Languages, Identities, and Education – in Relation to Burma/Myanmar

Dr. Thein Lwin, October 15, 2011

Abstract

The ethnic groups that live in Burma/Myanmar possess distinctive national, cultural and
language identities. However, the teaching of indigenous minority languages has been
prohibited since 1962, and, even though changes are being introduced, that policy largely
remains in place today. The paper outlines brief historical background of eight major ethnic
groups and, introduces to the ethnic languages and their status in Burmese/Myanmar
education. It considers issues relating the teaching of ethnic minority languages, and discusses
the question, „What should be the policy on language education in Burma/Myanmar?‟ The
paper argues that there is a need to take into consideration „multilingual education‟ in the light
of the linguistic diversity that exists in Burma. It sees linguistic diversity as a positive
characteristic of the country, and safeguarding this diversity as an important task for its
citizens.

1. Introduction

This paper will explore the following questions:

1. What are the issues concerning the teaching of ethnic languages in schools in Burma/
Myanmar?
2. What should be the policy on language education in Burma/Myanmar?

The use of the terms, „Burma, Myanmar, Burman, and Burmese‟ constitutes a controversial
matter. This paper will use the term „Burma‟ to refer to the country name, „Burman‟ to refer
to the majority ethnic group living in the country, and „Burmese‟ to refer to the language
spoken by Burmans. The Burmese language spoken by about 69% of the population is the
official language of Burma and the medium of instruction at all public schools throughout the
country. There are many ethnic languages spoken in Burma. Among them, the top language
groups are Burmese 69%, Shan 8.5%, Karen 6.2%, Rakhaing 4.5%, Mon 2.4%, Chin 2.2%,
1
and Kachin 1.4% according to 1983 census . However, ethnic minority languages have not
received official recognition by the government since 1962.

The language policy applied by governments from 1962 to 2010 may be considered
Burmanisation at the expense of the language and identity of other indigenous nationalities. In
other words, it has sought to assimilate other groups in the name of national unity (Thein
Lwin, 2000a). Since national independence in 1948, Burmese has been used as medium of
instruction in all state schools. Before 1962, children in the ethnic minority areas had a chance
to learn their mother tongue as a subject in primary schools. After 1962, the government

1
The figures are quoted from ‘Myanmar Population Changes and Fertility Survey 1991’, published by Immigration
and Population Department, Ministry of Immigration and Population, 1995 which is stated in Wunna Ko Ko & Yoshiki
Mikami (2005). According to the 1931 census stated in Allott, Herbert & Okell (1989), Burmese is spoken by 67%,
Karen 9%, Indic languages 7%, Kachin 3%, Mon and Chin 2% each and Palaung 1%.

1
prohibited the teaching of ethnic minority languages in schools by a centralized decision. It is
argued that control of education was a strategy to control the people.

In the following, the paper will give a brief background of ethnic groups and their languages
followed by discussion on the status of these languages in Burmese education. However, there
2
are over 100 ethnic groups with their own languages and dialects; this paper does not attempt
to cover all of them. It will focus on eight major ethnic groups: Burman, Chin, Kachin, Karen,
Karenni, Mon, Rakhaing and Shan, which have been granted administrative states and
divisions although the political structure is a unitary system.

After national independence in 1948, the country was divided into 14 administrative divisions
based on 1947 constitution. They are seven states (Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah/Karenni,
Mon, Rakhaing and Shan)3 and seven divisions (Irrawaddy, Magwe, Mandalay, Pegu,
Rangoon, Sagaing and Tenasserim). See the map of States and Divisions in the Appendix 1.
In brief, the Burmans have occupied a stronger position than other groups in political and
geographical terms since the Bagan era (A.D. 849-1287). The minority seven groups mostly
live in the mountainous areas while the majority Burmans live in the seven divisions on the
plain. The terms minority and majority are used here in the sense of both population and
political power.

2. Historical Background of Ethnic Languages and Their Status in Burmese Education

Since Burma is a multi-ethnic nation and its citizens came into the land at different times and
by different routes, it possesses a colorful setting of interesting myths, histories and cultures.
Although the people of Burma speak different languages and wear different designs of
costumes, they all share the same identity of belonging to the same nation and look upon
Burma as their homeland. The members of the nation are represented by four large language
families: Austro-Asiatic, Malay-Polynesian, Sino-Tibetan, and Tai (Allot, Herbert and Okell,
1989). See the map of Burmese ethnic groups and languages in the Appendix 2.

