TALE AS OLD AS TIME: A NARRATIVE STUDY OF FILIPINOS

SUPERSTITIOUS BELIEFS IN FUNERALS

A Proposed Qualitative Research

Submitted to the Faculty of the
Department of Arts and Sciences
Cavite State University
Bacoor, City

In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Of Bachelor of Science in Psychology

JANIEVA O. CASTRO
APRIL JOY SALAYSAY

2019
 TALE AS OLD AS TIME: A NARRATIVE STUDY OF FILIPINOS
SUPERSTITIOUS BELIEFS IN FUNERALS

JANIEVA CASTRO
APRIL JOY SALAYSAY

An undergraduate thesis manuscript submitted to the faculty of the Department of Arts and
Sciences, Cavite State University – Bacoor Campus, City of Bacoor, Cavite in partial
fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science in Psychology.

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

Superstitions are quite common in the Philippines. Beliefs that are been followed
since the times of our ancestors. These beliefs has been passed down from generations to
generations. It have been handed down from ancestors aiming to prevent danger from
happening or to make a person from doing something in particular. These notions are part of
the Philippine culture, for one derives their beliefs from the influence of what their traditions,
customs and culture have prescribed to explain certain phenomena or just simply to put a
scare to people. Some of these superstitions are practiced mainly because Filipinos believe
there is nothing to lose if they abide with these beliefs. Many people believe that
superstitious beliefs originated during the earliest days of humanity. The earliest
superstitions were created as a way to deal with ignorance and fear of the unknown.
Superstitions are thus, a way of attempting to regain control over events, particularly when
one feels helpless. They are born from casual coincidences and learned behaviours. The
origin of certain superstitions may be centuries old, having been passed down from
generation to generation through observational learning process. Some superstitions are
considered harmless and may even be helpful in encouraging people to achieve their goals,
attributing result to an unrelated cause. In fact, some people depend on luck through
superstitious beliefs.

Superstitious beliefs which do not have scientific basis may be sources of

misconceptions and remediation strategies may be conducted in order for them to form their
alternative conception. It is envisioned that this study will in one way or the other help other
people understand where these beliefs came from and why up until this time it has been
followed by many Filipinos.

We, Filipinos have an incredulous number of superstitions. We have one for every
event even for our daily lives. This study is focused mainly on the superstitious beliefs of
Filipinos in Funerals or Burials. Death is a natural occurrence. We are all have our own end,
but for some reasons, Filipinos believe in these funeral superstitious beliefs to avoid death to
happen again or to banish bad luck in the family. During the Pre-Hispanic period the early
Filipinos had already believed in a concept of life after death. This belief in an afterlife
prompted the Filipinos to create burial customs and beliefs to somehow honour the dead
through rituals.

With this, the study has been created to identify the different superstitious beliefs of
Filipinos, to identify how these beliefs pass from generation to generation, specifically Burial
superstitions. This is an approach to clarify our understanding towards superstition in the
local scene and to know its condition in the present time.

