of language, the other the statistical aspect of it, langue belonging to a revertible
time, whereas parole is non-revertible. If those two levels already exist in language,
then a third one can conceivably be isolated.
2.4. We have just distinguished langue and parole by the different time referents
which they use. Keeping this in mind, we may notice that myth uses a third
referent which combines the properties of the first two. On the one hand, a myth
always refers to events alleged to have taken place in time: before the world was
created, or during its first stages-anyway, long ago. But what gives the myth an
operative value is that the specific pattern described is everlasting; it explains the
present and the past as well as the future. This can be made clear through a compari-
son between myth and what appears to have largely replaced it in modern societies,
namely, politics. When the historian refers to the French Revolution it is always as a
sequence of past happenings, a non-revertible series of events the remote conse-
quences of which may still be felt at present. But to the French politician, as well
as to his followers, the French Revolution is both a sequence belonging to the past-
as to the historian-and an everlasting pattern which can be detected in the present
French social structure and which provides a clue for its interpretation, a lead from
which to infer the future developments. See, for instance, Michelet who was a politi-
cally-minded historian. He describes the French Revolution thus: "This day . . .
everything was possible. . . . Future became present . . . that is, no more time, a
glimpse of eternity." It is that double structure, altogether historical and anhistorical,
which explains that myth, while pertaining to the realm of the parole and calling
for an explanation as such, as well as to that of the langue in which it is expressed,
can also be an absolute object on a third level which, though it remains linguistic by
nature, is nevertheless distinct from the other two.
2.5. A remark can be introduced at this point which will help to show the singu-
larity of myth among other linguistic phenomena. Myth is the part of language
where the formula traduttore, tradittore reaches its lowest truth-value. From that point
of view it should be put in the whole gamut of linguistic expressions at the end oppo-
site to that of poetry, in spite of all the claims which have been made to prove the
contrary. Poetry is a kind of speech which cannot be translated except at the cost of
serious distortions; whereas the mythical value of the myth remains preserved, even
through the worst translation. Whatever our ignorance of the language and the culture
of the people where it originated, a myth is still felt as a myth by any reader through-
out the world. Its substance does not lie in its style, its original music, or its syntax,
but in the story which it tells. It is language, functioning on an especially high level

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 The Structural Study of Myth 431

where meaning succeeds practically at "taking off" from the linguistic ground on
which it keeps on rolling.
2.6. To sum up the discussion at this point, we have so far made the following
claims: i. If there is a meaning to be found in mythology, this cannot reside in the
isolated elements which enter into the composition of a myth, but only in the way
those elements are combined. 2. Although myth belongs to the same category as
language, being, as a matter of fact, only part of it, language in myth unveils specific
properties. 3. Those properties are only to be found above the ordinary linguistic
level; that is, they exhibit more complex features beside those which are to be found
in any kind of linguistic expression.
3.o. If the above three points are granted, at least as a working hypothesis, two
consequences will follow: i. Myth, like the rest of language, is made up of constitu-
ent units. 2. These constituent units presuppose the constituent units present in lan-
guage when analyzed on other levels, namely, phonemes, morphemes, and seman-
temes, but they, nevertheless, differ from the latter in the same way as they them-
selves differ from morphemes, and these from phonemes; they belong to a higher
order, a more complex one. For this reason, we will call them gross constituent units.
3.1. How shall we proceed in order to identify and isolate these gross constituent
units? We know that they cannot be found among phonemes, morphemes, or seman-
temes, but only on a higher level; otherwise myth would become confused with any
other kind of speech. Therefore, we should look for them on the sentence level. The
only method we can suggest at this stage is to proceed tentatively, by trial and error,
using as a check the principles which serve as a basis for any kind of structural analysis:
economy of explanation; unity of solution; and ability to reconstruct the whole
from a fragment, as well as further stages from previous ones.
3.2. The technique which has been applied so far by this writer consists in analyz-
ing each myth individually, breaking down its story into the shortest possible sen-
tences, and writing each such sentence on an index card bearing a number corre-
sponding to the unfolding of the story.
3.3. Practically each card will thus show that a certain function is, at a given time,
predicated to a given subject. Or, to put it otherwise, each gross constituent unit will
consist in a relation.
3.4. However, the above definition remains highly unsatisfactory for two different
reasons. In the first place, it is well known to structural linguists that constituent
units on all levels are made up of relations and the true difference between our gross
units and the others stays unexplained; moreover, we still find ourselves in the realm
of a non-revertible time since the numbers of the cards correspond to the unfolding
of the informant's speech. Thus, the specific character of mythological time, which
as we have seen is both revertible and non-revertible, synchronic and diachronic,
remains unaccounted for. Therefrom comes a new hypothesis which constitutes the
very core of our argument: the true constituent units of a myth are not the isolated
relations but bundles of such relations and it is only as bundles that these relations
can be put to use and combined so as to produce a meaning. Relations pertaining to
the same bundle may appear diachronically at remote intervals, but when we have
succeeded in grouping them together, we have reorganized our myth according to a
time referent of a new nature corresponding to the prerequisite of the initial hypothe-