Table: Language families and their members

Sino-Tibetan
Austro- Malay- Tibeto-Burman Tai
Asiatic Polynesian Karen
Burmese-
Kuki-Naga Kachin
Lolo
Mon Moken Burmese Chin and its Jingphaw Pa-O Shan
Palaung Salon sub-group: dialects: Lachik Pwo
Wa Lisu Sgaw
Atsi (Azi) Asho
Maru
Burmese Bawm Karenni and
(Lhao Vo)
Lashi Bualkhaw

2
The military government (1988-2010) classified 135 ethnic groups in Burma: 53 ethnic groups in Chin State,
12 in Kachin State, 11 in Karen State, 9 in Kayah State, 1 in Mon State, 7 in Rakhaing State, 33 in Shan State and
9 Burman ethnic groups. This statement may need further study and discussion.
3
The creation of new states within the Union for Mon and Rakhaing took place in 1960.

2
 Maru Chinbone Rawang its dialects:
(Lhao Vo) Daai Zaiwa
Brek
Rakhaing Falam
Bwe
Haka
Geba
Lolo sub- Khumi
Geko
group: Khumi Awa
Kayah
Mara
Akha Kayan
Mro
Lahu (Padaung)
Mun
Lisu Manumanaw
Ngawn
Paku
Paite
Yinbaw
Senthang
Yintale
Siyin
Tawr
Tedim
Thado
Zotung

Note: Maru (Lhao Vo) and Lisu belong to both Burmese-Lolo and Kachin language family
stated in the table. This paper considers that the people of Maru and Lisu have been living
close to Kachin and becoming sub-groups of Kachin tribe although their languages came from
Burmese-Lolo language family.

Mon, Palaung and Wa languages belong to the Austro-Asiatic family. Salon and Moken,
spoken in the islands of the Mergui Archipelago, belong to the Malay-Polynesian family. The
Tibeto-Burman group of the Sino-Tibetan family can be divided into three groups. They are
(1) the Burmese-Lolo subgroups of Rakhaing, Burmese and its close relatives Maru (Lhao
Vo), Lashi, Atsi (Azi) and others, and Lolo, with its relatives Akha, Lahu, Lisu and others; (2)
the Kuki-Naga subgroup of Chin and its dialects; (3) the Kachin subgroup of Kachin (also
called Jinghpaw) and its dialects. Outside the Tibeto-Burman group in the Sino-Tibetan
family is Karen and its relatives, spoken in Karen State, Kayah/Karenni State and parts of the
Irrawaddy delta. The Shan language and its relatives, spoken in Shan State, belong to the Tai
language family (Allot, Herbert and Okell, 1989). According to the Ethnologue (2009), the
number of individual languages listed for Burma is 113. Of those, 111 are living languages
and 2 have no known speakers.

Burmese language:

According to recorded history, the Pyus entered the Irrawaddy valley and founded the city
states of Sriksetra, Beik-thano and Hanlin during the 1st to 4th centuries A.D. By the early 9th
century, the Mon established city states along the Lower Burma coastline. The Burmans
moved into the upper Irrawaddy valley about the 9th century where they established the Bagan
Kingdom (849-1287). The Burmese language and culture came into contact with Pyu and
Mon during this period (Allot, Herbert and Okell, 1989).

The earliest written form of Burmese language was found in the ancient capital of Bagan in
the early 12th century. The Myazedi stone inscription was discovered in 1886 near Myazedi
Pagoda in the south of ancient Bagan. It is a quadrangular pillar with each side bearing an
inscription in one of different languages: Pyu, Mon, Pali and Burmese. It is believed that the

3
 4
Burmese script derived from the old Mon script and ultimately from the Brahmi script ,
which had spread throughout India by B.C. 300. in the reign of King Asoka.

Since Burmese is the official language and medium of instruction in all public schools, the
Burmese language has had a greater opportunity to expand in Burma since national
independence in 1948. However, Burmese nationalists had to struggle for the survival of the
Burmese language during more than one hundred years of colonial rule (Thein Lwin, 2000b).
In 1920, Burmese nationalists opened „National Schools‟ to promote the Burmese language
and encouraged patriotism. One slogan of the Burmese nationalist movement was:

Burma is our country.