Review of Related Literature

Superstitious beliefs
Superstitions are beliefs that run counter to rational thought or are inconsistent with
known laws of nature (Vyse 1997). Superstitions can be classified as either cultural or
personal, and are invoked either to bring good luck or to fend off bad luck. For example,
cultural superstitious beliefs likely to impact consumer behavior include the number 8
bringing good luck and the number 4 bringing bad luck in Chinese cultures, whereas the
number 7 and 13 are associated with good luck and bad luck, respectively, in the US and
other Western cultures. Examples of personal superstitions or rituals relevant to marketers
include consumers’ buying and wearing lucky accessories, like charm bracelets, lockets,
pens, or cufflinks. Consumption rituals also include using a particular product before an
important event that is associated either with high likelihood of failure or a high level of
uncertainty (for example, a sports game; Case et al. 2004). Additionally, the degree to which
consumers rely on superstitious beliefs in their consumption decisions is likely to depend on
the associated level of stress, risk or uncertainty (Keinan 2002; Malinowski 1954). For
example, Keinan (2002) found that residents living in areas more likely to be exposed to a
missile attack during the Gulf War were more superstitious (that is, were more likely to
engage in “magical thinking”) than those living in safer zones. Such an increase in proclivity
toward superstitious thought has been found in times of economic uncertainty as well, for
example during the great depression (Padgett and Jorgenson 1982). The prevailing view is
that resorting to superstitions provides a sense of control, or at least explains why control is
not possible (Dudley 1998). Thus, extant literature explains how individuals rely on
superstitious thinking and engage in superstitious rituals expecting that performing this
ritualistic behavior will bring them luck, or at least ward off bad luck. That is, positive
superstitions (taking an exam with a lucky pen) may set up higher performance expectations
(receiving a better grade). Conversely, negative superstitions (taking a taxi with an unlucky
license plate number on the day of one’s college entrance exam; Yardley 2006) might set up
lower performance expectations (failing the exam). Yet, how does this translate to the
marketplace? Do products with superstitious associations (such as having a lucky color or
price) set up expectations as to how they should perform? Interestingly, in a prior study by
the current authors (Kramer and Block 2008), we find that superstitious associations (e.g.,
lucky numbers and colors) influence consumer behavior to a great extent, and furthermore
often do so through an automatic process. Specifically, they found that following product
failure, consumers were less (more) satisfied with a product for which they hold positive
(negative) superstitious associations. However, while we suggest that superstition’s
influence on satisfaction might work through an increase or decrease in product performance
expectations, we do not provide any direct evidence or test of this presumption. Thus, a
direct test of performance expectations fills in a missing link in the process chain by which
superstitious beliefs operate on consumer judgments. Furthermore, we limited our study to
the effect of superstitious beliefs on product satisfaction. Although satisfaction with products
is, of course, a crucial measure of marketplace success, managers are also fundamentally
concerned with the purchase decision itself. However, the effect of superstitious beliefs on
purchase has not yet been examined. Therefore, in addition to investigating performance
expectations as the underlying process driving the effect of superstitious beliefs on
satisfaction, the current paper also seeks to test the impact of superstitious beliefs on the
purchase likelihood of products. Specifically, we propose that product attributes with
superstitious associations influence performance expectations that in turn determine
purchase likelihood. For example, consumers who are deciding between two identical
products that only differ in color may choose the one that comes in a “lucky” color over
others in a neutral color. Generally, we propose that consumers will be more likely to
purchase a product with which they have positive superstitious associations, as compared to
a product with which they do not.
 This research adopted the framework by Hernandez et al. (2008) and tested the
individual difference in the reaction of the two types of superstitious consumers (proactive
vs. passive) toward a superstitious object and how it affected their risk-taking behaviors. The
results demonstrated that a superstitious object affected the decision-making of passive
superstitious consumers more than that of proactive superstitious consumers. After receiving
a magic pen (superstitious object), passive superstitious participants were more likely to
make a risky decision and enter a high-risk raffle. However, when there was no superstitious
object presented (magic pen), proactive superstitious consumers were more willing to take
part in a risky decision as compared to the passive superstitious consumers. In this study,
we gave the participants a magical object (pen), which may have increased the perceived
luck in passive superstitious consumers, leading them to make risky decisions. However,
proactive superstitious consumers tend to believe in their ability to control external forces
through practicing superstitious rituals (Hernandez et al., 2008). They also want to control
their own luck (effort attribution). Therefore, when proactive superstitious consumers were
given a superstitious object (magic pen), they may have felt that they lost control of their own
luck, which makes them less likely to engage in risk-taking behaviors.

