CHAPTER 1

Introduction

This chapter discusses the context, the theoretical and conceptual frameworks,
the statement of the problem, the significance of the study, the scope and limitations,
and the definition of key terms used in the study.

1.1. Rationale of the Study

In its most basic form, language is a medium of communication. However, it is a

much more complicated concept than that. Language is the lens through which one can
gain knowledge about the world and about oneself. Additionally, it is frequently the key
to understanding a person's, group's, organization's, or even a community's culture,
realities, and identity.The Sinama languages are spoken mostly in the Sulu Archipelago,
Sabah, and eastern Indonesia, and are also known as 'Bajau' or 'Sama-Bajau' in
linguistic literature. The Bajau, also known as the Sama, are a culturally and
linguistically diverse people who live primarily in the southern-central Philippines and
the eastern regions of Indonesia and Malaysia.The Sama people have different names
for their languages depending on where they are spoken, such as bahasa sama in
Malaysia, sinama in the Philippines, and bahasa bajau in Indonesia. The purpose of this
proposed paper is to add to the inventory or documentation of Philippine languages,
specifically the variety of Sinama languages spoken in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City,
by analyzing its morphological system.

The Bajaus played a huge role as courageous warriors and respected sages in
the Philippines during the colonization era. However, as civilizations advanced, this
cultural group was abandoned by a fast-paced society. From nobility, their reputation
and greatness were dragged into servitude, reducing them to paltriness. Badjao, Bajau,
or Bajaw may have different orthographies but they pertain to the same thing, to the
same people - Sama. The Badjaos are widely known as ‘Nomads from the Sea’
(Toohey, 2005) or the appellation of sea-gypsies, mainly because of their association
and undisputable skills and knowledge of the sea (Mahali, 2014). The Sama-Bajau is
the most widely-dispersed ethnolinguistic group that can be found in the islands of
Southeast Asia, specifically, in the south-central Philippines, eastern Borneo and
Sulawesi, south and eastward to the islands of eastern Indonesia to Flores and the
southern Moluccas (Nimmo, 1972; Sather, 1993).

It is a mutual knowledge that the self-identifications of Sinama-speaking people,

as well as the names that other ethnic groups or other populations around them use to
call them, vary widely and change dynamically according to the situation and location
they are in (Aoyama, 2016). For instance, in the countries of Malaysia and Indonesia,
outsiders to both nomadic and sedentary Sama speakers call them ‘Bajau’ or ‘Bajo’. In
eastern Indonesia, Sama speakers are called ‘Bajo’ and both ‘bayo’ and ‘Turijene’
(people of the water) by the Makassarese. In Borneo, they are termed ‘Bajau’ by the
Brunei Malays and by other coastal Malay-speaking groups (Evans, 1952). While in the
case of the Philippines, the term ‘Bajau’ is reserved exclusively for boat-nomadic and
formerly nomadic groups, while more sedentary Sama speakers, particularly those living
in the Sulu archipelago are generally known to outsider as ‘Samal’, an ethnonym
applied to them by the neighboring Tausug, but also used widely applied by Christian
Filipinos and others (Kiefer, 1972; Sather, 1993). At present, the name Bajau has
gained wide currency among all groups in Sabah including Sama speakers themselves.

Sinama or Sama-Bajau languages are part of the Malayo-Polynesian language

and they have been classified as difficult languages to classify (Schroeder, 2019).
Accordingly, Sama-Bajau languages are categorized into nine namely Abaknon, Yakan,
Indonesian Bajau, West Coast Bajau, Mapun, Balangingi Sama, Central Sinama,
Southern Sinama, and Pangutaran Sama. By studying these languages, Schroder was
one of the many scholars who was able to understand the similarities and distinct
features of some of its varieties in terms of speech and grammar. Moreover, Shroeder
(2019) points out that these Sama-Bajau languages are not like nine different boxes;
rather, we must perceive them as a continuum.
 There are, however, few studies that contribute to the documentation of the
Sama-Bajau Languages. For one, there is Jeremiah Joy James’ (2017) study entitled
Central Sinama Voice: A Symmetrical Analysis', which aims to present a symmetrical
analysis on central Sinama. While, Mark Miller (2007) studied and analyzed another
Sama-Bajau Language on his paper entitled A Grammar Of West Coast Bajau wherein
he presented an extensive analysis and discussion about the West Coast Bajau's
grammar.

In this study, the focus is on the analysis of the Sinama language spoken in
Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City. Unlike the previous studies on the Sinama language,
this one investigates the morphological system particularly on this variety of Sinama in
Tambacan. The discussions are mainly focused on the information shared by the
selected key informants through a one-on-one interview.

Although a number of studies of sea nomads in Southeast Asia have been made,
the Bajaus have somehow been neglected and unnoticed, as claimed by Chou (2006).
He notes that, “there is a death of ethnographic studies on them. While some existing
research ‘narrowly looks at the organization of sea nomads’ travel routes, their
techniques for spatial production of locality, and the often humdrum preoccupations of
small scale communities'' (p. 3). Others like Nimmo (2001) and Bottignolo (1995) look at
the social change and religious phenomena of the Sama people. Hence, this paper
aims to contribute to the inventory or the documentation of Philippine languages,
specifically, the variety of Sinama language spoken in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

Miller (2007) and James (2017) have made significant advances in the Sinama
language with their renowned Grammar and Symmetrical Analysis, respectively.
However, these studies do not conceal the fact that only a handful of studies are
conducted that examine the Sinama language, particularly from a morphological
perspective. Thus, this study mainly aims to distinguish the morphological system and
to classify the variety of Sinama spoken in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City.
Specifically, this paper answers the following questions:

1. What are the Sinama morphemes found in terms of:

a. Free morphemes (lexical and functional)

b. Bound morphemes (derivational and inflectional)

2. What are the morphological processes occurring in the Sinama

language?

3. What is the classification of the Sinama variety found in Barangay

Tambacan, Iligan City?

1.3. Significance of the Study

The study outlines the distinct morphological system of Binajau-Tambacan in

Iligan City. The findings may help to explicitly establish an identity among other varieties
of the language, especially in the case of the Sinama variety in Tambacan which is not
yet categorized based on the Sama-Bajau languages classification. A well-established
morphological identity can help to reduce confusion among the variety's speakers.

The findings of this study are relevant especially that there are only limited
researches conducted on the Sinama language, particularly from a morphological
perspective. At present, the well-studied linguistic fields are only those on phonology
and grammar like Miller’s (2007) ‘Grammar of the West Coast Bajau’ and James’ (2017)
‘Symmetrical analysis on the Central Sinama Voice’. It is hoped that by conducting this
study, other scholars may be inspired to pursue morphological research in this
understudied area.
 Furthermore, the study, with its documented language features and simple
methods, can serve as a catalyst to assist linguists and non-linguists in navigating the
Sinama language's varieties. It specifically adds to the apparent scarcity of research on
existing local languages in the Philippines, particularly on places like Barangay
Tambacan and people like the Sama-Bajaus.

Aside from that, this study is significantly beneficial for those people who are
interested in learning new languages, also known as language enthusiasts, because
language documentation can aid in learning a language as well as understanding its
culture and traditions. To put it another way, documentation adds to the resources
available for enhancing language acquisition abilities. For language students, the
morphological findings can be utilized as inputs in the local languages’ classes and
courses such as Philippine Linguistics.

Lastly, the study is also beneficial to both the government and society as we will
be able to embrace not just the language of the Sama-Bajaus. This group of people are
believed to be on the fringes and are continually discriminated against. Through
learning their language, these people will be able to connect with each of us, and the
government will be able to meet their needs and provide the services they have sought
for so long, including protection.

1.4. Scope and Delimitations

The key informants came from Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City. The study
specifically selected ten (10) key informants ranging in age from thirty (30) and above.
The age of the respondents correlates with their ability to communicate in Sinama. This
indicates that the speakers are more aware of the linguistic rules of their language.
Furthermore, the key informants chosen were able to understand and speak the
Sebuano language which helped the researchers to properly execute the data collection
process wherein both parties —the researchers and the informants— can communicate
effectively.
 Despite the fact that audio recordings were used to collect data, this study only
looks at spoken responses, which were transcribed verbatim. To put it another way,
nonverbal elements of the transcripted responses are excluded from the analysis, but
they may be used to supplement the discussions if necessary. This means that the
analysis does not take into account facial expressions, gestures, intonation, tone, or
other factors. Furthermore, the interview was limited to only sixty (60) minutes.

Moreover, this paper investigates the morphological system of

Binajau-Tambacan, a Sinama variety spoken in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City, with a
particular emphasis on mapping the morphological processes found in the language. It
is not, however, within the linguistic scope of this paper to discuss an in-depth analysis
on the meaning and the etymology of each word. Additionally, the study attempts to
determine the classification of the aforementioned Sinama variety using
cross-referencing of the various related studies which are mentioned in the literature
review of the paper.

1.5. Theoretical Framework

For language documentation, the researchers used the Interactional Linguistics

(IL) approach developed by Gumperz and Hymes. Language should not be studied in
terms of context-free linguistic structures, but rather as a resource for carrying out
actions in social interaction, according to IL. This approach, according to Kern and
Selting (2012), employs an interdisciplinary approach to linguistic analysis to better
understand how language shapes and is shaped by the behaviors for which it is used.