The number of private schools in Burma has been increasing since 2000. Private schools
mostly focus on the mastery of the English language, and some parents want their children to
speak good English - hoping that they will send their children to English speaking countries to
work or to continue their studies (Thein Lwin, 2007). The Burmese language is not a priority
for those students who attend private schools. Some private schools run by Burmans who
value the Burmese language, are trying to promote bilingual teaching of both Burmese and
English (Ko Tar, 2011). Burmese children growing up in foreign countries have little chance
to learn Burmese. In some western cities (i.e. Washington DC in US, London in UK and
Frankfurt in Germany), Burmese Buddhist monasteries teach the Burmese language and
Buddhism at weekends and during the summer holidays. There is a large Burmese community
living in neighboring Thailand which has created its own schools along the Thai-Burma
border and teaches the Burmese language.

While Burmans have been working hard to teach the Burmese language to younger
generations, they often have little consideration for the survival of other indigenous minority
languages in Burma. The Burmese government education policy does not allow the teaching
of ethnic minority languages in schools since 1962. Without official recognition and support,
the ethnic minority languages may not be able to survive. Difficulties for the survival of
minority languages are explored below.

Chin language:

The Chin people probably came to the Chindwin Valley of Burma in the late 9-10 century.
They moved westward and settled in the present day Chin State around A.D. 1300-1400,
though some live in Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur and Assam State in India. There are many

4
A History of the Myanmar Alphabet is given in a Myanmar-English Dictionary published by the Department of
Myanmar Language Commission, Ministry of Education, Union of Myanmar, Sixth Edition in 2001.

4
tribes among the Chin people. Major tribes of the Chin living in Burma include Asho-Chin,
Falam-Chin, Haka-Chin and Tedim-Chin.

The Chin people live in different groups of hills and consequently speak different dialects.
Twenty different Chin dialects are listed in the Ethnologue (2009) entry for “Languages of
Myanmar”. They are Asho, Bawm, Bualkhaw, Chinbon, Daai, Falam, Haka, Khumi, Khumi
Awa, Mara, Mro, Mun, Ngawn, Paite, Senthang, Siyin, Tawr, Tedim, Thado, and Zotung.
They all belong to Tibeto-Burman language family. The written form of the Chin language
was created by American missionaries. According to a Chin scholar, Lian H. Sakhong (2003),
the Chins did not learn the art of writing until the time of the British administration. The
written language is taught in churches, and the congregations read the Bible in their mother
tongue. Apart from religious purposes, the Chin language is not taught at school. Whilst
Christian Chins can read the Bible in the Chin language, the author has no information about
how the Chin language is surviving among Buddhist Chins.

Kachin language:

The Kachins are also known as Jinghpaw. According to oral history, the ancestors of
Jinghpaw lived on the Tibetan plateau and migrated gradually towards the south and settled in
the present day Yunnan Province of China. During the 15th and 16th centuries, the Jinghpaws
continued migrating to the Kachin Hills of Burma. Present day Kachins in Burma consist of
Jinghpaw, Lachik, Lhao Vo, Lisu, Rawang, and Zaiwa tribal groups.

The languages of Kachin tribes, including Jinghpaw, Lachik, Lhao Vo, Lisu, Rawang, and
Zaiwa, belong to Tibeto-Burman language group. Orthographies for the Kachin languages
were introduced about one hundred years ago by American missionaries. Among the six
tribes, the Jinghpaw language is used as the language of education and communication among
all Kachin tribes. The Jinghpaw language is taught at schools run by the Kachin Independence
5
Organization (KIO) from primary to junior secondary level. Currently, about 10,000 students
are attending KIO schools. Jinghpaw is also the official language in the KIO controlled areas.
The Kachin living outside the KIO controlled areas learn the Kachin languages at Christian
churches in their region.

Karen language:

Many anthropological studies suggest that the Karens originated in Mongolia and that they
were a tribe of Mongolian race (see Rajah, 2008 „The Origin of the Karens‟). There is no clear
historical evidence that explains the time of Karen settlement in Burma. However, some
Karens believed that they came into the Salween and Irrawaddy river valleys of Burma before
the Mons and the Burmans.

Karen language belongs to the Sino-Tibetan family but is outside the Tibeto-Burman
language group. The Karen language is tonal and has a subject-verb-object word order, which

5
The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) is a political organization of Kachins in Burma, which has been
struggling for autonomy since the 1960s.