This research allows us to clearly distinguish the differences between the concept of
proactive and passive types of superstition and how each type has an effect on the risk-
taking behavior of Thai consumers when interacting with a superstitious object. Exploration
of superstitious beliefs is crucial in consumer behavior because people use them as a
means to cope with uncertainty and alleviate anxiety (Raylu&Oei, 2004). The results
enhance our understanding on how superstitious consumers engage in risk-taking activities
and in which way they can be encouraged to increase or to reduce this interest. In general,
proactive superstitious consumers like to practice superstitious rituals to keep bad forces
away, bring in good forces, and to increase their chance of gaining good luck. Passive
superstitious consumers perceive that they do not have control over their luck, so they use
external forces as a guide in their decision-making process. This research further explains
the consequences of superstitious belief, as a superstitious object can enhance risk-taking
behavior especially for passive superstitiousconsumers. We show that by providing a
magical object (magic pen), passive superstitious consumers increase their risk-taking
behavior. It is possible that the superstitious belief can be transferred through contagion and
impact actual performance (Kramer & Block, 2014). We found that the existence of a
superstitious belief that is perceived to transfer through intermediary objects is more likely
among passive superstitious consumers. The results also show that magical (superstition
activated) objects do not affect proactive superstitious consumers. That could be because
they do not feel they have control over the objects nor have they put in any effort into
acquiring the object themselves. Future studies could examine the difference in situations
where proactive superstitious consumers carry their own lucky charm or have it provided to
them. An alternative explanation for this effect could be attributed to positive mood.
Research has shown that good luck and good mood are highly correlated and lucky people
are happy and optimistic (Duong &Ohtsuka, 2000). When individuals feel lucky, they are
more willing to take financial risks (Jiang et al., 2009). Therefore, receiving the magical
object (pen) may activate the concept of luck, which then elicits positive affect among the
passive superstitious participants who already believe in magic and magical objects.
Therefore, future studies may explore whether positive affect mediates the relationship.

Belief in Superstition
Superstitions are beliefs that are inconsistent with the known laws of nature or with
what is generally considered rational in a society (American Heritage Dictionary 1985). Belief
in superstition dates back thousands of years and continues to the present (Jahoda 1969;
Vyse 1997). Superstitions may be invoked to fend off bad luck, as Michael Jordan did when
he changed the number on his uniform to change his luck after several inferior performances
(USA Today, reported in Darke and Freedman [1997b]). Superstitions are also invoked to
bring about good luck, as deepsea fishermen in New Guinea often do when they perform
elaborate magical rituals to ensure a successful fishing trip (Malinowski 1954). Although
superstitions can be found the world over, superstitious beliefs are most often culturally
specific. For example, Chinese individuals often seek to deflect bad luck by putting up
mirrors in their homes (Simmons and Schindler 2003). The color red and the number 8 are
associated with prosperity and good luck; therefore, the Bank of China opened its doors in
Hong Kong on August 8, 1988—considered to be the luckiest day of the century (Lip 1992).
During Chinese New Year, older relatives give children lucky red envelopes with money
inside. Colors and numbers (e.g., the number 4 and the color black) are also associated with
unlucky consequences (Wiseman and Watt 2004). Some buildings in China have no fourth
floor, and some parents refuse to let their children travel in unlucky taxis on the day of their
college entrance exam (Yardley 2006). Examples of common superstitious beliefs in the
United States include horseshoes and knocking on wood for good luck, and the number 13,
walking under a ladder, or breaking a mirror for bad luck. Although many superstitions are
culturally shared and socially transmitted from generation to generation, others consist of
relatively more idiosyncratic beliefs or rituals. For example, students can often be seen
bringing lucky charms or lucky pens to an exam; an athlete may not change socks during a
tournament; and a job applicant may wear a lucky outfit for a job interview. Each of these
superstitious beliefs and behaviors is associated with desired positive outcomes; that is,
people expect to do well on a subsequent task. Engaging in ritualistic behavior
of this sort is consistent with Darke and Freedman’s (1997b) empirical work on luck. They
demonstrated that people’s associations of luck with one performance create expectations
about luck that extend beyond this single event to other independent and unrelated events.
Research also suggests that people are motivated to rely on superstitious beliefs when their
control over an event is undermined or threatened. Case et al. (2004) conducted a series of
studies investigating the relationship between the use of superstitious strategies and
perceived control. The consistent finding across these studies was that as the likelihood of
failure increased, so did the use of superstitious beliefs. Case et al. concluded that the more
salient the failure is, the more people use superstitious strategies to explain the failed
outcome. However, to date, this research has been limited to studies of personal failure. The
current research therefore starts with a focus on the use of superstitious explanations for
non-personal or inanimate object failure, such as product failures. Morales and Fitzsimons
(2007) recently demonstrated the transference of irrational beliefs onto inanimate objects
(i.e., products). Though their study did not explore superstitious beliefs, Morales and
Fitzsimons showed that irrational beliefs about one product can be contagious and affect
other products. The question remains whether superstitious beliefs are transferred to
inanimate objects in the case of product failures. In addition, we still do not know the degree
to which consumers use superstitious beliefs, either consciously or non-consciously, in their
decision making under uncertainty. Given the importance placed on rationality and
associated norms against relying on superstition in many modern societies (Vyse 1997), the
degree to which the effects of superstition operate non-consciously is an interesting open
question.