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432 Journal of American Folklore
sis, namely, a two-dimensional time referent which is simultaneously diachr
synchronic and which accordingly integrates the characteristics of the langu
hand, and those of the parole on the other. To put it in even more linguistic
is as though a phoneme were always made up of all its variants.
4.0. Two comparisons may help to explain what we have in mind.
4.1. Let us first suppose that archaeologists of the future coming from
planet would one day, when all human life had disappeared from the earth,
one of our libraries. Even if they were at first ignorant of our writing, the
succeed in deciphering it-an undertaking which would require, at some e
the discovery that the alphabet, as we are in the habit of printing it, should
from left to right and from top to bottom. However, they would soon find
a whole category of books did not fit the usual pattern: these would be the
scores on the shelves of the music division. But after trying, without s
decipher staffs one after the other, from the upper down to the lower, the
probably notice that the same patterns of notes recurred at intervals, either
in part, or that some patterns were strongly reminiscent of earlier ones
hypothesis: what if patterns showing affinity, instead of being considered i
sion, were to be treated as one complex pattern and read globally? By gettin
we call harmony, they would then find out that an orchestra score, in order
meaningful, has to be read diachronically along one axis-that is, page after p
from left to right-and also synchronically along the other axis, all the n
are written vertically making up one gross constituent unit, i.e. one bundle of
4.2. The other comparison is somewhat different. Let us take an observer
of our playing cards, sitting for a long time with a fortune-teller. He w
something of the visitors: sex, age, look, social situation, etc. in the same wa
know something of the different cultures whose myths we try to study
also listen to the seances and keep them recorded so as to be able to go over
make comparisons-as we do when we listen to myth telling and record
maticians to whom I have put the problem agree that if the man is bright a
material available to him is sufficient, he may be able to reconstruct the nat
deck of cards being used, that is: fifty-two or thirty-two cards according to
up of four homologous series consisting of the same units (the individual car
only one varying feature, the suit.
4.3. The time has come to give a concrete example of the method we p
will use the Oedipus myth which has the advantage of being well-known
body and for which no preliminary explanation is therefore needed. By
am well aware that the Oedipus myth has only reached us under late
through literary transfigurations concerned more with esthetic and mor
pations than with religious or ritual ones, whatever these may have been. Bu
be shown later, this apparently unsatisfactory situation will strengthen our
stration rather than weaken it.
4-4. The myth will be treated as would be an orchestra score perversely p
as a unilinear series and where our task is to re-establish the correct disposi
for instance, we were confronted with a sequence of the type: I,2,4,7,8,2,3,4,6
8,I,2,5,7,3,4,5,6,8 ..., the assignment being to put all the I's together, all the
etc.; the result is a chart:

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 The Structural Study of Myth 433
12 4 78
234 6 8
1 45 78
12 5 7
345
6 8

4.5- We will attempt to perform the same

trying out several dispositions until we fin
ciples enumerated under 3.1. Let us suppose,
arrangement is the following (although it
of a specialist in Greek mythology):
Kadmos seeks his sister
Europa ravished by
Zeus Kadmos kills the
dragon

The Spartoi kill

each other Labdacos (Laios' fa-
ther) = lame (?)