5
is different from Burmese. The Burmese language features a subject-object-verb word order.
However, the Karen languages are written using the Burmese script. The Karen language has
three main branches: Sgaw, Pwo and Pa-O. Sgaw Karen language is taught and used as the
6
medium of instruction at schools run by the Karen National Union (KNU) and in the Karen
refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border. It is also used as the official language in the KNU
controlled areas. There is a degree of disagreement about the use of Sgaw as the language of
education and communication among the Karen tribes. The Karen living outside the KNU
controlled areas learn their mother tongue at churches and monasteries.

Karenni language:
7
The Karennis (literally Red Karen) believe that they settled in the current Karenni/Kayah
State in B.C. 739 (Karenni History Research Team, 2006). The Karenni as well as the Karen
came from Mongolia. Over centuries, they moved to Turkistan, Tibet and then into Yunnan.
In B.C. 1128, they started to move along the Salween River and settled in the Deemawso area
8
in today‟s Karenni/Kayah state . According to the 1983 census, the tribal groups among the
Karennis are Kayah, Kayan (Padaung), Geko, Geba, Bres, Manumanaw, Yintale, Yinbaw,
Bwe, and Paku.

The Karenni language is a member of the Karen branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family.
The Karenni tribes speak different dialects: Kayah Eastern, Kayah Western, Kayan/Padaung,
Brek, Bwe, Geba, Geko, Manumanaw, Paku, Yinbaw and Yintale. There are three different
types of written Karenni language. One uses the Burmese alphabet, one uses the Romanised
alphabet, and the other uses the Kayah Li alphabet. Kayah Li is now taught at schools in
Karenni refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border. Its script, which is related to the ancient
9
Indian Brahmi script, was devised by Khu Htae Bu Peh in 1962. The Kayah language using
the Kayah Li alphabet is the official language of the Karenni National Progressive Party
10
(KNPP) . The languages of other Karenni tribes can be learned at Karenni churches and read
in the Bible.

Mon language:

A Mon study estimates that the arrival of the Mon in Burma was around B.C. 1500 (Pon Nya
Mon, 2007). The Mons were originally from Southwest China from where they migrated to
6
The Karen National Union (KNU) is a political organization of Karens in Burma, which has waged war against the Burmese
government since 1949. The aim of the KNU at first was independence. The KNU today calls for a federal system rather than
an independent Karen State.
7
The Burmese Government uses the term ‘Kayah State’. Dissident groups use the term ‘Karenni State’. In some cases both
terms present the same meaning. However, Kayah, Kayan and other tribal groups belong to Karenni tribe. This paper,
therefore, uses the term ‘Kayah’ as one of the sub tribes of Karenni.
8
Kayan Dream Website: http://kayan.weebly.com/history.html (accesses 23/7/2011) and Karenni Homeland Website:
http://www.karennihomeland.com/ArticleArticle.php?ContentID=58 (accessed 23/7/2011)
9
Omniglot, Writing System & Languages of the World http://www.omniglot.com/writing/kayahli.htm (accessed
23/7/2011)
10
The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) is a political organization struggling for independence from the Burmese
national government.

6
upper Burma and then continued moving south to the Irrawaddy valley. Finally, they settled
in Lower Burma and founded the Kingdom of Suwarnabhumi in Thaton. They also founded
the Kingdoms of Dvaravati and Haripunjaya in Thailand. The Mon Kingdom in Lower Burma
was conquered by the Bagan Kingdom in A.D. 1057. After the fall of the Bagan Kingdom in
1287, the Mon consolidated themselves and founded the Hanthawaddi Kingdom in Pegu
(Bago). The Hanthawaddi was conquered by the Burmese King Tabinshwehti in 1539.

The Mon language is part of the Monic group of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic
family (Ethnologue, 2009). The Mon script is derived from Indian Brahmi script. The Mon
script was again the source of Burmese script, which was created during the reign of King
Kyansittha (1084-1113) in the Bagan era. Kyansittha valued the Mon culture and language
and he left many inscriptions in the Mon language (Nai Pan Hla, 1988) including the Myazedi
Stone with its identical inscriptions of a story in Mon, Pyu, Pali and Burmese carved on its
four sides.

Historically, Mon culture and language used to be dominant in ancient Burma and Thailand.
Mon was the leading language in the creation of Burmese. Today, the Mon language is a
significant example of assimilation into the Burmese and Thai languages. According to
Watkins (2007), the number of people who speak Mon is small compared to the large number
of people who identify themselves as Mon but who do not speak the Mon language. A Mon
scholar, Pon Nya Mon (2007) points out that the population census of 1856 showed that
nearly half of the population in Henzada district in lower Burma was ethnic Mon; after 55
years, the 1911 census showed that only 1,224 out of a total population of 532,357 described
themselves as Mon, of whom only 399 could speak the Mon language. It is thought that the
Mon had effectively been assimilated into the Burmans at that time.