Superstitious behaviors and beliefs have also been found in consumerism,

specifically purchasing and performance ratings. Superstition has also been prevalent in
Taiwanese consumerism (Block & Kramer, 2009). Block and Kramer analysed if 44
participants were more likely to purchase a red rice maker versus a green one; in Taiwanese
culture, red is considered a “lucky” color as opposed to a neutral color of green (Block &
Kramer, 2009). When analyzing purchase rates between culturally lucky colors, researchers
discovered the participants also rated the lucky red rice maker as having potentially higher
quality. Participants were asked to rate the likelihood of purchase on a one to seven scale,
with one representing not likely at all to purchase and seven representing very likely to buy
(Block & Kramer, 2009, p. 163). The red rice maker received a significantly higher mean
score of 4.00 compared to a mean score of 2.84 for the culturally unlucky green rice maker.
When reporting the expected quality of the rice makers, participants used a one to seven
scale where one represented poorly and seven represented well(Block & Kramer, 2009, p.
163). When ranking the expected quality of the rice makers, the participants reported a
significantly higher expectation of the red rice makers in comparison to the green ones with
mean scores of 5.84 and 4.96 respectively (Block & Kramer, 2009, p. 163). While SB has
been studied in academic and consumer settings, the most researched area of SB is within
the athletic population. Moving more specifically into the athletic population, most
quantitative studies have been conducted on the prevalence of superstitious behavior in
athletes, and researchers recorded many of the most popular behaviors (Burhmann&Zaugg,
1981; Burke et al., 2006; Schippers& van Lange, 2006). Schippers and van Lange (2006)
found that approximately 80% of the 158 elite athletes surveyed participated in at least one
superstitious behavior. The average number of superstitions for each athlete was 2.6; these
superstitions ranged from eating habits 33%, to clothing fetishes 25%, to regulated bathroom
schedules 07%. All participants reported both how irritated they would feel if not allowed to
partake in their ritual and how essential it was that they perform their ritual. There was a
positive correlation between the two questions; individuals who reported higher rates of
irritability also reported higher scores of how essential their superstitious behavior was
(Schippers& van Lange, 2006).

Certain athletes also reported feeling that outcomes would “go wrong” without the
ability to perform the superstitious behavior (Schippers& van Lange, 2006, p. 2453). The
researchers showed not only the wide variety of superstitious behaviors among athletes, but
also their desire to carry out their SB. Potential theories or explanations for continued use
and related factors. In addition to the theories that attempt to explain the onset of a SB, there
are other potential theories that explain use and maintenance of an SB (Burke et al., 2006;
Damisch et al., 2010; Keinan, 1994; Schippers& van Lange, 2006). Many theories about the
reasoning behind continued superstition use exist, including, but not limited to: reward
conditioning, external locus of control, and outcome uncertainty (Schippers& van Lange,
2006). Reward conditioning occurs when an individual is conditioned through positive
outcomes to believe that a completely randomunrelated act (the superstitious behavior) is
the reason behind their desired positive outcome (Schippers& van Lange, 2006). External
locus of control refers to the individual’s belief that factors unrelated to their performance
specifically have a role in the outcome (Schippers& van Lange, 2006). These elements have
been found to potentially explain the onset of superstition use; however, they have also been
found when studying individuals’ long-term superstitious behaviors (Burke et al., 2006;
Burhmann&Zaugg, 1981; Schippers& van Lange, 2006). Further, an individual is thought to
be more prone to continued use of superstitious behavior when the outcome is unknown,
levels of anxiety are high, and when the thought of control eludes them (Damisch et al.,
2010). In addition to improvement in cognitive and motor functioning, superstitious behaviors
are thought to decrease perceived stress (Keinan, 1994); however, stress does not have to
be present for individuals to participate in superstitious rituals or beliefs. There may be a
neurological explanation to superstitious behaviors. The Chinese culture is one of many
cultures that widely accept superstitious behaviors/beliefs, particularly regarding numbers
(Rao, Zheng, Zhou, & Li, 2014). The number 16 is recognized within the Chinese culture as
a lucky number (Rao et al., 2014). This foundation of the culturally accepted lucky number
was used to determine what happens neurologically when deciding wedding dates and
prices. Rao et al. (2014) presented 11 female and 10 male participants with the task of
choosing a date for both a friend gathering and a wedding. For each scenario there was an
economically cheaper option on a culturally insignificant date, January 13th, and a more
expensive choice on the culturally lucky date of, January 16th. In addition to the task of
choosing a date for a gathering of friends and a wedding, Rao et al. (2014) also had
participants complete the Fatalistic Superstition Belief Inventory and focused specifically on
the question, “Not choosing a good wedding day will lead to a bad marriage” (p. 769). When
picking a date for the friend gathering, 78% of the participants chose the cheaper option over
the lucky date; in contrast, 81% of the participants chose the more expensive and culturally
lucky option when picking a date for their own wedding (Rao et al., 2014). Furthermore,
there was a significant amount of neural deactivation in the superior frontal and right middle
gyrus of the brain when individuals chose the superstitious date over the cheaper option.
Combining the participant’s neural deactivation with their results on the Fatalistic
Superstition Belief Inventory, researchers found participants who scored high on the
inventory experienced greater deactivation in their brain when making the economical choice
(Rao et al., 2014).