According to Lindström (2009), the IL is based on the same assumption as the

Conversational Analysis Method: that everyday conversation is a structured, ordered
phenomenon, and that language structures at various levels are subjugated, shaped, or
influenced by the general normative elements of social interaction. Furthermore,
Benjamins (2021) asserts that this approach aims to improve our understanding of the
symbiotic relationship between language and social interaction, resulting in a more
comprehensive understanding of what language is in the context of social interaction
dynamics. In this study, the primary research tool was an interview and there were a
total of ten (10) key informants.

In answering the first two (2) research questions of this study -(1) What are the
types of Sinama morphemes found; and (2) What are the morphological processes
occurring in the Sinama language, three (3) principal models of morphology were
employed: (1) the Morpheme-based Morphology (MM) of Bloomfield; (2) the
Lexeme-based Morphology (LM) of Hockett; and (3) the Word-based Morphology (WM)
of Robins. These models, as mentioned in Bram (2012), help in analyzing
morphological data, particularly word formation involving affixations.

These models are essentially used as a point of reference and a method in this
study. The first model, also known as Morpheme-based morphology, is based on an
item-and-arrangement approach. As Sakkan (2019) mentions, it analyzes word forms
as sequences of concatenated morphemes. In most cases, the second model, also
known as Lexeme-based morphology, employs an item-and-process approach. Rather
than examining it as a group of morphemes ordered in sequence, a word-form is said to
be the result of applying rules that alter a word-form or stem in order to construct a new
one. Finally, the third model, also known as word-and-paradigm morphology, takes a
word-and-paradigm approach. Bram (2012) asserts that this model states
generalizations that apply to the forms of inflectional paradigms rather than rules for
combining morphemes into word-forms or generating word-forms from stems. In this
study, the Sinama morphemes were identified first, then followed by the examination of
other morphological concepts such as lexeme and word-forms, inflections and word
formations.
 Figure 1.5.1. Schematic Diagram of the Study

The primary goal of this research is to distinguish the morphological system of

the Sinama language. Second, the study attempts to classify the variety of Sinama
found in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City. Based on Figure 1.5.1., the framework of this
study is built on the following theories: (1) Interactional Linguistics; (2) Morpheme-based
Morphology (MM); (3) Lexeme-based Morphology (LM); and (4) Word-based
Morphology (WM).

1.6. Definition of Key Terms

Keywords are essential words/concepts found in a research paper or thesis. In

this part, the theoretical and operational definitions of all the key terms used in the study
are briefly discussed.

Binajau Tambacan. In this study, it is the proposed term used to refer to the
Sinama or language spoken by the Bajau community located at Barangay Tambacan,
Iligan City. In this paper, the Binadjau Tambacan was classified through examining the
morphological system of the aforementioned variety of Sinama.

Morphemes. Morphemes are the smallest units of meaning in a language which

are divided into two types: free morphemes, which may stand alone as words, and
bound morphemes, which cannot (Nordquist, 2020). In this paper, morphemes include
several types of Sinama morphemes, including free and bound morphemes.

Morphology. It is the study of morphemes, a linguistic subfield that focuses

gbfr6yton the smallest lexical units of meaning in language, which are the internal
constituent parts of a word (Hardison, 2019). In this paper, morphology includes word
forms, inflection allomorphy, and lexical morphology.

Morphological System. It is a method of classifying the world's languages that

groups them together based on morphological patterns that are similar. According to
Hardison (2019), the field categorizes languages based on how they combine
morphemes to generate words. In addition to the types of Sinama morphemes
mentioned above, other morphological concepts such as lexemes, word forms,
inflections, morphosyntax and paradigms, allomorphy, and lexical morphology are
examined in the Binajau Tambacan spoken in Iligan City.
 Sama-Bajau. The Sama, also known as Samal or Bajau, are one of the largest
and most diverse ethnolinguistic groups in insular Southeast Asia. Bajau is also known
as Bajao, Badjao, Bajo, or Bajaw. The Sama are mostly found in the southern Sulu
Archipelago in the southwestern Philippines, but they are also found in significant
numbers along the shores of northeastern Borneo, primarily in the Malaysian state of
Sabah, where they are known as Bajau (Gorlinski, 2016). In this study, there were ten
(10) female Sama-Bajau informants who are residents of Barangay Tambacan, Iligan
City.

Sinama. The Sinama languages, also known in linguistic literature as 'Bajau' or

'Sama-Bajau', are primarily spoken in the Sulu Archipelago, Sabah, and eastern
Indonesia. The variety of Sinama language in Barangay Tambacan was examined and
distinguished in this paper from a morphological point of view.

Sinama Variety. This pertains to the 9 Sama-Bajau languages of the

Proto-Sama Bajau, namely Inabaknon (Northern Sama), Central Sama, Southern
Sama, Pangutaran Sama, Maoun, Yakan, West Coast Bajau, and Indonesian Bajau
(Grimes, 1999). In this paper, the Sinama variety in Iligan City's Barangay Tambacan is
referred to as Binajau Tambacan, a Sinama variety that this study attempts to classify.
 CHAPTER 2

This chapter presents several reviews of related literature and studies that
support the research study. The significance of the various related literatures is that they
assist in determining the depth of knowledge of the subject area and identifying the
research gap that this paper is attempting to problematize.

2.1. Language Documentation

When a language dies, future generations lose a vital part of its culture that is
required to fully understand it. As a result, language is a delicate aspect of cultural
heritage that must be preserved. Wiecha (as cited in Rouvier, 2017) believes that by
the end of the century, 46% of the world's 7,000 linguistic communities will be extinct.

Language documentation, according to Woodbury (2003), is a branch of

linguistics that is concerned with the creation and preservation of records pertaining to
the world's languages and their usage patterns. Its goal is to compile a comprehensive
archive and inventory of linguistic practices and characteristics in a language and
speech group. In the early 1990s, an increasing number of linguists focused on the
issue of mass language endangerment and death (Hale et al. 1992, as cited in Henke
& Berez-Kroeker, 2016). These academicians perceived an unprecedented crisis in the
field, and the discussion shifted to finding solutions: “Obviously we must do some
serious rethinking of our priorities, let linguistics go down in history as the only science
that presided obliviously over the disappearance of 90% of the very field to which it is
dedicated'' (Krauss 1992, p. 10, as cited in Henke & Berez-Kroeker, 2016). Soon after,
Himmelmann's (1998) refinement of documentary linguistics (or language
documentation) as a distinct subfield of linguistics was fueled by this concern.

Language documentation in the Philippines, notably of Philippine-type

languages, dates back over 490 years, when Antonio Pigafetta compiled a Cebuano
wordlist during Magellan's globe voyage in 1521. The vast majority of these languages
have remained undescribed, unexplored, and undocumented by linguists and scholars
since then. As Himmelmann (2006, p.1) mentioned, “language documentations
strengthen the empirical foundations of those branches of linguistics and related
disciplines which heavily draw on data of little-known speech communities (e.g.
linguistic typology, cognitive anthropology, etc.) in that they significantly improve
accountability (verifiability) and economizing research resources.”

According to Hill (2006), communication ethnography has long been

acknowledged as one of the most important frameworks for language documentation
that goes beyond descriptive techniques, as emphasized in studies aimed at creating
'documentary linguistics' as an unique area of study (Gippert et al., 2006).
Himmelmann and Hill's suggested work route is evocative of a German research field.
Interactional linguistics is a ten-year-old field that combines ethnomethodological
conversation analysis, ethnography of communication, and functional linguistics.

Documentation of naturally occurring verbal/nonverbal interaction is always done

first, and this can include prosodic or segmental phonetics, phonology, morphology,
lexical semantics, and pragmatics, as well as language acquisition, sociolinguistic,
sociological, and anthropological difficulties (Selting & Couper-Kuhlen, 2000). If the
concept of language practice being influenced by socioeconomic and political changes
is taken seriously, then language change in local communities should be given full
attention. Intergenerational activities, which are commonly practiced, should be
documented more frequently (Sugita, 2007).

Furthermore, documenting a language as practice necessitates acknowledging

that, as Patrick (2007, p. 125) asserts, "new forms of language are constantly emerging
in increasingly complex social and cultural relations". Languages, according to Gleason
(1961), are not only the products of civilizations, but also the emblems of cultures. In
addition, language is a social institution that shapes and is shaped by society
(Armour-Thomas & Gopaul-McNicol, 1998). This implies that language is a social
practice that both creates and is generated by the structures and forces of the social
institutions in which we live and function.

2.2. Principal Models of Morphology

There are three (3) principal models of morphology: (1) Bloomfield's

Morpheme-based Morphology (MM), (2) Hockett's Lexeme-based Morphology (LM),
and (3) Robins' Word-based Morphology (WM). As mentioned by Bram (2012), these
models aid in the analysis of morphological data, particularly word formation involving
affixations.

2.2.1. Morpheme-based Morphology

According to Sakkan (2019), the method of studying word formations as if they

were made up of morphemes strung together like beads on a string is known as the
Item-and-Arrangement (IA) model of Morphology. Word-forms are examined as
sequences of concatenated morphemes in the morpheme-based morphological
method. In a word like ‘reimagined’, we say that the morphemes are [imagine]V,
[re-]PX, and [-ed]SUFF consist of derivational and inflectional affixes.