However, Mon Buddhist monks, Mon scholars such as Nai Pan Hla, and New Mon State
11
Party (NMSP) have been actively promoting Mon language and culture. The Mon language
is taught at Buddhist monasteries inside Mon State and at schools run by NMSP. There are
about 10,000 students currently attending NMSP schools.

Rakhaing language:
12
According to oral history, Indo-Aryan people reached the Arakan/Rakhaing region from
India‟s Gangha delta and settled in Kaladan valley in very early times (Nayaka, 2008). Before
migrating to Rakhaing, those Indo-Aryans were thought to have mixed with a migrant
Mongoloid tribe in eastern India (ibid.). According to a Rakhaing archaeologist, U San Shwe

11
The New Mon State Party (NMSP) is a political organization of Mon people in Burma, which have waged war
against the Burmese government since 1958 for independence. The NMSP today call for a federal system
rather than an independent Mon State.
12
Both words Arakan and Rakhaing come from the same meaning and the same Pali root (Aye Kyaw, Dr.,
2002). The word Rakhaing is used by the majority. Many western literatures use the word Rakhine rather than
Rakhaing. Phonetically speaking, the Rakhaing people prefer the word “Rakhaing”. The name Rakhaing is
derived from a Pali word, Rakkhita, which means cherish or take care of. The paper therefore uses the word
“Rakhaing” rather than “Rakkhine” or “Arakan”.

7
Bu (stated in Nayaka, 2008), the Indo-Aryans came to Rakhaing from Majjhimadesa and lived
on the banks of river Gangha. The ancestral home of the ancient Rakhaing was in the
Magadha region. They later settled in the Rakhaing region and subsequently founded their
first capital city at Dhanyawadi (ibid.). According to oral history, the Rakhaing Kingdom
began with King Marayu who founded the first Dhanyawadi dynasty in B.C. 3325-1483. The
successive Rakhaing kingdoms were Waithali, Laymro and Mrauk-U. Some 234 kings ruled
Rakhaing over a period of 5108 years. Dr. Aye Kyaw (2002), a Rakhaing and a historian,
claims that the long historical period of the Rakhaing Kingdom was possible due to the
existence of a Neolithic culture in Thandwe, a city in Rakhaing State.

According to the Ethnologue (2009), the Rakhaing language belongs to the Burmese-Lolo
group of the Tibeto-Burman family. The modern Rakhaing script, aside from a few
vocabulary differences, is essentially the same as Burmese script. Rakhaing is taught mainly
at the Rakhaing Buddhist monasteries in Rakhaing State. Exiled political organizations also
use the Rakhaing language in their communications. The northern Brahmi-based Rakhawunna
13
script found in stone inscriptions in the Waithali era is no longer use.

Shan language:

Some studies suggest that the Shans belong to the Mongoloid stock of the Tai ethnic group.
According to Sai Aung Tun (2005), intensive field research was carried out by Chinese and
foreign scholars and reported that the original home of the Tai people had been in the south-
western part of China. Then they moved along the big rivers, including the Brahmaputra,
Chindwin, Irrawaddy, Shweli, Salween, Mekong and Menam, to Assam, Burma, Laos,
Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. Another study (Sao Noan Oo, 2005) suggests that the first
entry of the Shan into Burma took place before the Christian era, founding the ancient cities
of Ta-gong, Mongnai, Hsenwi and Hsipaw. Sao Noan Oo continues that a second migration
took place in the 6th century. However, scholars differ in their opinion that when exactly the
Tai entered into Burma.

The Shan language is a member of the Tai-Kadai language family which is related to the Thai
language. According to Brown (1965), the Shan dialects spoken in Shan State can be divided
into three groups: Eastern, Southern and Northern. The Eastern Shan dialect is somewhat
closer to northern Thai dialect. The Southern Shan dialect has borrowed some Burmese
words. The Northern Shan dialect has Chinese influences. The Shan have adopted Mon script
for their writing system (Sao Noan Oo, 2005).