Neurological activation could be a reason for reinforcement of superstitious behavior.

Another theory for the continued use of SBs was researched by Burke et al. (2006) who
analysed specific personality types in regards to superstition use. Regardless of team or
individual sport participation, many athletes engage in the belief of the power of superstition
and have a particular superstitious behavior (Burke et al., 2006). Despite understanding that
a majority of athletes believe in the power of superstition and have individual superstitious
behaviors, little is known about what types of personalities believe in the power of
superstition. The 208 participants included 55 individual athletes and 112 team athletes,
including: baseball, football, track and field, swimming and diving, golf, and men’s and
women’s soccer, basketball, and tennis. There was no significant difference found between
the athletes concerning overall usage and belief of effectiveness regarding superstition, or
the use of superstition across different genders (Burke et al., 2006). With regard to specific
superstitious practices, Burke et al. (2006) found a negative correlation amid the athlete’s
superstitions surrounding appearance and clothing and internal locus of control; individuals
who have appearance and clothing based superstitions had lower levels of internal locus of
control. Another negative correlation was found with perceived God-mediated locus of
control and prayer practice in relation to perceived efficiency of prayer, specifically, those
who had a lower belief in god not only prayed less, but found prayer less effective. These
negative correlations likely occurred because a high score in God-mediated locus of control
represents a lower belief in God. A God-mediated locus of control was also negatively
correlated with frequency of all superstitious rituals and effectiveness for said rituals;
essentially individuals who identified as less religious relied on SBs less (Burke et al., 2006;
Burhmann&Zaugg, 1981). On the other hand, not all correlations, discovered by Burke et al.
(2006) were negative. Some specific SBs were found to be positively correlated with
individuals who had higher levels of internal LOC. Burke et al. (2006) discovered a positive
correlation between individuals with an internal LOC and fetish SB use (e.g., wearing
particular clothes or jewelry). Furthermore, excessive internal locus of control was positively
correlated with pre-game rituals in addition to the belief of their effectiveness; specifically,
those individuals who utilized a pre-game superstitious routine not only exhibited higher
scores of internal locus of control, they also had a higher belief in that specific superstitious
behavior (Burke et al., 2006). Besides internal and external LOC, researchers have studied
the correlations of other personality factors and SBs. The personality marker of athletic
identity could be another potential reason for SB use (Brevers, Dan, &Noe, & Nils, 2011;
Todd & Brown, 2003). Athletic identity, the amount to which individuals identify with their role
as athletes, has been found to be a factor in superstition (Brevers et al., 2011). Brevers et al.
(2011) analyzed male and female non-professional athletes’ athletic identity and
superstitious rituals through the manipulation of ritual commitment, uncertainty, importance,
and tension. At least one superstitious ritual was found in 165 of the 219 participants
(Brevers et al., 2011).