Oedipus kills his Laios (Oedipus' fa-

father Laios ther) = left-sided (?)
Oedipus kills the
Sphinx

Oedipus marries his

mother Jocasta Eteocles kills his Oedipus = swollen
brother Polynices foot (?

Antigone buries her

brother Polynices despite
prohibition

4.6. Thus, we find ourselves confronted with four vertical columns each of which
include several relations belonging to the same bundle. Were we to tell the myth,
we would disregard the columns and read the rows from left to right and from top
to bottom. But if we want to understand the myth, then we will have to disregard
one half of the diachronic dimension (top to bottom) and read from left to right,
column after column, each one being considered as a unit.
4.7. All the relations belonging to the same column exhibit one common feature
which it is our task to unravel. For instance, all the events grouped in the first column
on the left have something to do with blood relations which are over-emphasized, i.e.
are subject to a more intimate treatment than they should be. Let us say, then, that the
first column has as its common feature the overrating of blood relations. It is obvious
that the second column expresses the same thing, but inverted: underrating of blood
relations. The third column refers to monsters being slain. As to the fourth, a word
of clarification is needed. The remarkable connotation of the surnames in Oedipus'

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434 Journal of American Folklore
father-line has often been noticed. However, linguists usually disregard it, since to
them the only way to define the meaning of a term.is to investigate all the contexts
in which it appears, and personal names, precisely because they are used as such, are
not accompanied by any context. With the method we propose to follow the objection
disappears since the myth itself provides its own context. The meaningful fact is no
longer to be looked for in the eventual sense of each name, but in the fact that all the
names have a common feature: i.e. that they may eventually mean something and
that all these hypothetical meanings (which may well remain hypothetical) exhibit a
common feature, namely they refer to difficulties to walk and to behave straight.
4.8. What is then the relationship between the two columns on the right? Column
three refers to monsters. The dragon is a chthonian being which has to be killed in
order that mankind be born from the earth; the Sphinx is a monster unwilling to
permit men to live. The last unit reproduces the first one which has to do with the
autochthonous origin of mankind. Since the monsters are overcome by men, we may
thus say that the common feature of the third column is the denial of the autochthon-
ous origin of man.
4.9. This immediately helps us to understand the meaning of the fourth column.
In mythology it is a universal character of men born from the earth that at the moment
they emerge from the depth, they either cannot walk or do it clumsily. This is the case
of the chthonian beings in the mythology of the Pueblo: Masauwu, who leads the
emergence, and the chthonian Shumaikoli are lame ("bleeding-foot," "sore-foot").
The same happens to the Koskimo of the Kwakiutl after they have been swallowed
by the chthonian monster, Tsiakish: when they returned to the surface of the earth
"they limped forward or tripped sideways." Then the common feature of the fourth
column is: the persistence of the autochthonous origin of man. It follows that column
four is to column three as column one is to column two. The inability to connect two
kinds of relationships is overcome (or rather replaced) by the positive statement that
contradictory relationships are identical inasmuch as they are both self-contradictory
in a similar way. Although this is still a provisional formulation of the structure of
mythical thought, it is sufficient at this stage.
4.10. Turning back to the Oedipus myth, we may now see what it means. The myth
has to do with the inability, for a culture which holds the belief that mankind is
autochthonous (see, for instance, Pausanias, VIII, xxix, 4: vegetals provide a model
for humans), to find a satisfactory transition between this theory and the knowledge
that human beings are actually born from the union of man and woman. Although
the problem obviously cannot be solved, the Oedipus myth provides a kind of logical
tool which, to phrase it coarsely, replaces the original problem: born from one or born
from two? born from different or born from same? By a correlation of this type,
the overrating of blood relations is to the underrating of blood relations as the attempt
to escape autochthony is to the impossibility to succeed in it. Although experience con-
tradicts theory, social life verifies the cosmology by its similarity of structure. Hence
cosmology is true.
4.11.o. Two remarks should be made at this stage.
4.11.1. In order to interpret the myth, we were able to leave aside a point which
has until now worried the specialists, namely, that in the earlier (Homeric) versions
of the Oedipus myth, some basic elements are lacking, such as Jocasta killing herself
and Oedipus piercing his own eyes. These events do not alter the substance of the