Shan Buddhist monasteries are the main source in the promotion of Shan language and
culture. Shan educators and university students also play a key role visiting Shan communities
and teaching Shan language during the summer holidays. In schools run by Shan dissident
groups on the Thai-Burma border, the Shan language is taught and used as the medium of
instruction. Shan nationalists choose not to teach Burmese in their schools. For some, this is
for the practical reason that students need to learn Shan, Thai and English rather than

13
http://minbargyi.blogspot.com/2010/07/golden-land-of-arakan.html (accessed 25/7/2011)

8
Burmese because of their location; others have political reasons for not wishing to speak or
teach the Burmese language.

Other Minority Languages in Shan State:

The Akha, Lahu, Pa-O, Palaung, Wa and other minorities within Shan State face much more
difficulty in keeping their languages alive. In the Wa region, however, the United Wa State
14
Army (UWSA) has taken on responsibility for promoting the Wa language. The UWSA
sends teachers into schools in areas they control to teach the Wa language at primary level.
However, the Chinese language is predominant among Wa people, and only a small number
of Wa speakers are literate in Wa (Watkins, 2007). Tellingly, the working language of UWSA
is Chinese not Wa (ibid.).

3. Discussion on the Teaching of Minority Languages in Burma

Current language policy and its implications for minority languages: conflicts and challenges

In the Basic Principles of the Union, Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
(2008), Section 22 (a) states that: “The Union shall assist to develop language, literature, fine
arts and culture of the National races”. This is encouraging for the development of indigenous
national languages. However, Section 450 of General Provisions of the Constitution states
15
that the Burmese language is the official language. The Constitution does not recognize the
indigenous national languages as official languages in their states or regions. This does not
help sustain or encourage the development of ethnic minority languages.

The teaching of ethnic languages has been recently discussed in parliament. The Upper House
16
of the parliament at Naypyitaw passed a Private School Bill on 7th September 2011 which
permits the opening and operating of secondary schools, and the teaching of ethnic languages.
The Bill would allow ethnic groups to teach their language as an additional subject in private
schools. However, the Bill does not allow opening and operating at primary school level. It is
an odd situation that, according to the Bill, ethnic minority children cannot learn their mother
tongue at an early age in primary school. They should learn at school in their mother tongue
from an early age. Besides, private schools usually operate in the cities and often only provide
for the children of well-off families. This is not a fair policy for all children.

What should be the policy on language education in Burma?

This paper argues that there is a need to take into consideration „multilingual education‟ at all
public schools in the light of the linguistic diversity that exists in Burma. The term
„multilingual education‟ was adopted by UNESCO in 1999 to refer to the use of at least three
languages: the mother tongue, a regional or national language and an international language in

14
The United Wa State Army (UWSA) is a political organization of Wa people in Burma. It was formed in 1989
after they separated from the Communist Party of Burma. The UWSA has an estimated 30,000 Wa soldiers.
15
In the constitution, it is written the term ‘Myanmar’ rather than Burmese.
16
The new city of Burma (Myanmar) established in 2005 by the military regime headed by General Than Shwe.

9
education. According to UNESCO (2003), between 6,000 and 7,000 languages are spoken in
the world and at least half of them are in danger of disappearing in the coming years. In
Burma, linguistic diversity is our wealth, and safeguarding this diversity is an important task
for us to shoulder. If a language disappears, we lose a significant connection to the origin of
the people who once spoke that language. The history, legends and myths, handed down
generation to generation that embody their origins, may be lost. Furthermore, language is not
only a tool for communication and knowledge but a fundamental attribute of cultural identity
and empowerment, both for the individual and the group (ibid.). However, finding a way to
safeguard these valuable languages is a challenging task given the geographical and political
complexity of the Burmese context.

After national independence in 1948, Burma chose the Burmese language as its official
language although many other national languages such as Chin, Kachin, Karen,
Karenni/Kayah, Mon, Rakhaing and Shan are spoken in Burma. In 1947, one year before the
independence, the leaders of Chin, Kachin and Shan, and the representatives of the then
Executive Council of the Governor of Burma had signed the Panglong Agreement. The
agreement showed that the Chins, Kachins and Shans would co-operate with the Burmans in
building a unified Burma after national independence. The ethnic minority groups together
with majority Burmans had struggled for the independence of Burma. The languages of these
ethnic national groups should be recognized as official languages.

Some other countries have chosen more than one official language. For example, India has 19
official languages while South Africa has 11 (UNESCO, 2003). An official language is
ultimately imposed in administration, education and other formal domains in a state. When
the official Burmese language became compulsory in education, other indigenous minority
languages were initially allowed to be taught in schools. That remained the case until 1962
when the military regime of General Ne Win prohibited the teaching of minority languages in
schools. That policy remains in place today. However, some indigenous groups have fought to
maintain their language practice and rights for over fifty years and will continue to associate
this struggle with issues of independence and self-determination.