A positive correlation was found between athletic identity, superstitious feeling,

number of rituals, and commitment to said ritual (Brevers et al., 2011). It should be noted
that athletes reporting high in athletic identity also reported feeling significantly more tension
prior to a match (Brevers et al., 2011). Psychological tension and uncertain situations are
additional potential explanations for continued superstition use. Athletes faced with uncertain
performance outcomes were found to rely more on SBs (Brevers et al., 2011; Schippers&
van Lange, 2006). When asked to imagine facing a more difficult opponent, thus making the
outcome uncertain, Schippers and van Lange (2006) found participants to report higher
levels of superstition use in uncertain situations. Additionally, Brevers et al. (2011) found
higher reports of tension increased the number of superstitious rituals performed,
commitment to said rituals, and level of superstitious feelings. Furthermore, researchers
have found that superstitious behavior increased when performance outcome was uncertain
and as the level of competition increased (Bleak & Frederick, 1998; Burke et al., 2006;
Schippers& van Lange, 2006, Todd & Brown, 2003; Wright &Erdal, 2008). Females have
been found to have higher levels of psychological tension, and therefore, not surprisingly,
higher levels of superstitious use. When analyzing the difference in superstitious use among
men and women, Brevers et al. (2011) found female athletes more likely to use superstitious
rituals in comparison to men. In the same study, women also reported higher perception of
psychological tension prior to each game. The increased perception of psychological tension
in women could explain the increase in superstitious rituals among women (Brevers et al.,
2011). While females have been found to report higher rates of superstition use, both
genders have been found to utilize SBs (e.g. Bleak & Frederick, 1998; Brevers et al., 2011;
Burke et al., 2006; Schippers& van Lange, 2006, Todd & Brown, 2003; Wright &Erdal, 2008).
Gender is often regarded as a relatively fixed state, however, changing variables such as
age and game time have also been found to be correlated with SBs. Both age and playing
time have been positively correlated with superstition use (Burhmann&Zaugg, 1981). Older
athletes have been found to report higher rates of superstition use compared to their
younger counterparts. Furthermore, individuals who receive more playing time tend to have
higher rates of SBs (Burhmann. 1981). Overall, there appears to be many factors that may
explain continued superstition use. Superstition use has been found in many different types
of individuals with various potential explanations. How individuals explain or attribute certain
situations could be a factor in whether or not a superstitious behavior is created (Beck 2007;
Weiner, 2011). Moreover, LOC, athletic identity, psychological tension, ambivalent
situations, gender, age, and playing time have been researched as elements related to
superstition use (e.g. Brevers. 2011;Van Lange, 2006). It appears that there is trend for
researchers to study who uses superstition, but there is limited research on why certain
superstitious behaviours were chosen. Regardless, it may be that the effect of SBs on actual
performance may be another reason for continued use.

No matter how sophisticated our society becomes, superstitions persist in having an

impact on success or failure. Superstition can be passed down through generations or
created on a purely individual level. Most superstitions have two different parts. One is about
good luck; another is about bad luck. Some of the older forms of superstition like walking
under a ladder, stepping on cracks in pavement, spilling salt, breaking mirrors or other "bad
omens" are examples of misguided belief. Average people use articles of clothing like a
"lucky tie" or "lucky shirt" they wear whenever going out for a job interview or participating in
some other event like gambling. Other people rely on astrology or other forms of irrational
mental exercises to test for the right time to make a particular decision or perform certain
actions. Superstitious beliefs are tied to the supernatural or unpredictable side of events that
are in the scope of things otherwise beyond our control. Superstition works completely on
irrational belief systems where one successful mental correlation counteracts many
unsuccessful results.
The effect superstitions have on people differs from person to person according to
their own attitude toward superstition. Some people just don’t believe it because they think it
has no rational justification. Some people follow it simply just for fun, not really believe in it.
Others who deeply believe it or take it too seriously, at last, become almost totally dominated
by traditional superstitions in daily affair of life. Being too superstitious could lead to
problems such as unfounded fear of things, excessive unnecessary caution and scrupulosity
in outward observance. This can make people oversensitive to some unimportant trivia and
worry about anything while those people seeing some things like a black cat crossing one’s
path which they think an implication of bad luck. Therefore, life will be a lot more stressful for
those who people with these concepts of superstitions deeply-rooted in mind, because they
get anxious about anything that has something to do with the superstition. In spite of the fact
that superstition is a somewhat out-of-date idea, many people still just skeptically follow it.
Probably because they think they could control their fate by using some simple activities or
behaviors as superstitions suggest.