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 The Structural Study of Myth 435

myth although they can easily be integrated, the first one as a new case of auto-
destruction (column three) while the second is another case of crippledness (column
four). At the same time there is something significant in these additions since the
shift from foot to head is to be correlated with the shift from: autochthonous origin
negated to: self-destruction.
4.11.2. Thus, our method eliminates a problem which has been so far one of the
main obstacles to the progress of mythological studies, namely, the quest for the true
version, or the earlier one. On the contrary, we define the myth as consisting of all its
versions; to put it otherwise: a myth remains the same as long as it is felt as such. A
striking example is offered by the fact that our interpretation may take into account,
and is certainly applicable to, the Freudian use of the Oedipus myth. Although the
Freudian problem has ceased to be that of autochthony versus bisexual reproduction,
it is still the problem of understanding how one can be born from two: how is it that
we do not have only one procreator, but a mother plus a father? Therefore, not only
Sophocles, but Freud himself, should be included among the recorded versions of the
Oedipus myth on a par with earlier or seemingly more "authentic" versions.
5.0. An important consequence follows. If a myth is made up of all its variants,
structural analysis should take all of them into account. Thus, after analyzing all the
known variants of the Theban version, we should treat the others in the same way:
first, the tales about Labdacos' collateral line including Agave, Pentheus, and Jocasta
herself; the Theban variant about Lycos with Amphion and Zetos as the city founders;
more remote variants concerning Dionysos (Oedipus' matrilateral cousin), and Athe-
nian legends where Cecrops takes the place of Kadmos, etc. For each of them a
similar chart should be drawn, and then compared and reorganized according to the
findings: Cecrops killing the serpent with the parallel episode of Kadmos; abandon-
ment of Dionysos with abandonment of Oedipus; "Swollen Foot" with Dionysos
loxias, i.e. walking obliquely; Europa's quest with Antiope's; the foundation of
Thebes by the Spartoi or by the brothers Amphion and Zetos; Zeus kidnapping
Europa and Antiope and the same with Semele; the Theban Oedipus and the Argian
Perseus, etc. We will then have several two-dimensional charts, each dealing with a
variant, to be organized in a three-dimensional order

Fig. 1.

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436 Journal of American Folklore
so that three different readings become possible: left to right, top to bottom, front to
back. All of these charts cannot be expected to be identical; but experience shows that
any difference to be observed may be correlated with other differences, so that a logical
treatment of the whole will allow simplifications, the final outcome being the struc-
tural law of the myth.
5.1. One may object at this point that the task is impossible to perform since we
can only work with known versions. Is it not possible that a new version might alter
the picture? This is true enough if only one or two versions are available, but the
objection becomes theoretical as soon as a reasonably large number has been recorded
(a number which experience will progressively tell, at least as an approximation). Let
us make this point clear by a comparison. If the furniture of a room and the way it is
arranged in the room were known to us only through its reflection in two mirrors
placed on opposite walls, we would theoretically dispose of an almost infinite number
of mirror-images which would provide us with a complete knowledge. However,
should the two mirrors be obliquely set, the number of mirror-images would become
very small; nevertheless, four or five such images would very likely give us, if not
complete information, at least a sufficient coverage so that we would feel sure that
no large piece of furniture is missing in our description.
5.2. On the other hand, it cannot be too strongly emphasized that all available
variants should be taken into account. If Freudian comments on the Oedipus complex
are a part of the Oedipus myth, then questions such as whether Cushing's version of
the Zuni origin myth should be retained or discarded become irrelevant. There is no
one true version of which all the others are but copies or distortions. Every version
belongs to the myth.
5.3. Finally it can be understood why works on general mythology have given dis-
couraging results. This comes from two reasons. First, comparative mythologists have
picked up preferred versions instead of using them all. Second, we have seen that the
structural analysis of one variant of one myth belonging to one tribe (in some cases,
even one village) already requires two dimensions. When we use several variants
of the same myth for the same tribe or village, the frame of reference becomes three-
dimensional and as soon as we try to enlarge the comparison, the number of dimen-
sions required increases to such an extent that it appears quite impossible to handle
them intuitively. The confusions and platitudes which are the outcome of compara-
tive mythology can be explained by the fact that multi-dimensional frames of refer-
ence cannot be ignored, or naively replaced by two- or three-dimensional ones. Indeed,
progress in comparative mythology depends largely on the cooperation of mathe-
maticians who would undertake to express in symbols multi-dimensional relations
which cannot be handled otherwise.
6.o. In order to check this theory,3 an attempt was made in I953-54 towards an
exhaustive analysis of all the known versions of the Zuni origin and emergence myth:
Cushing, I883 and I896; Stevenson, I904; Parsons, I923; Bunzel, I932; Benedict, I934.
Furthermore, a preliminary attempt was made at a comparison of the results with
similar myths in other Pueblo tribes, Western and Eastern. Finally, a test was
undertaken with Plains mythology. In all cases, it was found that the theory was
sound, and light was thrown, not only on North American mythology, but also on a
previously unnoticed kind of logical operation, or one known only so far in a wholly
3 Thanks are due to an unsolicited, but deeply appreciated, grant from the Ford Foundation.