Education policy, then, needs to be reconsidered with regard to the teaching of minority
languages in schools (i.e. all public and private schools). Here, the term „minority‟ means a
relatively small number of speakers in a region compared with the majority language as
spoken by a larger number of people. Relatively, Kachin can be considered a minority
language in Burma, but Burmese is a minority language in Kachin State.

When we consider multilingual education giving a space for minority languages, it may not be
an easy task for educators. Chins, for example, speak twenty different dialects. If there is to be
one chosen as the school language, the selection of a language or dialect may not be
straightforward. It may raise issues concerning the „justification of the choice‟ (Simpson,
2007 p.7). Nevertheless, all dialects should be kept alive for their language rights and
safeguarding the valuable indigenous languages.

10
The Kachins have already chosen Jinghpaw as a language of administration and education in
Kachin State. Jinghpaw is the majority language among the Kachin tribes. Other Kachin
languages remain active in social and religious domains.

For Karen, the two main branches of Sgaw and Pwo languages link with their religions and
political beliefs. The Sgaw Karens are Christians while the Pwos are Buddhists. There is a
political dispute between the two groups (i.e. Karen National Union and Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army), both of which belong to different religions and different dialects. Agreement
on the selection of one dialect for use in schools is likely to be difficult.

As stated above, the Karennis speak different dialects and practice three different written
scripts, Romanised, Burmese and Kayah Li as stated above. Whilst there may be a need to
choose one common dialect and one written system for a school language, all dialects and
scripts should be safeguarded to trace back to each group‟s heritage. It is interesting that the
Kayah might have had a link with Hindu culture in the past, although most of them are
Christians today. The Kayah‟s mythological creatures of Kinnari and Kinnara also appear in
Hindu culture.

For Mon, it is a serious task to maintain and develop their language because the number of
Mon speakers is gradually declining since the Mon Kingdom was conquered by the Burmese
Kingdom. However, Mon civilization had flourished in history and Burmans themselves
learnt from and developed their language and culture from the Mon. The ancient Burmans
spoke Mon and engraved their words in Mon language. King Kyansittha (1084-1113), for
example, engraved his words about religion, prosperity of his kingdom, his victories and even
his wives in Mon language, which were found on more than a dozen big stones (Nai Pan Hla,
1998) as well as the Myazedi stone inscription.

The Rakhaing civilization was well-founded and had a rich culture. The Burmans also learnt
from the Rakhaing. A Burmese saying expresses “thadar manaing Rakhaing ko mae”. The
literal meaning is “if you do not have a mastery of knowledge in grammar, you better ask a
Rakhaing”. Although the Rakhaing and Burmese languages are similar in both spoken and
written forms, some of the vocabulary and sounds are different. Another issue arising in the
discussion of Rakhaing language is „Rohingya‟ which claims that the Rohingyas historically
belong to Rakhaing State giving the reason that Rakhaing was ruled by Muslims from 1430 to
1531. The Rakhaings do not accept this point saying that Rakhaing is the original homeland
for Buddhist Rakhaing people. The language issue is also linked with cultural and religious
identity. The Rohingya are Muslims who speak a language which is similar to the
Chittagonian language spoken in the neighboring southern Chittagong region of Bangladesh.
However, the Rohingya is a minority group within the Rakhaing State of Burma and minority
rights should be given respect.

The settlement of Shan people, a branch of Tai family, dates from the early history of Burma,
and they possess distinctive national, cultural and language identities. Through the tireless
efforts of Shan monks, scholars and politicians, the Shan language is active. This language
must be a school language at all public schools in Shan State. However, the minority

11
languages spoken in Shan State such as Akha, Lahu, Pa-O, Palaung and Wa which do not
belong to Tai family, should be taken into consideration and safeguarded.

Apart from the indigenous national languages stated above, a significant number of Chinese
17
and Indians are living in Burma. According to the CIA World Fact Book, 2010 , the Chinese
population is 3% and the Indian is 2% of the total population of 53.4 million. Young Chinese
and Indians mostly learn their languages at Chinese or Hindu Temples or at (Muslim)
Mosques. Although Chinese and Hindu are majority languages in their own countries and
throughout the world, Chinese and Indian people are in the minority in Burma. These
minority languages should be given respect.