Word forms are examined as morpheme arrangements in morpheme-based

morphology. A morpheme is the smallest unit of meaning in a language. The
morphemes in a word like independently are in-, de-, pend, -ent, and -ly; pend is the
(bound) root, while the other morphemes are derivational affixes in this case. The
morpheme-based morphology tree diagram example is shown in figure 2.2.1.1.
 Figure 2.2.1.1. Tree diagram of the word ‘independently’ based on the MM.

Another example is the word ‘dogs’ wherein dog is the root, while the -s is an
inflectional morpheme. This method of evaluating word formations, known as
"item-and-arrangement", considers words as though they were made up of morphemes
strung together like beads on a string in its most basic and naive form. More modern
and complex approaches, such as distributed morphology, aim to preserve the concept
of the morpheme while supporting non-concatenated, analogical, and other processes
that have proven difficult to accommodate in item-and-arrangement theories and
related approaches (Sakkan, 2019).

Morpheme-based morphology is predicated on three (3) fundamental axioms:

(1) the "single morpheme" hypothesis of Baudouin wherein roots and affixes have the
same status as morphemes; (2) the "sign base" hypothesis of Bloomfield wherein they
are dualistic signs in the sense that they have both (phonological) shape and meaning
as morphemes; and (3) the "lexical morpheme" hypothesis of Bloomfield wherein
morphemes, affixes and roots alike are stored in the lexicon.

Bloomfieldian and Hockettian morphology are the two types of morphology

based on morphemes. The morpheme, according to Bloomfield, was the simplest form
having meaning, but it had no meaning in and of itself. Morphemes, according to
Hockett, are "meaning elements", not "form elements". There is a morpheme plural for
him that uses allomorphs such as -s, -en, and -ren. The two perspectives are
intermingled in an unsystematic way in much morpheme-based morphological theory,
so a writer may refer to "the morpheme plural" and "the morpheme -s" in the same
phrase.

2.2.2. Lexeme-based Morphology

The Item-and-Process (IP) model of Hockett (1954) underlies the Lexeme-based

approach to Morphology. A word is said to be the result of applying rules that transform
a given lexeme in order to construct a new word in this model, rather than evaluating a
word-form as a group of morphemes organized in sequence. An inflectional rule takes
a lexeme and transforms it according to the rule's requirements, then produces a
word-form.

The generation of the English plural dogs from dog is an inflectional rule, while
compound phrases and words like dog catcher or dishwasher are examples of word
formation. Informally, word formation rules form "new" words (more accurately, new
lexemes), while inflection rules yield variant forms of the "same" word (lexeme). The
distinction between inflection and word formation is not at all clear cut. There are many
examples where linguists fail to agree whether a given rule is inflection or word
formation.

As mentioned in Giraudo (2007), word formation is the process of combining two

whole words, whereas inflection is the process of combining a suffix with a verb to
change its form to that of the sentence's subject. For example, we use 'go' with subject
I/we/you/they and plural nouns in the present indefinite, but 'goes' with third person
singular pronouns (he/she/it) and singular nouns. As a result, the '-es' suffix is an
inflectional marker that is employed to match the subject. Another distinction is that the
resultant word in word formation may differ from the grammatical category of the parent
word, whereas the word in inflection never changes its grammatical category.
 2.2.3. Word-based Morphology

The Word and Paradigm model of morphology of Robins (1963), as mentioned

in Sakkan (2019), is the basis for Word-based morphological approaches to languages.
The essential element in this method is the concept of paradigm. Word-based
morphology offers generalizations that apply across various forms of inflectional
paradigms rather than defining rules for combining morphemes into word-forms or
generating word-forms from stems.

The key concept underlying this method is that generalizations without

exceptions are difficult to draw, whether using the Item and Arrangement or Item and
Process models. Words are regarded as entire words in the Word-and-Paradigm
paradigm, with analogical principles relating them to one another. The pattern that
words share with the other members of the group is used to categorize them (Giraudo,
2007).

The basic concept in this theory is paradigms. Word-based morphology states

generalizations that hold between the forms of inflectional paradigms, rather than
articulating rules for combining morphemes into word forms or generating word forms
from stems. According to Blevins (2006), the main argument for this method is that
many such generalizations are difficult to state using either of the previous methods.
Word-and-paradigm techniques work well for capturing simply morphological
phenomena like morphemes. Examples of the efficacy of word-based techniques are
mainly drawn from fusional languages, where a particular "piece" of a word, referred to
as an inflectional morpheme in morpheme-based theory, correlates to a combination of
grammatical categories, such as "third-person plural."

This circumstance is usually not a problem for morpheme-based theories,

because each morpheme has two categories. Item-and-process theories, on the other
hand, frequently fail in situations like these because they anticipate that there would be
two separate rules, one for the third person and the other for the plural, but the
distinction between them turns out to be artificial. The approaches treat these as entire
words with analogical principles connecting them (Blevins, 2006). Words can be
classified according to the pattern they follow.

This holds true for both current and new terms. The use of a pattern other than
the one that has been used historically can result in the creation of a new word, such
as older replacing elder (where older follows the normal pattern of adjectival
superlatives) and cows replacing kine (where cows follows the normal pattern of
adjectival superlatives) (where cows fits the regular pattern of plural formation).

In this proposed study, these three models are employed. Specifically, they are
used as frameworks in answering the first two (2) research questions of this study: (1)
What are the Sinama morphemes found; and (2) What are the morphological
processes detected in Binajau Tambacan.

2.3. The Sama-Bajau

The Sama-Bajau are a diverse group of Austronesian people inhabiting the

common maritime national territories of Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines. They
are the most widely-dispersed ethnolinguistic group that can be found in the islands of
Southeast Asia.

The term ‘Bajau’, as stated in Evans (1952), is probably a Malay ethnonym that is
used to encompass all speakers of Sinama languages. In the country of Indonesia, they
are referred to as Bajo by the Buginese and Bayo or Turijene in Makassar (Grimes,
1999). While in the Philippines, they are called Bajau to refer to the nomadic
Sama-Bajau population. On the other hand, the term ‘Sama’ is an antonym that Sama
use to call themselves throughout the entire area where varieties of Sinama are spoken
(Walton & Moody, 1984).
 Donohue (1996), as mentioned in Jubilado et al. (2010), used the term
‘Sama-Bajau’ to refer to a group of marine people known as sama or bajau. In relation
to this, the geographical location of the Sama-Bajau people identifies their name, may it
be Sama-Dilaut which basically means sea-oriented Sama or ‘Sama Darat/Deya’ which
means ‘inland’ or land oriented Sama.

Additionally, a number of names are used for different Sama groups. Many of
these names are also used by speakers of distinct but related languages in the
Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. In fact, Pallesen and Soderberg (2012, p. 353)
stated that:

“Most native speakers of the language identify themselves as Sama, and the
language they speak as Sinama. They are also known by numerous other names, a fact
that has given rise to some confusion both in regard to identity and demographic
information. Among these names are: Sama Dilaut (meaning ‘ocean-going Sama’, some
seminomadic); Sama Pala’u (meaning ‘boat-based Sama’, semi-nomadic); Sama
Jengen (meaning ‘house-boat Sama’), found in the Bongao district of the Philippines;
Sama Lipid (meaning ‘land-based Sama’), a culturally distinct group of Central Sama
speakers found in the Siasi municipality of the Philippines; Sama Pagung and Sama
Paosol (meaning ‘floating Sama’ and ‘house-building Sama’, respectively); Badjaw (a
sometimes pejorative exonym in the Philippines for migrant Sama Dilaut, but a more
positive one for Central Sama speakers in Sabah, Malaysia). In addition, many Central
Sama, though few of them own or live on land, choose—like other Sama—to identify
themselves by a place name. For example, Sama Siasi, Sama Sitangkai, Sama
Kabinga’an, Sama Ubian,3 and Sama Olutangga.”

These people are known as Bajau Laut, Sama Laut, Sama Mandelaut, and Bajau
Pela'u in Sabah, Malaysia, in addition to the names listed above. This people group has
been referred to in English as both Sea Bajau and Sea Gypsies (Pallesen & Soderberg,
2017). In terms of population, Nagatsu (2007), made a census that displays the
Sama-Bajaus’ entirety which can be seen on the table below:

Table 2.3.1. Sama-Bajaus’ population across the world

Country Population

Indonesia 193,147
 Malaysia 347,193

Philippines 564, 093

According to Nagatsu (2007), the global Bajau population is projected to be

1,104,43 people. 193,147 people live in Indonesia, 347,193 in Malaysia (mostly in
Sabah), and 564,093 in the Philippines.