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 The Structural Study of Myth 437
different context. The bulk of material which needs to be handled almost
beginning of the work makes it impossible to enter into details, and we will hav
limit ourselves here to a few illustrations.
6.i. An over-simplified chart of the Zuni emergence myth would read as f
INCREASE DEATH

mechanical gro
of vegetals Beloved Twins sibling incest gods kill children
(used as ladders)

food value of migration led by mgical contest

wild plants the two Newekwe withdew
people ofwildthe
(collecting
sibling sacri- food versus cultiva-
ficed (to gain tion)
victory)

food value of
cultivated plants
sibling adopted
(in exchange for
corn)

periodical
character of
agricultural work
war against
Kyanakwe (garden-
ers versus hunters)
hunting war led by
two war-gods

salvation of the
tribe (center of
warfare the world found)
sibling sacri-
ficed (to avoid
flood)

DEATH PERMANENCY

6.2. As may be se
sists in discoverin
is especially diff

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438 Journal of American Folklore
of vegetal life (emergence from the earth). They share that belief with the ancient
Greeks, and it is not without reason that we chose the Oedipus myth as our first
example. But in the American case, the highest form of vegetal life is to be found in
agriculture which is periodical in nature, i.e. which consists in an alternation between
life and death. If this is disregarded, the contradiction surges at another place: agri-
culture provides food, therefore life; but hunting provides food and is similar to war-
fare which means death. Hence there are three different ways of handling the prob-
lem. In the Cushing version, the difficulty revolves around an opposition between
activities yielding an immediate result (collecting wild food) and activities yielding a
delayed result-death has to become integrated so that agriculture can exist. Parsons'
version goes from hunting to agriculture, while Stevenson's version operates the other
way around. It can be shown that all the differences between these versions can be
rigorously correlated with these basic structures. For instance:

CUSHING PARSONS STEVENSON

Gods allied, use fiber Kyanakwe alone, use Gods allied, use fiber
strings on their fiber string Men f string
bows (garden-
Kyanakwe ers)

VICTORIOUS OVER VICTORIOUS OVER VICTORIOUS OVER

Men alone, use sinew Gods l allied, use Kyanakwe alone, use
(hunters) (until Men f sinew string sinew string
men shift to fiber)

Since fiber strings (vegetal) are always superior to sinew strings (animal) and si
(to a lesser extent) the gods' alliance is preferable to their antagonism, it follows th
in Cushing's version, men begin to be doubly underprivileged (hostile gods, sin
string); in Stevenson, doubly privileged (friendly gods, fiber string); while Pars
version confronts us with an intermediary situation (friendly gods, but sinew strin
since men begin by being hunters). Hence:
CUSHING PARSONS STEVENSON

gods/men - + +
fiber/sinew - - +

6.3. Bunzel's version is

Cushing's. However, it d
latter two explain the em
tion, while Bunzel's versi
-hence the inverted seq
Cushing and Stevenson,
to insects and from insec
6.4. Among the Wester
the starting point and th
with halfway:

