Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288

DOI 10.1007/s11199-013-0301-4

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Gender Representation in Philippine

Television Advertisements
Michael Prieler & Dave Centeno

Published online: 13 July 2013

# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013

Abstract This study analyzed 254 unduplicated primetime audiences are discussed based on social cognitive theory and
Philippine television advertisements from 2010 for differ- cultivation theory.
ences in gender representation. Two coders independently
coded the entire sample and achieved an intercoder reliabil- Keywords Philippines . Television advertising . Gender
ity of greater than .700 for each reported variable. The find- stereotypes . Representation . Content analysis
ings are based on chi-square analyses and indicate a high
prevalence of gender differences and stereotypes in
Philippine television advertisements. For example, more Introduction
males were shown in the workplace (17.9 % vs. 7.4 %),
whereas more females were shown at home (45.9 % vs. This study analyzes Philippine television advertisements for
24.5 %); males were generally fully clothed (88.7 % vs. differences in gender representation. By performing a con-
44.6 %), whereas females were often suggestively dressed tent analysis of Philippine television advertisements and
(52.7 % vs. 6.6 %); more males than females delivered adapting variables that have been developed in previous
voiceovers (46.1 % vs. 35.0 %); and product categories were research (Furnham and Mak 1999; Kim and Lowry 2005;
stereotypically associated with gender. The only exception to Nassif and Gunter 2008), this study intends to narrow the gap
these traditional, stereotypical gender portrayals was the in the under-researched area of gender representation in
predominance of female primary characters in television developing countries. This international perspective is im-
advertisements (58.3 % vs. 41.7 %). Overall, such stereotyp- portant because it provides a more complete picture of the
ical portrayals do not accurately reflect Philippine society, field, which is still dominated by research in Western and
which is considered to be one of the most egalitarian Asian more developed countries. Thus, this study gives interna-
societies with regard to gender. By analyzing Philippine tional readers a rare glimpse into the current state of gender
television advertisements, this study intends to close a gap representation in a developing Asian country. The results are
in the still under-researched area of gender representation in placed in the context of studies of developing and developed
developing countries, which could provide a more complete countries and may thus serve as an important basis for further
picture of this topic from an international perspective. The research into possible similarities or differences in gender
similarities and differences between this research and previous representation in developing and developed countries, de-
studies on this topic in developing and developed countries spite our acknowledgement that each country has its own
are examined. The possible effects of such representation on unique culture. Finally, the article discusses possible effects
of such gender representation in terms of social cognitive
theory and cultivation theory and examines whether gender
M. Prieler (*)
representation in television advertisements reflects recent
School of Communication, Hallym University, Dasan Hall #507,
Hallym University Road 1, Chuncheon 200-702, South Korea changes within Philippine society or reinforces traditional
e-mail: [email protected] gender roles and stereotypes.
Much has been written about gender in the Philippines,
D. Centeno
especially with respect to Philippine women working abroad
Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business, University of the
Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines as migrant workers or serving as mail-order brides (Guevarra
e-mail: [email protected] 2006; Mahalingam and Leu 2005), however, little has been
Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288 277