2.3.1. Sama-Bajau: Origin and History

Many Sama-Bajau communities claim to be descended from Johore, on the

Malayan peninsula, in terms of origin and history. A variation of Sama-Bajau mythology
mentions this location of origin. "The Bajau were originally from Johore..." according to
Sather (1997), as referenced in Miller (2007). Similarly, Nimmo (2001), as cited in
Jubilado et. al, (2010, p. 86) mentioned that:

“Long ago the ancestors of the Sama Dilaut lived in Johore, a place to the West
near Mecca, in houseboats much like those they live in today in Tawi-tawi. One day a
strong wind began to blow. To secure his boat, the village headman stuck a pole into
what he thought was the seafloor and tied his boat to it. The other villagers, also fearing
the wind, tied their boats to that of the headman’s. It turned out, however, that instead of
going to the sea floor, the pole of the headman was stuck in the nose of a giant stingray
that lay sleeping beneath the flotilla. That night as the Sama Dilaut slept, the ray
awakened and began to swim, pulling the boats behind it. When the Sama Dilaut
awakened the next morning, they were adrift on the open sea and did not know their
way back to Johore. For one week, they drifted helplessly until finally the leader pleaded
to Tuhan for help. Within minutes, Tuhan sent down a saitan [spirit] which entered the
leader, who thus became the first djinn [shaman] among the Sama Dilaut. The saitan
instructed the leader to sail for two days toward the East. The flotilla did as instructed
and, on the second day, land was spotted. Upon reaching shore, the headman again
stuck a pole [called samboang in Sinama] into the sea floor and all the boats were tied
to it. This was the first mooring place in the Philippines for the Sama Dilaut and was
consequently called “Samboangan.” Today it is still called this by the Sama Dilaut while
the rest of the world knows it as “Zamboanga.” Shortly after their arrival in Zamboanga,
the Sama Dilaut became subjects of the powerful Sultan of Sulu. During the course of
his many marriages throughout Sulu, the Sultan gave groups of Sama Dilaut a bride
wealth; thus, the Sama Dilaut became scattered throughout the Sulu Archipelago.”
 On the other side of the Southeast Asian maritime region, particularly in the
Selayar region of South Sulawesi, parallel origin stories occur. However, instead of
Johore, Luwu, Goa, and Bone are listed as origin cities. The service or usefulness that
the Sama people provide to these kingdoms explains their connection to them. Because
of their sea-orientation, they were great seafarers due to their awareness of sea
currents, wind patterns, stars, and other elements of their water environment. They
were valued friends to sultans in trade, raiding, and warfare because of their skill
(Pallesen,1985, as cited in Miller, 2007).

According to linguistic evidence, the Sama-Bajau are supposed to have

originated in central maritime Southeast Asia. According to Pallesen (1985), as
mentioned by Miller (2007), Sama-Bajau speakers resided in the area surrounding the
Basilan Strait circa 800 AD, including what is now Zamboanga City. Citing Blust's
findings, Nuraini (2012) suggests the Barito Estuary in Southeast Borneo as an early
point of origin in the dispersion process, as stated in Miller (2007). From there, they
would have traveled north to the Sulu Archipelago before scattering south to the North
Borneo and Sulawesi shores.

2.3.2. Sama-Bajau: Geography

The Sama-Bajau community's geographic location had been established several

times in this investigation. Figure 2.3.2.1, however, may be seen below to better
visualize the Sama-Bajau people's position.
 Figure 2.3.2.1. Map Distribution of Sama-Bajau population in 2000
Source: Nagatsu (2016). Retrieved from file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/SES95_03.pdf

2.3.3. The Setting of Sama-Bajau: Philippines

The Sama people's homeland is in the Philippines' southernmost provinces,

particularly the Sulu Archipelago. Sea nomads were almost certainly sama, according to
Spanish accounts from the 16th to 17th centuries (Sather, 1997), but there is a stronger
chance that Sama already populated the country many centuries before Western
contact (Sather, 1997). Furthermore, Pallesen (1985, p. 6) stated that the linguistic
reconstruction suggests that speakers of proto-Sama-Bajaw, Sinama's progenitor
language, once lived in the Zamboanga region and were already spreading into Sulu by
the year 1000.
 Speakers of proto-Sama-Bajau, the ancestral language of Sinama and its sibling
languages, resided in Zamboanga and were moving into Sulu by around A.D. 1000,
according to linguistic reconstruction (Pallesen, 1985). The Sama are a nomadic tribe
that have journeyed far and wide in quest of fishing possibilities and trading partners in
the past. Since the 1970s, unrest in Sulu has accelerated this trend, and Central Sama
communities can now be found around the shores of Mindanao and the Visayas, as far
north as Manila Bay and Pampanga and as far south as Semporna (Sabah, Malaysia)
and potentially Kalimantan, Indonesia.

The Bajaus, labeled as sea gypsies, connotes a way of life that relates to
movement and homelessness and in effect, results in their spatial exclusion (Torres and
Gonzales 2001, as cited in Macalandag, 2009). Furthermore, the Bajaus are said to be
the most marginalized among all the other indigenous peoples in the Philippines. In fact,
a study by Professor Aurora Roxas-Lim of the University of the Philippines’ Asian
Center says that the prejudices against the Badjau often stem from the preconception
that all nomadic people are by nature shiftless, rootless, irresponsible and unreliable.
Specifically, Roxas-Lim states that:

“Bajau tend to be identified as “nomadic,” subsistence fishing, foraging groups,

living in relatively small, isolated enclaves, in areas remote from centers of commerce,
industry, and central authority. Their social organization is based on the nuclear family
and close blood and affinal kinsmen, and loosely organized communities focused on
fishing activities and common mooring places. … Mainly uneducated, poor, and
helpless (until the 1960s), they are prey to all sorts of depredations by more powerful
groups.” (Roxas-Lim, 2001, p. 16)

2.3.4. The Sama-Bajau in Iligan City

In Barangay Tambacan in Iligan City, Northern Mindanao, the Sama-Bajau, is

one of the thirteen Moro ethnolinguistic groups present in Mindanao. They had been
mostly undisturbed by colonialism for generations until the Moro conflict in Mindanao
disrupted their socio-political stability in the Sulu Archipelago, causing them anomie.
Because they were peace-loving people, the Sama-Bajau stayed away from the
insurgency. However, some Moro saw this as a sign of cowardice. Moro assailants,
mainly the Abu Sayyaf, preyed on the Sama-Bajau, who were greatly prejudiced and
discriminated against. Many of them were compelled to flee their dreadful
circumstances in their former homeland and ended up in a variety of places. Some of
them ended up in Iligan City, where they opted to settle. The Sama-Bajaw in this city
have been classified as beggars for years, and they have gone through and are still
going through cultural and identity upheavals. In reaction to changing situations, their
material culture, economic activity, social organization, spirituality, and arts must evolve
(Daug et al., 2013).

The locale of the study is the Bajau settlement in Iligan City which can be found
in Purok 4 of Barangay Tambacan. This is a coastal community near the mouth of the
Iligan River, with a hanging bridge connecting it to the city's central market area at
Barangay Poblacion. When they arrived in Barangay Tambacan, they were met with
vehement opposition from the locals. Some Bisayan residents complained that their
neighborhood is not only a garbage dump, but also a Bajau dump. They despised the
Bajau, referring to them as squatters and mendicants, and accused them of robbing
fruit vendors and harassing passers-by. Because of the water issue, there is frequent
conflict between the Bajau and Bisayan groups in Barangay Tambacan. Bajau people
rely heavily on their Bisayan neighbors' public water system connection for drinking,
washing clothes and dishes, bathing, and other activities.There are no updated and
accurate population figures for the Bajau community in Barangay Tambacan due to the
lack of a formal census. According to Bracamonte et al. (2011), as of July 2010, the
approximate population of the Bajau community in Barangay Tambacan is around 432
people, with a majority of females.

2.4. The Sinama

The Sinama languages are spoken mostly in the Sulu Archipelago, Sabah, and
eastern Indonesia, and are also known as 'Bajau' or 'Sama-Bajau' in linguistic literature.
The Sama people have different names for their languages depending on where they
are spoken, such as bahasa sama in Malaysia, sinama in the Philippines, and bahasa
bajau in Indonesia.

Pallesen (1984) divided the Sinama or Sama Languages into 11 primary

variations, however Grimes (1999) condensed this to just 9 Sinama variants, which are
as follows:

Table 2.4.1. Sinama varieties, its location, and number of speakers

Sinama Variety Location Number of Speakers

(Approximate)

Abaknon (Inabaknon) Spoken mainly in Capul Island, Northwest 20,000

Samar. (Central Philippines)

Yakan Mainly spoken in the Sulu archipelago, on 70,000

Basilan Island and in western Mindanao

Indonesian Bajau Widely distributed throughout Sulawesi, northern 48,000

Maluku, eastern Kalimatan, and the lesser
Sunda Islands.

West Coast Bajau Mainly spoken in the northern and western 40,000
coastal districts from Kuala Penyu to Terusan,
with some overlapping the east coast Bajau in
northern Sabah

Mapun Cagayan de Sulu and Palawan Islands. Also in 42,470

Sabah, Malaysia.