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 The Structural Study of Myth 439

life

mechanical growth of
plants

wild plant food

cultivated plant food

L animal food life destroyed

hunt

war

death

Fig. 2.
The fact that contradiction appears in the middle of the dialectical process has as its
result the production of a double series of dioscuric pairs the purpose of which is to
operate a mediation between conflicting terms:

I. 3 divine messengers 2 ceremonial clowns 2 war-gods

2. homogeneous pair: siblings (brother couple (hus- heterogeneous pair:
dioscurs (2 brothers) and sister) band and wife) grandmother/grandchild
which consists in combinatory variants of the same function; (hence the war
attribute of the clowns which has given rise to so many queries).
6.5. Some Central and Eastern Pueblos proceed the other way around. They begin
by stating the identity of hunting and cultivation (first corn obtained by Game-
Father sowing deer-dewclaws), and they try to derive both life and death from that
central notion. Then, instead of extreme terms being simple and intermediary ones
duplicated as among the Western groups, the extreme terms become duplicated (i.e.,
the two sisters of the Eastern Pueblo) while a simple mediating term comes to the
foreground (for instance, the Poshaiyanne of the Zia), but endowed with equivocal
attributes. Hence the attributes of this "messiah" can be deduced from the place it
occupies in the time sequence: good when at the beginning (Zuni, Cushing), equivo-
cal in the middle (Central Pueblo), bad at the end (Zia), except in Bunzel where
the sequence is reversed as has been shown.
6.6. By using systematically this kind of structural analysis it becomes possible to
organize all the known variants of a myth as a series forming a kind of permutation
group, the two variants placed at the far-ends being in a symmetrical, though inverted,
relationship to each other.
7.0. Our method not only has the advantage of bringing some kind of order to

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440 Journal of American Folklore
what was previously chaos; it also enables us to perceive some basic logical processes
which are at the root of mythical thought. Three main processes should be distin-
guished.
7.I.0. The trickster of American mythology has remained so far a problematic
figure. Why is it that throughout North America his part is assigned practically every-
where to either coyote or raven? If we keep in mind that mythical thought always
works from the awareness of oppositions towards their progressive mediation, the
reason for those choices becomes clearer. We need only to assume that two opposite
terms with no intermediary always tend to be replaced by two equivalent terms which
allow a third one as a mediator; then one of the polar terms and the mediator becomes
replaced by a new triad and so on. Thus we have:

INITIAL PAIR FIRST TRIAD SECOND TRIAD

Life
Agriculture

Herbivorous animals

Carrion-eating animals
(raven; coyote)

Hunt
Prey animals
War
Death

With the unformulated argument: carrion-eating animals are like prey animals (they
eat animal food), but they are also like food-plant producers (they do not kill what
they eat). Or, to put it otherwise, Pueblo style: ravens are to gardens as prey animals
are to herbivorous ones. But it is also clear that herbivorous animals may be called
first to act as mediators on the assumption that they are like collectors and gatherers
(vegetal-food eaters) while they can be used as animal food though not themselves
hunters. Thus we may have mediators of the first order, of the second order, and so
on, where each term gives birth to the next by a double process of opposition and cor-
relation.
7.I.I. This kind of process can be followed in the mythology of the Plains where
we may order the data according to the sequence:

Unsuccessful mediator between earth and sky

(Star husband's wife)

Heterogeneous pair of mediators

(grandmother/grandchild)

Semi-homogeneous pair of mediators

(Lodge-Boy and Thrown-away)

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 The Structural Study of Myth 44I
While among the Pueblo we have:
Successful mediator between earth and sky
(Poshaiyanki)
Semi-homogeneous pair of mediators
(Uyuyewi and Matsailema)
Homogeneous pair of mediators
(the Ahaiyuta)