Even though most people don’t believe in superstitions, they still, to some extent,
affect lots of people regardless of today’s modern technology, educational level or ethnicity.
Hence, it is of great importance to build up an appropriate attitude toward superstition though
we may not know all the truth about it. When dealing with superstitions, we don’t have to pay
too much attention or out great emphasis on these so-called ‘signs’ of forthcoming bad
things. If you just inevitably feel tense about what may happen in the near future after seeing
those ‘signs’, just bear in mind that what you believe in is infinitely much more powerful than
superstition itself. However, superstitions are not just that worthless; it makes cultures
around the world more fascinating and attractive after all.
Conceptual Framework of the Study
The conceptual framework was designed to help define the project scope and assist
in navigating patterns and themes.

SUPERSTITIOUS BEHAVIOR
BELIEFS

Figure 1. The relationship of superstitious beliefs with the behaviour of Filipinos.

As shown on Figure 1. Superstition is an irrational belief that an object, action or

circumstance not logically related to a course of events influences its outcomes. This is a
way of behaving based on fear of the unknown and faith in magic or luck. Many Filipinos still
cling to the traditional practices, beliefs, and traditions. They are still strongly rooted to the
superstitious beliefs that they believe could help them deal with day to day occurrences and
events. This study was formed to determine the superstitious beliefs of the Filipinos in Burial.

Objective of the Study

The purpose of this study is to acquire knowledge about superstitious beliefs of

Filipinos and the lives of those who believe in such. Generally, the study will conduct to
determine the different Funeral superstitious beliefs of Filipinos.

Specifically it aims to:

1. Identify the different funeral superstitious beliefs of Filipinos.
2. Identify the perception of Filipinos who believe on superstitions.
3. Identify how these beliefs pass from generation to generation.
4. To conceptualize potential links between the beliefs of those Filipinos and their
attitudes or choices about life in general.
 Chapter 2
METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH DESIGN
The researchers will be using a qualitative approach and a narrative analysis in this
study.
The qualitative approach is a process of naturalistic inquiry that seeks in-depth
understanding of social phenomena within their natural setting. It focuses on the "why" rather
than the "what" of social phenomena and relies on the direct experiences of human beings
as meaning-making agents in their everyday lives. Qualitative research worked out under a
combination of observations, interviews, and document reviews. It gives the importance of
looking at variables in the natural setting in which they are found. In the process of
qualitative research interaction between variables is important. Detailed data is gathered
through open ended questions that provided by the researchers.

Narrative analysis refers to a cluster of analytic methods for interpreting texts or

visual data that have a storied form. A common assumption of narrative methods is that
people tell stories to help organize and make sense of their lives and their storied accounts
are functional, and purposeful. Lia Figgou, VassilisPavlopoulos, (2015).

RESPONDENTS OF THE STUDY

Because the nature of this study required face-to-face interaction, the researchers
purposefully chose the participants: (1.) Adult Filipino (preferably a woman) (2.) aged 35-50
year old who believes in superstitions and has a lot of knowledge and experience about it.

DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE

The data gathering procedure of the study consist of face to face or one on one interview
and document analysis. The researchers choose the face to face interview as this provides
accurate screening, captures verbal and non-verbal cues, keep focusing on interviewee and
track to completion and captures emotion and behaviour (DeFranzo, 2014). In the interview,
the researchers prepared guided questions to ask to the participant.
Procedure

The researchers follow the procedures with a goal to obtain first hand data from the chosen
respondents in order to formulate sound, effect, and useful conclusions and
recommendation for the study.