Balangingi Sama Greater Sulu Archipelago and the southern and 100,000
(Northern Sinama) western coastal regions of the Zamboanga
peninsula in Mindanao, specifically in, Lutangan
and Olutangga islands in Zamboanga del Sur,
Basilan Island of the Sulu Archipelago, coastal
areas of Zamboanga coast peninsula, and as far
north as Luzon, particularly in White Beach near
Subic Bay, Zambales
 Central Sinama In Sabah, Malaysia, it is spoken primarily in the 90,000
districts of Semporna and Kunak. In the
Philippines, it is spoken in Muslim Mindanao
autonomous region, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi
provinces, Siasi, Tabawan, Bonggao Sitangkai,
Cagayan de Sulu island; Basilan island, Maluso,
Malamawi, Bohe’ Lobbong; Zamboanga del Sur
Province, Rio Hondo, Batuan Lumbayaw, Taluk
Sangay, Sanggali; Zamboanga del Norte
Province, Olutangga; Davao City, Isla Verde, and
Sasa; Cagayan de Oro; Visayas, Cebu and
Tagbilaran; Palawan, Puerto Princesa;
Batangas.

Southern Sinama Mainly spoken in Tawi-Tawi island group in the 253,000

Sulu Archipelago.

Pangutaran Sinama Located in Pangutaran Island of the west-central 52,000

part of the Sulu archipelago near Mindanao.
There are also some populations of Sama
Pangutaran in Tawi-Tawi and southern Palawan

.
Table 2.4.1. shows the 9 Sinama variations, as well as the number of people who
speak each one and the countries where they are spoken.

Despite the differences between these Sinama languages, there is still a

common ground between them, and this similarity is found in the huge number of root
words. When utilizing root words in speech, however, they frequently have diverse
affixation, especially when it comes to prefixes and infixes (Shroeder, 2019).
Furthermore, listening to a Sama speaker's vowel sounds to discover which Sinama
language they are speaking is a rapid technique to distinguish a Sama-Bajau language
from another (Shroeder, 2019). To distinguish amongst Sinama languages, the same
type of test might be performed. The number of vowels in Sama Bngingi has been
decreased to five: a>, e>, i> o>, and u> (Manga bissara, 1993, as cited in Shroeder,
2019). There are a few exceptions to this rule, such as the term nsa, which means 'not
to have'. The word nsa begins with the 6th vowel.

The vowels in Southern Sama have been limited to the same five as in Sama
Bngingi (Allison, E. J., 1979, as cited in Shroeder, 2019). The sixth vowel <ə> is still
only used before two consonants in the word's starting position and is not printed. It can
be found in words like bbung 'dolphin', lling 'utterance', llow 'day or sun', and llum 'alive'.
The sound ay>, as pronounced in Central Sinama, becomes ey> for Southern Sama
speakers. Bay becomes bey, which implies 'past tense marker.' Subay 'must', for
example, is shortened to subey.

From the proto sama-bajaw language, Sama Pangutaran retains an additional

7th vowel (Walton, 1979, as cited in Shroeder, 2019). The most efficient approach to
distinguish Sama Pangutaran from the other three languages covered in this study is to
listen for the 7th vowel. hayp 'animal', td 'really', diym 'inside', tggl 'long time', bd
'mountain', bntol 'straight', and ksog 'strong' are seven words from the
English-Pangutaran Dictionary (Walton & Walton, 1992, as reported in Shroeder, 2019)
that are regularly used in ordinary conversation yet sound different

Furthermore, one of the many ways to determine what Sinama language a Sama
belongs to is to recognize and familiarize oneself with the many affixations of these 9
Sinama languages, particularly the presence of either the -in- or -iy- infix or the ni-prefix.
You can identify the Sama pangutaran, Sama bangingi, Southern sinama, and Central
sinama using this way. In Sama pangutaran, the verbal infix -iy- is used exclusively:
Tiyungbasan ka. In Southern Sama, they would pronounce Nitungbasan kow, however
in Sama bangingi and Central sinama, they would say tinungbasan ka.

The prefix ni- is used instead of the infix -in- in several Sama Bngingi and Central
Sinama word roots. Some people say dinakdakan, which means 'to wash (clothes)',
while others say nidakdakan, which means 'to dry (clothes)’. The absence of the -in-
infix, rather than the inclusion of the ni- prefix, is a better diagnostic of Southern Sama
language.

Another prefix that can help you distinguish between language breaks is the
presence or absence of the a- prefix present before adjectives. For excellent and bad,
both SouthernSama and Sama Pangutaran dialects would pronounce hp and laat. In
Central Sinama and Sama Bngingi dialects, ahp and alaat are used.

In lines that emphasize on the actor's voice, Central Sinama also uses the verbal
prefix a-. This is also found in Sama Bngingi, but not in Sama Pangutaran or Southern
Sama. A few instances include atuli vs. tuli ‘to sleep’, amangan vs. mangan ‘to eat’, and
alahi vs. lahi ‘to escape’.

In addition, for Central Sinama and Sama Bngingi, there is a verbal prefix aN-,
which is transcribed N- in Southern Sama and Sama Pangutaran. The simplest way to
grasp this is to look at examples. The root word beya (to go along with) becomes ameya
with the prefix aN-. As in Southern Sama, the term is pronounced meya with simply the
N- prefix. The words anulat and nulat are derived from the root word sulat (to write).
Angongka and ngongka are derivatives of the root word ongka ‘to play’ (Shroeder,
2019).

2.4.1. The Sama-Bajau Languages

As previously stated, Pallesen classified the Sinama languages into 11, but
Grimes (1999) reduced it to 9 major Sinama languages. Grimes also provided a tree
diagram of these Sinama languages, which is shown below.
 Figure 2.4.1.1. Tree Diagram of Sama-Bajau Languages
Source: Grimes (1999)

2.4.2. Inabaknon

Although the term ‘Abaknon’ has also been used, it is more appropriate and
fitting for the people's name, which means ‘the one who hails from abak’, which is the
pre-Spanish term for the capul islands. Approximately 20,000 people speak Sama
Abaknon or Inabaknon. Geographically, they can be found throughout the Central
Philippines; however, the municipality of Capul, particularly in the San Bernardino Strait
between the territories of Sorsogon and Northern Samar, has the highest
concentrations, with an estimated population of 8,000-12,000 speakers. Despite being
spread across Central Philippines from the Sulu and Tawi-Tawi archipelagoes, where
the Sama tribes inhabit, the Abaknon speak a language linked to the Sama rather than
the languages of the peoples surrounding them, such as the Bicol and Waray.

2.4.2.1. Phonetics and Phonology

There are 20 indigenous segmental phonemes in Inabaknon. Its overall

phonological aspect system employs nine characteristics: syllabic, continuous, nasal,
voice, anterior, high, low, grave, and lateral (Jacobson & Jacobson, 1980). These
phonemes, as well as their corresponding distinct features, are also shown in the table
below.
Table 2.4.2.1.1. Inabaknon distinctive features

Source: Jacobson & Jacobson (1980)

Furthermore, in their study Sama Abaknon Phonology, Mark and Suzanne

Jacobson stated that the phonemic inventory of Inabaknon is divided into four classes
based on three characteristics: non-continuants (-syllabic, -continuant, and -nasal).

2.4.3. Balangigi Sama

The prestige dialect of Northern Sama Language is Sama Bangingi, to the point
where the ethnologue refers to the entire language as Sama Bangingi. It is perhaps the
second most well-known Sama group in the Philippines, after Sama Dilaut. Balangingi
Island, located in the Tongkil island group to the south of Basilan Island, was the original
home of the Bängingi people. After being conquered by the Spaniards in 1848, the
survivors fled to other islands. The majority of them settled in one of three areas of the
northern Sulu Archipelago: the Tongkil island group, the coastal areas and islands
bordering the island of Basilan, and the southern Zamboanga peninsula. These are the
three most populous areas in Bängingi today.
 Figure 2.4.3.1. Geographical location of Balangingi sama
Source: Joshua Project (2021). Retrieved
from:https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14031/RP

Balangingi sama are mainly spoken in Greater Sulu Archipelago and the
southern and western coastal regions of the Zamboanga peninsula in Mindanao,
specifically in, Lutangan and Olutangga islands in Zamboanga del Sur, Basilan Island of
the Sulu Archipelago, coastal areas of Zamboanga coast peninsula, and as far north as
Luzon, particularly in White Beach near Subic Bay, Zambales.

2.4.4. Central Sinama

Central sinama is the language used to identify Central Sama people.

Geographically, this variety of sama-bajau language is spoken in both the Philippines and
Malaysia; however, the Sulu archipelago in the southern Philippines has the largest
population. The distribution of central sinama in the Philippines and Malaysia is depicted on
map 2.7.4.
 Figure 2.4.4.1. The Distribution of Central Sinama
Source: 2017 SIL International (as used/adapted by James, 2017)

Although Central Sinama is primarily spoken in the Sulu archipelago, it is also

spoken throughout the Philippines, particularly in Muslim Mindanao autonomous, Sulu
and Tawi-Tawi provinces, Siasi, Tabawan, Bonggao Sitangkai, Cagayan de Sulu island;
Basilan island, Maluso, Malamawi, Bohe' Lobbong; Zamboanga del Sur Province, Rio
Hondo. When it comes to population, Lewis et al. (2001) estimated that there are
approximately 90,000-105,000 speakers in the Philippines, while Gordon (2005)
estimated that there are approximately 15,000 Central Sinama speakers in Sabah,
Malaysia.
 2.4.4.1. Orthography
The table below displays the Alphabet of Central Sinama and their sample
words.