However, some may argue that if the minority languages are given attention at school, a
heavy learning burden is being imposed on students and that may produce a low level of
academic performance. Besides, the impact of globalization and media expansion may affect
traditional cultures and minority languages. Also the spread of modern Western culture has
already resulted in the loss of traditional culture in some parts of Asia (Simpson, 2007).

The English language is a compulsory subject in primary and secondary schools and the
medium of instruction in many universities. Learning the English language may lead to
economic advantages, help in dealing with the outside world, and improve prospects of study
abroad and employment. A potential threat among rising generations is that they prefer the
pragmatic value of learning English rather than the cultural value of indigenous national
languages.

Some other difficulties encountered by the use of mother tongues (indigenous minority
languages) as languages of instruction may include the following:
 The mother tongue may be an unwritten language.
 Sometimes the written language may not even be generally recognized as constituting
a legitimate language. For example, Karenni have different types of written forms and
they are recognized in different regions and different political perspectives.
 The language does not have sufficient vocabulary for education purposes and it may
still have to be developed.
 There may be a shortage of educational materials in the language.
 There may be a lack of appropriately trained teachers.
 The multiplicity of languages may exacerbate the difficulty of providing schooling in
each mother tongue.
 There may be resistance to schooling in the mother tongue by students, parents and
teachers (UNESCO, 2003).
Considering the enormous challenges involved, this paper strongly suggests that indigenous
national languages should be taught at schools. Studies have shown that, in many cases,
instruction in the mother tongue is beneficial to language competencies in the first language,
achievement in other subject areas, and second language learning (UNESCO, 2003). In

17
Source: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/35910.htm (accessed 13/7/2011)

12
addition, learners learn best in their mother tongue as a prelude to and complement of
bilingual education approaches (ibid.). In addition, cognitive neuroscientist, Ellen Bialystok
also supports bilingual education. Arguing that bilinguals manifest a cognitive system
allowing individuals to attend to important information and ignore the less important (Dreifus,
2011).

4. Concluding Comments

Every child should begin their formal education in their mother tongue. It is their language
right. This paper, however, suggests a multilingual language policy in education with a view
to the preservation of cultural identity since Burma is a multiethnic, multilingual, and
multicultural society. We can start with three languages at primary level: the mother tongue,
the official language (Burmese) and an international language (English). If a child becomes
literate in his/her mother tongue, it would be easy for them to learn other languages and other
subject areas. This will empower them to identify with their cultural identity.

If the mother tongue and the school language are the same for a child, the child can choose
one of the indigenous minority languages available at the school. For a child whose mother
tongue is Burmese, he/she will be required to choose to learn one of the indigenous minority
languages. It is a good idea that learning another language opens up access to other value
systems and ways of interpreting the world (UNESCO, 2003 p.17). This may also encourage
inter-cultural understanding and help reduce xenophobia (ibid.). Particularly, the Burmans
should learn the Mon language to trace their own history because the ancient Burmans spoke
Mon and engraved their words in Mon language.

With a pragmatic view, only the majority languages, such as Burmese, Chin, Kachin, Karen,
Karenni, Mon, Rakhaing and Shan, and the majority dialect of each language can realistically
be the school language in their respective regions. The choice of a school language should be
made by local authorities rather than being a centralized decision. In reality, it may not be
possible to teach many other languages and dialects at school. However, local authorities
should give support in safeguarding all languages and dialects in their region, as far as is
practically possible. For example, in Kachin State, Jinghpaw might be the language in school,
but it may not be possible to teach Lachik, Lhao Vo, Lisu, Rawang, and Zaiwa languages at
school. These minority languages should be given the support needed to create a learning
environment outside the formal school system - weekend and summer schools, for example –
and through community involvement and empowerment.

Since the utilization of indigenous minority languages is gradually declining and they are in
danger of disappearing, systematic maintenance is an urgent need. Policymakers should
consider the major ethnic nationality languages as official languages in their respective states.
This should also be endorsed in a constitution amendment using the example of the Indian
Constitution (2007). The potential pragmatic utility of acquiring proficiency in an ethnic
language is a major factor in assisting its spread throughout a population (Simpson, 2007).
Further, language issues cannot be separated from issues of ethnic identity and the realization
of political, social and economic aspiration of ethnic groups which have characterized recent
Burmese history.

13
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Appendix 1

Source: Google Images (accessed 30/9/2011)

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Appendix 2
A map of Burmese ethnic groups and languages

Source: Language Maps and Ethnicity Maps

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