7.1.2. On the other hand, correlations may appear on a transversal axis;

true even on the linguistic level; see the manifold connotation of the root
Tewa according to Parsons: coyote, mist, scalp, etc.). Coyote is intermediary bet
herbivorous and carnivorous in the same way as mist between sky and eart
between war and hunt (scalp is war-crop); corn smut between wild plants a
vated plants; garments between "nature" and "culture"; refuse between vil
outside; ashes between roof and hearth (chimney). This string of mediator
may call them so, not only throws light on whole pieces of North America
ology-why the Dew-God may be at the same time the Game-Master and th
of raiments and be personified as an "Ash-Boy"; or why the scalps are mist
ing; or why the Game-Mother is associated with corn smut; etc.-but it also pro
corresponds to a universal way of organizing daily experience. See, for inst
French for vegetal smut; nielle, from Latin nebula; the luck-bringing power at
to refuse (old shoe) and ashes (kissing chimney-sweepers); and compare the Am
Ash-Boy cycle with the Indo-European Cinderella: both phallic figures (m
between male and female); master of the dew and of the game; owners o
raiments; and social bridges (low class marrying into high class); though im
to interpret through recent diffusion as has been sometimes contended since A
and Cinderella are symmetrical but inverted in every detail (while the b
Cinderella tale in America-Zuni Turkey-Girl-is parallel to the prototype
EUROPE AMERICA

Sex female male

Family Status double family no family

Appearance pretty girl ugly boy

Sentimental status nobody likes her in hopeless love with girl

Transformation luxuriously clothed with stripped of ugliness with

supernatural help supernatural help
etc.

7.2.0. Thus, the mediating function of the trickster explains that since its position
is halfway between two polar terms he must retain something of that duality, namely
an ambiguous and equivocal character. But the trickster figure is not the only con-
ceivable form of mediation; some myths seem to devote themselves to the task of

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442 Journal of American Folklore
exhausting all the possible solutions to the problem of bridging the gap between two
and one. For instance, a comparison between all the variants of the Zuni emergence
myth provides us with a series of mediating devices, each of which creates the next
one by a process of opposition and correlation:

messiah> dioscurs> trickster> bisexual> sibling married grandmother- >4 terms> triad
being pair couple grandchild group
In Cushing's version, this dialectic is accompanied by a change from the space dimen-
sion (mediating between sky and earth) to the time dimension (mediating betwe
summer and winter, i.e., between birth and death). But while the shift is being made
from space to time, the final solution (triad) re-introduces space, since a triad consist
in a dioscur pair plus a messiah simultaneously present; and while the point of
departure was ostensibly formulated in terms of a space referent (sky and earth) this
was nevertheless implicitly conceived in terms of a time referent (first the messiah
calls; then the dioscurs descend). Therefore the logic of myth confronts us with
double, reciprocal exchange of functions to which we shall return shortly (7.3.).
7.2.I. Not only can we account for the ambiguous character of the trickster, but w
may also understand another property of mythical figures the world over, namel
that the same god may be endowed with contradictory attributes; for instance, h
may be good and bad at the same time. If we compare the variants of the Hopi myth
of the origin of Shalako, we may order them so that the following structure becomes
apparent:
(Masauwu: x) ' (Muyingwu: Masauwu) - (Shalako: Muyingwu) ' (y: Masauwu)
where x and y represent arbitrary values corresponding to the fact that in the tw
"extreme" variants the god Masauwu, while appearing alone instead of associate
with another god, as in variant two, or being absent, as in three, still retains intrinsi
cally a relative value. In variant one, Masauwu (alone) is depicted as helpful to ma
kind (though not as helpful as he could be), and in version four, harmful to ma
kind (though not as harmful as he could be); whereas in two, Muyingwu is relatively
more helpful than Masauwu, and in three, Shalako more helpful than Muyingwu
We find an identical series when ordering the Keresan variants:
(Poshaiyanki: x) - (Lea: Poshaiyanki) I (Poshaiyanki: Tiamoni) ' (y: Poshaiyanki)
7.2.2. This logical framework is particularly interesting since sociologists ar
already acquainted with it on two other levels: first, with the problem of the pecking
order among hens; and second, it also corresponds to what this writer has calle
general exchange in the field of kinship. By recognizing it also on the level of mythi-
cal thought, we may find ourselves in a better position to appraise its basic impo
tance in sociological studies and to give it a more inclusive theoretical interpretation.
7.3.0. Finally, when we have succeeded in organizing a whole series of variants i
a kind of permutation group, we are in a position to formulate the law of that group
Although it is not possible at the present stage to come closer than an approxima
formulation which will certainly need to be made more accurate in the future, it seems
that every myth (considered as the collection of all its variants) corresponds to
formula of the following type:
fx(a) : fy(b) fx(b) : a- I(y)