Table 2.4.4.1.1. The Alphabet of Central Sama with Sample Words.

Centra Sinama Alphabet Sample Words

A Ambak (frog)

B Bola (ball)

D Duliyan (durian)

E Etek (duck)

' D'lla (tongue)

G Galon (container)3

H Haronan (stairs/ladder)

I Ina (mother)

J Ja lum/jaum (needle)

K Kambing (goat)

L Luma' (horse)

M Manuk (chicken)

N Nangka' (jackfruit)

Ng Ngget (octopus)

O Omang (hermit crab)

P Payung (umbrella)

R Rabit (rabbit)

S Sowa (snake)
 T Taumpa' (shoes)

U Ulan (rain)

W Walu (eight)

Y Yoyo (yoyo)

2.4.4.2. Phonetics and Phonology

The Sinama language has seventeen (17) consonant phonemes and six vowels,
according to Pallesen and Soderberg (2012). These are shown below, along with
orthographic representations. For both the consonant / and the vowel //, the Sinama
orthography employs a vertical apostrophe or saltillo, >>. Because these two phonemes
do not occur in the same context, the dual use of >> creates no ambiguity.

Table 2.4.4.2.1. Sinama Consonants

Phonemic Orthographic

/b/ <<b>>

/k/ <<k>>

/d/ <<d,r>>

/ɡ/ <<g>>

/h/ <<h>>

/d ͡ʒ/ <<j>>

/l/ <<l>>

/m/ <<m>>

/n/ <<n>>

/ŋ/ <<ng>>
 /ɲ/ <<ny>>

/p/ <<p>>

/s/ <<s>>

/t/ <<t>>

/w/ <<w>>

/j/ <<y>>

/ʔ/ <<ꞌ>>

Table 2.4.4.2.2. Sinama Vowels

Phonemic Orthographic

/a/ <<a>>

/e/ <<e>>

/i/ <<i>>

/o/ <<o>>

/u/ <<u>>

/ə/ <<ꞌ>>

Most Sinama phonemes, both vowels and consonants, demonstrate contrastive

length. The only exceptions are /h ʔ ɲ w ə/. Long consonants are interpreted as
geminate clusters, and are written as sequences of two identical consonant letters, e.g.
[ꞌkap:al] <<kappal>> ‘ship’, versus [ꞌkapal] <<kapal>> ‘thickness’. The cluster [dd ͡ʒ] is
also interpreted as a geminate, but is written <<dj>>, e.g. [ꞌbud:ʒaŋ] <<budjang>>
‘maiden’. Long vowels are also interpreted as geminate clusters, but are written with a
macron, e.g. [siꞌɡa:] <<sigā>> ‘3DU.I’, versus [ꞌsiɡa] <<siga>> ‘cigarette’.
 The aforementioned study has provided a discussion about the distinct features
of Central Sinama's consonants and vowels. Out of the Central Sinama's seventeen
(17) consonant phonemes, three (3) are voiced plosives, three (3) voiceless plosives,
two (2) approximants, one (1) lateral approximant, four (4) nasal, and two (2) fricatives.

Table 2.4.4.2.3. Phonetic Symbols

Bilabial Dental Alveolar Post- Palatal Velar Glottal

Alveolar

Plosive and p b t d ʤ k g ʔ
Affricate

Nasal m n ɲ ŋ

Fricative s h

Approximant w j

Lateral l
Approximant

2.4.4.3. Stress

Stress in Sinama is not contrastive, falling always on the penultimate syllable.

The presence of a long vowel in the ultima causes the stress to shift to the right;
compare [siꞌɡa:] and [ꞌsiɡa] above. This is the major piece of evidence motivating the
analysis of long vowels as geminate. A geminate vowel is equivalent to two syllable
segments, and thus the stress always falls on the penultimate syllable. The schwa
occurs only prior to homorganic consonant clusters (including geminates), e.g. bꞌnnal
‘true’, sꞌkkat ‘hand of bananas’, kꞌmbal ‘twin’, or tꞌnde ‘to sink’. The schwa is contrastive,
because the other five vowels are also able to occur prior to homorganic consonant
clusters (Pallesen & Soderberg, 2012). When the schwa occurs word-initially, it is
elided; the following consonant becomes syllabic and carries the stress, e.g. [ꞌm̩ bal]
<<mbal>> ‘no’. The schwa re-emerges when certain prefixes are added, e.g.
[ʔaŋꞌəmbal] <<angꞌmbal>> ‘to refuse’.

Table 2.4.4.3.1 Nasal consonant paradigm

(a) N- + V-, w- → ŋV-, ŋw-

(b) N- + b-, p- → m-
(c) N- + s-, t- → n-
(d) N- + k- → ŋ-
(e) N- + d-, j- → ŋand-, ŋanj-
(f) N- + g- → ŋaŋg-
(g) N- + h-, l-, m-, n- → ŋah-, ŋal-, ŋam-, ŋan-

(1) aN- + indam → angindam ‘to borrow’

aN- + mbal → angꞌmbal ‘to refuse’
aN- + wakil → angwakil ‘to act as a representative’

(2) aN- + bꞌlli → amꞌlli ‘to buy’

aN- + pikit → amikit ‘to adhere’

(3) aN- + sohoꞌ → anohoꞌ ‘to command’

(4) aN- + kalang → angalang ‘to sing’
(5) aN- + dāg → angandāg ‘to climb up’
aN- + jaga → anganjaga ‘to guard’

(6) aN- + gawgaw → anganggawgaw ‘to stir’

(7) aN- + humbu → angahumbu ‘to emit smoke’
aN- + linig → angalining ‘to glisten’
aN- + manit → angamanit ‘to troll for tuna’
aN- + nanam → angananam ‘to sense’

2.4.5. Southern Sinama

This sama-bajau language is mainly spoken in the Tawi-Tawi island group in the
Sulu Archipelago. It has approximately 253,000 speakers.
 Figure 2.4.5.1. Geographical distribution of Southern Sinama

Source: Joshua Project (2021). Retrieved

from:https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14031/RP

2.4.5.1. Phonetics and Phonology

Phonetically, Southern Sinama has six vowels: i, e, ə, a, o, u. However, the

mid-central vowel (i) is not phonemic in Southern Sinama . It always occurs in the first
syllable of a word when it is followed by a cluster consisting of a nasal and a
homorganic stop consonant, as in ʔəmpat ‘four’, and ʔənda ‘wife’.Stress is also not
phonemic in Southern Sinama and the stressed vowel is phonetically lengthened, and it
always falls on the penultimate syllable.

2.4.5.2. Morphology
When a vowel initial suffix, such as /-an/ or /-un/, attaches to a root or stem that
ends with a vowel, a /h/ is added to the suffix, as in billihan 'to buy' billi 'buy' and
bowahun 'bring'. Some Sinama varieties, such as the Sitangkay dialect, use a glide
instead: /y/ is used after front vowels, and /w/ is used after back vowels, as in Sitangkay
billiyan 'to buy' billi 'buy' and kinataquwan 'to be known’ gmortaqu 'know'. The symbol N-
represents a prefixed nasal that interacts in various ways with the initial consonant of
the stem. Preceding most stops, i.e. /p, b, t, k/, and preceding /s/,N- assimilates to the
point of articulation of the stem-initial consonant, which is deleted. In other
environments, it has the following realizations: /q/ is replaced by /ng/, and N- occurs as
nga- preceding /h, l, m, n/, as ngan- preceding /d, j/ and as ngang- preceding /g/.

The suffix -an occurs in the following four formations: (i) with some verbal bases
it derives action nominals: sohoqan ‘command, order’ sohoq ‘command to do’; from
quality-denoting stative bases it derives words for the abstract quality, e.g. lingkatan
‘beauty’ lingkat ‘beautiful’; (iii) with another set of verbal bases it designates the place
where the verbal activity commonly occurs, e.g. liqisan ‘grater’ liqis ‘grate’; and with
some nominal bases it derives collectives, e.g. tabbahan ‘sea shells (in general)’ tabba
‘coral reefs visible at low tide’.

In general, the prefix ka- is also used to nominalize a stative (‘adjectival’) base,
as in kallum ‘life’ qellum ‘alive’, kaqaseq ‘mercy’ qaseq ‘pity’, and kabansi ‘aversion’
bansi ‘dislike’. Formations with ka- -an have three main meanings: (i) the product or
result of the action denoted by the base kaqampunan ‘forgiveness’ qampun ‘forgive’; (ii)
abstract qualities, e.g. kabontolan ‘truthfulness’ bontol ‘true’; and (iii) collectives
kabatuhan ‘stony area’ batu ‘stone’.

The prefixes pa- and pa- -an are used for deriving nouns denoting instruments,
e.g. patuli ‘blanket’ tuli ‘sleep’ and paboheqan ‘water container’ boheq ‘water’. The
prefix paN- also derives nouns denoting instruments as in pamonoq ‘instrument used in
killing’ bonoq ‘kill’. In addition, it occurs in terms for seasons such as pangallaw ‘dry
season’ qellaw ‘sun’. Combined with the suffix -an it may denote instruments or places,
e.g. pangisiyan ‘piggy bank’ qisi ‘content’, and pameyaqan ‘means of transportation’
beyaq ‘go’.
 2.4.6. West Coast Bajau

West Coast (WC) Bajau is a Malaysian language spoken in the western and
northern coasts of Sabah and Sarawak, which make up the Malaysian section of
Borneo island. Specifically, they migrated inland along the western and northern coasts,
where they developed skills in agriculture and livestock keeping. They are renowned as
‘Cowboys of the East’ because of their horsemanship.