1. Before starting the data gathering, the study will went through the process of the
Ethical Review Board which will check the readiness and accuracy of the study. They
will also make sure the study will not be harmful for the chosen participants.
2. Recruitment process and its planning. Researchers will gather participants which
were 6 individuals who have a background about the Filipinos superstitious beliefs in
terms of funeral, who lives in the Phillipines since birth.
3. Informed consent. The researchers will prepare an informed consent to the gathered
respondents asking permission to participate in the research. The researchers will
guarantee the confidentiality of any information or data to eb gathered from the
respondents/participants. The researchers will also include in the informed consent
the use of recording device during the interview for transcription purposes as well as
the number of sessions that the interview will consist of.
4. Time and Date schedule. The researchers will ask and appoint a time and date for
the interview with the respondents based on their availability and preference of
schedule and might be composed of two or more sessions.
5. Clarity and the responsibility of the researchers. The researchers will prepare a clear
explanation on the purpose of the study and of the respondents selected. This will
allow any clarifications to be asked by the participants to the researchers regarding
ny other matter about the study.
6. Discussion. On this part of the study, the researchers will ask the respondents the set
of questions provided in order to answer the problem and reach the objective of the
study. Here, the participants will be allowed to have the freedom to express
themselves and relay in detail the answers they had to the questions asked. The
researchers, meanwhile, utilized the recording device for a better and more fluid
transcription of data from respondents that were later examined and presented in the
results of the study.
7. As a form of gratitude, tokens will be handed to the participants gathered.
DATA ANALYSIS
This research will use a narrative analysis that aims to identify the kinds of stories
told by the researched phenomenon and the kinds of stories representing the phenomenon
in culture and society. This is a step by step process. The first step in narrative analysis is to
compile the stories. On the first of several reads through you collection, note and bracket
your responses to the story: what you believe, what you doubt, what touches you (Here’s an
example of what I mean) then analyse the explicit content, the discourse, and the context of
each story focusing on insights and understandings. Consider the latent content that lies
unsaid between the lines Compare and contrast stories for similarities and differences in
content, style, and interpretation. Consider the effects of background variables (ie: history,
geography, gender, age). And then Identify stories or content that illustrates your themes,
insights, and understandings.

ETHICAL CONSIDERATION
The Ethical considerations in this research were very particular since it was used to
build the standards of conduct to everyone who will take part of the study. Before proceeding
with the data gathering, the study will went through first with the Ethical Review Board which
will check the readiness and the accuracy of the study. They will also made sure that the
study will not harm the chosen participants. After gaining the approval of the Board, that’s
the time the researchers will only proceed with the data gathering. One of the ethical
consideration in narrative analysis is Validity Issues. Since narrative research depends
heavily on the data collected from participant stories, the validity of the stories can greatly
impact the outcome. Participants may present a "false story", or purposefully distort the real
story. This results in false data being used for the narrative research. Participants may also
be unable or unwilling to give the complete story, due to trauma or limitations on their
memory. Researchers should be aware of these issues, and can potentially compensate by
coorelating data from multiple sources, fact checking, and careful review of participants.
Another is Ownership. Narratives may involve people or events that the researcher does not
have permission to tell. The issue of ownership can be very complex, and can lead to
delays or unintended consequences of the research. Researchers should try to seek the
permission of not only participants, but of the people that the narrative research may directly
impact.
Additionally, the researcher runs the risk of transposing their own perspective for that
of the particpants. The act of "restorying" can inadvertantly cause the loss of the participants
"voice". Using direct quotes from the participant and careful attention to the settings and
events told can help to aleviate loss of perspective. And the Participant Impacts. Due to the
social nature of many narrative research studies, participants can be negatively impacted by
participation. This can occur either directly by being identified within the study, or indirectly
by the influence a research report may have on their culture or lifestyle. Researchers can
create a more "composite" narrative (if multiple participants are used), or at the least
anonymize the participants.
The researcher must also be aware that the relationship they develop between themselves
and the participants should be reciprocal. Researchers should not be the only one to gain
from the study, and should "give back" in some way.

Guide Questions
The following questions are the guidelines of the researchers to gather information of
the participants in this study;

1. What do you think are the importance of believing in superstitions?

2. How do superstitious beliefs affects family members during grief ?
3. How do superstition help human to avoid unexpected circumstances?
4. In what ways does superstition protect each member of the family?
5. What are the challenges that hinder each member of the family to believe in
superstitious belief?
6. Are you doing the same to your child?
7. Dou you want your grandchildren to do the same?
How old were you when you first heard of pamahiin?
8. Which side of your family did it first came from?
9. Which side of your family believes in pamahiin the most?
10. Does it affect you? In what way?
11. What is your first impression about believing in pamahiin?