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 The Structural Study of Myth 443

where, two terms being given as well as two functions of these terms, it is stated that
a relation of equivalence still exists between two situations when terms and relations
are inverted, under two conditions: i. that one term be replaced by its contrary;
2. that an inversion be made between the function and the term value of two elements.
7.3.1. This formula becomes highly significant when we recall that Freud con-
sidered that two traumas (and not one as it is so commonly said) are necessary in
order to give birth to this individual myth in which a neurosis consists. By trying to
apply the formula to the analysis of those traumatisms (and assuming that they
correspond to conditions i. and 2. respectively) we should not only be able to improve
it, but would find ourselves in the much desired position of developing side by side
the sociological and the psychological aspects of the theory; we may also take it to the
laboratory and subject it to experimental verification.
8.0. At this point it seems unfortunate that, with the limited means at the disposal
of French anthropological research, no further advance can be made. It should be
emphasized that the task of analyzing mythological literature, which is extremely
bulky, and of breaking it down into its constituent units, requires team work and
secretarial help. A variant of average length needs several hundred cards to be
properly analyzed. To discover a suitable pattern of rows and columns for those
cards, special devices are needed, consisting of vertical boards about two meters long
and one and one-half meters high, where cards can be pigeon-holed and moved at will;
in order to build up three-dimensional models enabling one to compare the variants,
several such boards are necessary, and this in turn requires a spacious workshop, a
kind of commodity particularly unavailable in Western Europe nowadays. Further-
more, as soon as the frame of reference becomes multi-dimensional (which occurs at
an early stage, as has been shown in 5.3.) the board-system has to be replaced by
perforated cards which in turn require I.B.M. equipment, etc. Since there is little
hope that such facilities will become available in France in the near future, it is
much desired that some American group, better equipped than we are here in Paris,
will be induced by this paper to start a project of its own in structural mythology.
8.I.o. Three final remarks may serve as conclusion.
8.I.i. First, the question has often been raised why myths, and more generally oral
literature, are so much addicted to duplication, triplication or quadruplication of the
same sequence. If our hypotheses are accepted, the answer is obvious: repetition has
as its function to make the structure of the myth apparent. For we have seen that the
synchro-diachronical structure of the myth permits us to organize it into diachronical
sequences (the rows in our tables) which should be read synchronically (the col-
umns). Thus, a myth exhibits a "slated" structure which seeps to the surface, if one
may say so, through the repetition process.
8.I.2. However, the slates are not absolutely identical to each other. And since the
purpose of myth is to provide a logical model capable of overcoming a contradiction
(an impossible achievement if, as it happens, the contradiction is real), a theoretically
infinite number of slates will be generated, each one slightly different from the others.
Thus, myth grows spiral-wise until the intellectual impulse which has originated it is
exhausted. Its growth is a continuous process whereas its structure remains discon-
tinuous. If this is the case we should consider that it closely corresponds, in the realm
of the spoken word, to the kind of being a crystal is in the realm of physical matter.

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444 Journal of American Folklore
This analogy may help us understand better the relationship of myth on one hand
to both langue and parole on the other.
8.I.3. Prevalent attempts to explain alleged differences between the so-called
"primitive" mind and scientific thought have resorted to qualitative differences
between the working processes of the mind in both cases while assuming that the
objects to which they were applying themselves remained very much the same. If our
interpretation is correct, we are led toward a completely different view, namely, that
the kind of logic which is used by mythical thought is as rigorous as that of
modern science, and that the difference lies not in the quality of the intellectual
process, but in the nature of the things to which it is applied. This is well in agree-
ment with the situation known to prevail in the field of technology: what makes a
steel ax superior to a stone one is not that the first one is better made than the second.
They are equally well made, but steel is a different thing than stone. In the same way
we may be able to show that the same logical processes are put to use in myth as in
science, and that man has always been thinking equally well; the improvement lies,
not in an alleged progress of man's conscience, but in the discovery of new things to
which it may apply its unchangeable abilities.

Scole Pratique des Hautes 1tudes, Sorbonne

Paris, France

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