Figure 2.4.6.1 The Distribution of West Coast Bajau

Source: Mark T. Miller on his study ‘A GRAMMAR OF WEST COAST BAJAU’, (2007)

The number of WC Bajau speakers is estimated to be around 60,000, and they

live in Sabah's coastal districts. The Malay name Bajau Darat (literal translation: ‘inland
Bajau’) is occasionally used to designate them because most of them live an agrarian
lifestyle and rarely dwell immediately on the coast line. Furthermore, while the West
coast Bajaus refer to themselves and their language as ‘Bajau’ (especially when
speaking with outsiders) however, they usually use the autonym "Sama" to refer to
themselves and their language (Miller, 2007).

2.4.6.1. Orthography

The glottal stop is written with an apostrophe (') in WC Bajau, as it is in other

Sabahan (and some other languages). Phonetically long vowels in WC are best
interpreted as a sequence of two short vowels, and they are written as such in the WC
Bajau orthography.In WC Bajau, both /e/ and / are represented by the same symbol, 'e.'
(the two phonemes are similarly under-differentiated in the Malay orthography).
However, WC Bajau has less potential for confusion than Malay, owing to the more
limited distribution of /e/ in WC Bajau. Even though the schwa ('e') is not always
pronounced, syllabic nasals in word-initial position are written with a schwa ('e')
preceding the cluster. When a syllabic nasal or liquid consonant clusters with itself, the
resulting geminate consonant is written as two identical segments (for example, ellu
'pestle', emma' 'father'). Glides are only written between high and low vowels where the
transition occurs word-initially (for example, iyo '3s', uwa' 'dog'). Glides are also written
when they occur at the end of a word (e.g., kaday 'town', kabaw 'crab’), whereas final
glides are always written as vowels in the Malay spelling system.

2.4.6.2. Morphology

Affixes in WC Bajau include prefixes, suffixes, infixes, and circumfixes. A

subscript number distinguishes different morphemes that have the same form. The affix
form 'pe', for example, consists of three distinct morphemes: pe1- to derive intransitive
verbs, pe2- to derive causative verbs, and pe3- to derive agents. A word in WC Bajau
can never have more than one suffix or more than one infix. Some verbs, however, can
have more than one prefix, typically with the causative prefix pe2- attaching closest to
the root and a voice or mood prefix (or infix) attaching further away from the root.
 2.4.7. Mapun

The Mapun or Jama Mapun are found all over the world, from Borneo to the
southwestern Philippines and Palawan, but the island of Cagayan de Sulu has the
highest concentration. They are more oriented toward a land-based existence than most
Sama groups, but they are also heavily oriented toward maritime trade, with a focus on
copra and forest products; they receive many consumer goods through barter with
northern Borneo cities. They live on the coast as well as in the interior of their island.

Figure 2.4.7.1. Geographical location of Mapun

Source: Cal State East Bay (2021) Retrieved from
https://www.csueastbay.edu/museum/virtual-museum/
the-philippines/peoples/jama-mapun.html
 2.4.8. Pangutaran Sama

The Sama Pangutaran, also known as Siyama, live on Pangutaran Island, which
is located in the west-central part of the Sulu archipelago near Mindanao. There are
also some Sama Pangutaran populations in Tawi-Tawi and southern Palawan. Because
their island is closer to Malaysia, some Sama Pangutaran can communicate in Malay.
Sama Pangutarans use stilts to build their homes on the beach or over the ocean. As a
result, fishing is the primary source of income.

Figure 2.4.8.1. Geographical location of Pangutaran Sama

Source:Bethany World Prayer Center Retrieved from
https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14295/RP

2.4.9. Yakan

The Yakan are most likely the first inhabitants of Basilan, an island off the
southwestern tip of Mindanao.On Sacol Island, there is also a small Yakan community.
They make up less than half of the population of Basilan. They are culturally and
religiously related to the other Muslim groups in the South Philippines in some ways.
They do, however, have their own distinct culture.
 The Yakan are primarily farmers who cultivate the soil with plows drawn by water
buffaloes. Rice is their main crop, but they also grow cassava and coconut. The Yakan
live in settlements based on mosque affiliation. The mosque is regarded as the
community's focal point. Yakan houses are typically dispersed throughout the fields,
making it difficult to discern where one settlement ends and the next begins. A
settlement's residents may or may not be of the same clan.

Figure 2.4.9.1. Geographical location of Yakan

Source:People Group location: IMB. Map geography: ESRI / GMI. Map design: Joshua Project.
Retrieved from https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/15956/RP

Due to limited and constrained resources, the study has been unable to present
limited information regarding the morphological aspect of some Sama-Bajau languages.
Because of this reason, the study also failed to provide any literature regarding the
linguistic features of Mapun, Yakan, Balangingi sama and Pangutaran Sama.
2.5. The Research Gap

Based on the previously mentioned literature, it cannot be denied that there are
numerous studies on the Sama-Bajau community, whether it is about their culture,
traditions, identity, religions, language, or even their hygiene, which are being
problematized and meticulously studied. Nonetheless, despite the fact that there are
existing studies on their language, only a few selected Sama-Bajau communities are
chosen to be the subjects, a situation that could be due to a variety of factors such as
accessibility, funds, and so on. There have been numerous studies on the Central
Sinama or West Coast Bajau, but little to none on the linguistic features of Balangigi
Sama or Northern Sama. The same is true for the Sama-Bajau Community in Iligan City.
There have been numerous studies conducted on them, but the majority of them have
focused on their way of life, particularly their diverse culture.

While there has been little to no research on its linguistic features, this variety of
Sinama, which is called in this paper as the Binajau Tambacan, has yet to be classified
as to which Sama-Bajau language it truly belongs to. And this is where our study comes
in. The primary goal of this paper was to examine the morphological system of the
Binajau Tambacan language. Finally, the study classified which Sinama variety, Binajau
Tambacan, belongs to.
 CHAPTER 3

Methodology

The methods and procedures for gathering data required to provide answers
and conclusions to the problems cited prior to the conduct of this study are discussed
in this section. It also describes the design and the data analysis procedure.

3.1. Research Design

According to Ary et al. (2018), research design is the researcher's plan for how to
proceed in order to gain an understanding of a group or a phenomenon in its context. In
order to address the research questions, this study employs a descriptive-qualitative
research design. Accordingly, descriptive-qualitative research entails gathering data in
order to test hypotheses or answer questions about the current state of the study's
subject. A descriptive study determines and reports the current state of affairs.
Descriptive study is scientific research that uses a systematic approach to describe an
occurrence, phenomenon, or fact in respect to a given area or population. Furthermore,
according to Ary et al. (2018), the qualitative inquirer works with data that is presented
in the form of words or images rather than numbers and statistics. Data in the form of
quotes from documents, field notes, and interviews, as well as excerpts from
videotapes, audiotapes, or electronic communications, are used to present the study's
findings.

Primarily, this study distinguished and described the morphological system of the
Sinama language spoken in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City. Specifically, the study
identified free morphemes, bound morphemes, and other morphological concepts such
as lexemes, inflections and word formations. Most of the studies about the classification
of the Sama-Bajau were mentioned in the literature of this study (i.e. Inabaknon,
Balangigi Sama, Southern Sinama, Central Sinama and so on) and, as of now, the
variety of Sinama that can be found in the aforementioned locale is not yet classified.
With that being said, the study also classified the variety of Sinama found in Barangay
Tambacan, Iligan City.

3.2. Sources/Corpus of Data

This study utilized the data gathered from the in-depth interviews. The responses
from the interviews of the ten (10) Sama-Bajaw informants with the age ranging from
thirty (30) and above; and served as the unit of observation. After gathering the
responses from the ten (10) key informants, verbatim transcription of the recorded oral
interviews was conducted. However, since the researchers are not speakers of the
Sinama language, the transcriptions were validated by an interpreter and a native
speaker of the Sinama language.

3.3. Sampling Design

This study will be utilizing a variety of non-probability sampling approaches

referred to as purposive sampling. Purposive sampling, also known as judgmental,
selective, or subjective sampling, is based on the researcher's discretion in selecting the
units to be investigated (e.g., people, cases/organizations, events, or data). In
comparison to probability sampling approaches, the sample being analyzed is typically
quite small. According to Rai & Thapa (2004), as mentioned in Govindasamy (2021), “A
purposive selection denotes the method of selecting a number of groups of units in such
a way that selected groups together yield as nearly as possible the same average or
proportion as the totality with respect of those characteristics which are already a matter
of statistical knowledge.” The study chose ten (10) key informants between the ages of
thirty (30) and above. Supposedly, the interview was intended for any Sama resident of
Barangay Tambacan, male or female. Our interpreter, on the other hand, gathered ten
(10) Sama women because, according to them, their male counterparts are never
available due to their work schedules.
3.4. Informants and Locale of the Study

The study selected ten (10) key informants with the age ranging from thiry (30)
and above. Primarily, the age of the informants is crucial in understanding their
perspectives on specific issues; age generally represents an individual's level of
maturity, so age becomes more important when examining the response. The
respondents' age corresponds to their ability to communicate in Sinama. This indicates
that the speakers are more aware of their language's linguistic rules. In addition, the
key informants chosen should be able to understand and/or speak the language
Sebuano in order for the researchers to properly execute the data collection process in
which both parties (the researchers and the informants) can communicate effectively.

Basically, the key informants were selected according to the following grounds:
● Ten Sama-Bajau who are 30 years old and above,
● Male or Female,
● Native speakers of Sinama language in Iligan
● can speak and/or understand Sebuano, and
● Residents of Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City.

Figure 3.3.1. Map of Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City

 The locale of the study was in the Barangay Tambacan of Iligan City. Tambacan
is one of the 44 barangays in Iligan, a city in the Philippines located 494 miles (795
kilometers) southeast of Manila. It is located south of Barangay Poblacion in Iligan's
district. Tambacan is bordered on the north by Barangay Poblacion and the Tubod
River, on the west by Iligan Bay, on the east by Barangay Mahayahay and the Tubod
River, and on the south and southwest by Barangay Tubod.

The temporary Bajau settlement is located in Purok 4 of Barangay Tambacan,

Iligan City. This is a coastal community near the mouth of the Iligan River, with a
hanging bridge connecting it to the city's central market area at Barangay Poblacion.
According to Bracamonte et al. (2011) these Bajau people are primarily from the
conflict-torn Mindanao provinces of Basilan, Jolo, and Zamboanga they were forced to
vacate their homes because there were violent clashes between government forces
and Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) armed groups in the year 1970s. Upon their
arrival in Barangay Tambacan, they were welcomed with vehement opposition from the
residing community. Some Bisayan residents complained that their neighborhood is not
only a garbage dumping ground, but also a Bajau dumping ground. They regarded the
Bajau as filthy, referring to them as squatters and mendicants and they accused them
of robbing fruit vendors and harassing passers-by. At Barangay Tambacan, there is
frequent conflict between the Bajau and the Bisayan groups because of the water
issue. Bajau people rely heavily on their Bisayan neighbors' public water system
connection for drinking, washing clothes and dishes, bathing, and such.

Due to the lack of a formal census, there are no updated and accurate figures
regarding the population of the Bajau community in Barangay Tambacan. However,
Bracamonte et al. (2011) stated in their study that as of July 2010, the approximate
population of the Bajau community in Barangay Tambacan is around 432, with a
majority of females.
3.5. Tools and Instruments

In this study, the primary research tool was an interview. The researchers
prepared guide questions, which will have two (2) versions: one (1) in English and one
(1) in Sebuano, for the aforementioned interview. Furthermore, the interview sessions
consisted of eleven (11) questions which were taken from the study of Ms. Colleen
Chavez (2003) entitled “Beliefs in Marriage and Family Relationships of the Sama
Dilaut: An Ethnographic Study''. The questions were adopted, but they were not exactly
the same as those in Ms. Chavez's study. During the interview sessions, the local
language, Sebuano, was used by the researchers, however, the key informants
answered and spoke using their own language. Lastly, the researchers used a tape
recorder and took field notes throughout the entire session.

3.6. Ethical Considerations

When collecting and evaluating data from participants, a number of ethical

factors should be taken into account. The researchers prepared two distinct important
letters to perform the study: (1) an informed consent form for the key informants; and (2)
a letter of approval from the barangay (see Appendix A & C, respectively). After
receiving the letter of approval, the barangay secretary contacted an interpreter to assist
the researchers in data collection. There was also supposed to be a letter for the Sama
Chieftain, but according to the interpreter, the person in that position is nowhere to be
found due to personal reasons.

3.7. Data Gathering Procedures

There are three (3) subsections in this section: the first one discusses the
preliminary preparation before going to the interview location; the second discusses
how the data from the field or study locations were gathered; and the final subsection
describes the post-collection activity carried out in preparation for the data analysis
stage.

3.7.1. Pre-Gathering Stage

Some preliminary preparations were made before the data collection took place.
Primarily, the locale of the study was determined through navigating the internet: Purok
4 of Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City. Then the informed consent form was created in
two (2) versions: one (1) in English and one (1) in Sebuano. Letters were then written in
two (2) versions and will be personally delivered to the barangay captain and tribal head
(refer to Appendix C to F) requesting permission to conduct the study; however, only the
letter for the barangay was used, as previously stated. The letters were accompanied by
the Bachelor of Arts in English Language Studies Program’s certification that the
researchers are genuine students working on a thesis, as well as the informed consent
form (refer to Appendix A and B) written in two versions – English and Sebuano,
respectively – for the informants.

3.7.2. Data Gathering Stage

To select the ten (10) key informants, the researchers were assisted by the Sama
Bajau interpreter to their location where the Sama people live. After that, the interpreter
selected ten (10) Sama women. The informants were briefed with the study's objectives
and were given a copy of the informed consent form (in both English and Sebuano) to
determine whether or not to participate as an informant.

The researchers used an interview strategy in which they asked only a few
questions and encouraged the informants to tell their stories. Following the signing of
the informed consent form, the informants were asked whether they wanted the
interview to be recorded in video or audio format. The informants were then instructed
to respond to the guide questions. In addition, as the inquisition progresses, the
researchers have asked follow-up questions for clarification, elaboration, and/or filling in
the gaps.

The interview sessions aimed to generate Sinama words out from the responses
of the key informants, however, the aforementioned sessions exclude an in-depth
analysis on the meaning, the etymology of each word and the fluency of the speakers.
Therefore, the Sinama language was utilized by the informants in answering the guide
questions during the interview.

The questions that were given to the key informants do not follow any rules,
concepts, or any other topic because as Gunner (2011) mentioned, “morphological
processes and word-formations can easily be generated from everyday speech.” (p. 2)
Furthermore, the interview sessions consisted of eleven (11) questions which were
taken from the study of Ms. Colleen Chavez (2003) entitled “Beliefs in Marriage and
Family Relationships of the Sama Dilaut: An Ethnographic Study”.

Direction: Kindly answer this questionnaire honestly and whole-heartedly.

Rest assured that all of your answers will be kept confidential and
will be used for research purposes only.

Translation: Palihog tubaga kini nga pangutana sa matinud-anon ug

kinasing-kasing nga paagi. Makasalig ka nga ang tanan nimong
mga tubag huptan nga kompidensyal ug gamiton alang sa mga
katuyoan sa research.

Probing questions include, but is not limited to:

Questions for married participants:

1. What forms of marriage do the tribe practice?
2. Among the forms of marriage you’ve mentioned, what did you follow?
Why?
 3. How many children do you have?
4. Do you have plans for your children’s future?
5. What do you do right now to support your family?
6. What are the roles of a Badjau parent(Mother/Father)?

Question for Older participants:

7. Where did you come from before reaching Iligan City? (Let them talk and
handle the storytelling part. Listen and record everything. Be sincere.)

Questions for the Badjau participants:

8. Do you know how to sing?
9. Do you know how to dance?
10. What are the dances you are familiar with?
11. Can you sing an example of a Badjau song?

The data collection began as soon as the approved letters from the barangay
captain and tribal head were obtained. The researchers collected the data themselves.
The proposed date for the completion of all responses from the key informants was five
(5) weeks which means, from the start of the data collection, there will be two (2) key
informants who will be interviewed each week. However, since the interpreter was able
to easily select ten (10) key informants, which were all female, the interview was made
and completed in one day.

3.7.3. Post-Gathering Stage

After gathering the responses from the ten (10) key informants, verbatim
transcription of the recorded oral interviews was employed by the researchers.
However, since the researchers are not speakers of the Sinama language, the
transcriptions were done and validated by the interpreter and a native speaker of the
Sinama language. Below is a schematic diagram of the data gathering procedure.
 Figure 3.7.4. Data Gathering Procedure

3.8. Data Analysis

Following the making and validating of the transcription of the recorded oral
interviews, glossing and translations that will be employed by the researchers together
with the Sama interpreter, the examination of the morphological system found in the
variety of Sinama language in Barangay Tambacan, Iligan City commenced. As
mentioned, the study followed the approaches of the three (3) principal models of
morphology: (1) Bloomfield's Morpheme-based Morphology (MM), (2) Hockett's
Lexeme-based Morphology (LM), and (3) Robins' Word-based Morphology (WM). As
mentioned by Bram (2012), these models aid in the analysis of morphological data,
particularly word formation involving affixations which is illustrated through a tree
diagram.

After identifying the morphemes and morphological concepts present in the

variety of Sinama in the aforementioned locale, the study classified the language by
cross-referencing the related studies found on the Sama-Bajau languages (refer to 2.7.)
as mentioned in the study's literature review. The analysis, however, was limited only to
the lens of morphology which means that the study excludes analyzing the data
phonologically, semantically, syntactically and so on. Figure 3.8.1. shows the summary
of the data analysis.

Figure 3.8.1. Schematic Summary of the Data Analysis