written and published internationally about gender and its economic participation in the Philippines and a somewhat
representation within the Philippines. The Philippines has traditional approach toward gender in the domestic and media
made significant efforts to promote gender equality during spheres raise the question of how females and males are repre-
the last several years. For example, several laws and policies sented in Philippine television advertisements. Do these repre-
that aim to institutionalize gender equality have been estab- sentations mirror social change within the Philippines, or are
lished (Battad 2006) and have produced long-term effects. they similar to other media forms, as suggested by cultivation
Among 135 countries, the Philippines was ranked eighth in theory? Cultivation theory states that exposure to television
The Global Gender Gap Index by the World Economic Forum cultivates perceptions of reality and that message elements are
(Hausmann et al. 2011), and it was ranked the highest in Asia shown in a consistent manner among different genres, which
(Sweden: 4, USA: 17, Malaysia: 97, Japan: 98). The Global strengthens the cultivation effect (Gerbner 1998).
Gender Gap Index is based on economic participation and We have chosen television advertisements for analysis as
opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and television is the most important advertising medium in the
political empowerment. The Philippines scored well for gen- Philippines, which is one of the top countries in the world in
der equality in all of these areas, and it is one of the few terms of the proportion of ad-spending going to television
countries in the world, and the only Asian country, that has advertisements (75.6 %) (based on WARC 2010). Television
closed the gender gap in the areas of education (Philippines: 1, is also the most influential medium in the Philippines, and it has
Sweden: 41, USA: 1, Malaysia: 65, Japan: 80) and health the widest audience, with 96 % of households in Metro Manila
(Philippines: 1, Sweden: 82, USA: 39, Malaysia: 78, Japan: owning television sets (Association of Accredited Advertising
1). The Philippines also scored significantly well in the areas of Agencies 2004). Metro Manila residents spent an average of
political empowerment (Philippines: 16, Sweden: 4, USA: 39, 3.7 h a day watching television in 2006 (Nielsen 2007a), which
Malaysia: 115, Japan: 101) and economic participation and translates into over 60,000 television advertisements watched
opportunity (Philippines: 15, Sweden: 7, USA: 6, Malaysia: per year, suggesting that these advertisements have an influ-
95, Japan: 100). In contrast to the Global Gender Gap Index, ence on individuals. In addition, Filipinos are one of the pop-
the Philippines does not score highly on other gender indices, ulations that trust advertising the most. A survey of 47 countries
such as the Gender Empowerment Measure by the United ranked Filipinos and Brazilians first in their trust of advertising
Nations Development Programme, in which the Philippines (Nielsen 2007b). Trust in advertising may also play a role in the
ranks only 45 (Sweden: 2, USA: 15, Malaysia: 65, Japan: 54) possible effects of advertisements.
among 93 countries (UNDP 2007). However, this ranking is Advertising plays an important role in society. In addition
still better than that of most other Asian countries, and the to reflecting the society’s social norms (Frith and Mueller
Philippines is ranked fourth among countries with medium 2010), advertising is also involved in creating them (Holden
human development in the Human Development Index. 2004) and teaching social roles and values (Pollay 1986).
Some scholars have criticized the persistent association of Several theories support the argument of advertising shaping
Filipino women with the domestic sphere (Eder 2006). With society. For example, social cognitive theory (Bandura 2001)
approximately half of Filipino women participating in the labor suggests that most social behavior is learned through direct as
force, the roles of husbands and wives remain strongly differ- well as vicarious observation, such as watching television.
entiated, as males generally do little housework and masculin- People model their behavior based on these observations,
ity is equated with being the breadwinner (Chant and which include information about appropriate gender roles.
McIlwaine 1995). These clear gender distinctions can also be Cultivation theory (Gerbner 1998) argues that exposure to
observed in Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, which assign the television cultivates perceptions of social reality. Television,
Philippines the third highest masculinity score in Asia after a major storyteller of our time, plays an important role in
Japan and China (Hofstede 2013). A higher masculinity score creating (distorted) views of reality, especially for those view-
(masculine cultures) indicates greater gender differentiation ers who watch a considerable amount of television as watch-
and distinct gender roles in a culture, whereas a lower mascu- ing television produces in the viewer a worldview, that is,
linity score (feminine cultures) indicates less gender differenti- images of social behaviors, norms, and values.
ation and fewer gender role distinctions. The continuing pres- Empirical research supports these theories. A meta-analysis
ence of patriarchal structures in the Philippines was attributed of previous studies confirmed that heavy viewing is positively
to the strong role of the Catholic church (Orate 2007). The role associated with gender-role stereotyping and that television
of women in the media is crucially framed such that “women teaches gender role stereotyping in children as well as adults
are portrayed as passive, inferior, intellectually and physically (Oppliger 2007). The same is true for advertisements, as found
dependent upon men as wives and mothers, and as objects of by studies in the United States and Canada (Garst and
male sexual gratification” (Chant and McIlwaine 1995, p. 11). Bodenhausen 1997; Jennings-Walstedt et al. 1980; MacKay
These contradictions between gender egalitarianism in the and Covell 1997). Although the results of this research cannot
areas of health, education, political empowerment and claim to describe the effects on audiences, content analysis is
Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288 277

written and published internationally about gender and its economic participation in the Philippines and a somewhat
representation within the Philippines. The Philippines has traditional approach toward gender in the domestic and media
made significant efforts to promote gender equality during spheres raise the question of how females and males are repre-
the last several years. For example, several laws and policies sented in Philippine television advertisements. Do these repre-
that aim to institutionalize gender equality have been estab- sentations mirror social change within the Philippines, or are
lished (Battad 2006) and have produced long-term effects. they similar to other media forms, as suggested by cultivation
Among 135 countries, the Philippines was ranked eighth in theory? Cultivation theory states that exposure to television
The Global Gender Gap Index by the World Economic Forum cultivates perceptions of reality and that message elements are
(Hausmann et al. 2011), and it was ranked the highest in Asia shown in a consistent manner among different genres, which
(Sweden: 4, USA: 17, Malaysia: 97, Japan: 98). The Global strengthens the cultivation effect (Gerbner 1998).
Gender Gap Index is based on economic participation and We have chosen television advertisements for analysis as
opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and television is the most important advertising medium in the
political empowerment. The Philippines scored well for gen- Philippines, which is one of the top countries in the world in
der equality in all of these areas, and it is one of the few terms of the proportion of ad-spending going to television
countries in the world, and the only Asian country, that has advertisements (75.6 %) (based on WARC 2010). Television
closed the gender gap in the areas of education (Philippines: 1, is also the most influential medium in the Philippines, and it has
Sweden: 41, USA: 1, Malaysia: 65, Japan: 80) and health the widest audience, with 96 % of households in Metro Manila
(Philippines: 1, Sweden: 82, USA: 39, Malaysia: 78, Japan: owning television sets (Association of Accredited Advertising
1). The Philippines also scored significantly well in the areas of Agencies 2004). Metro Manila residents spent an average of
political empowerment (Philippines: 16, Sweden: 4, USA: 39, 3.7 h a day watching television in 2006 (Nielsen 2007a), which
Malaysia: 115, Japan: 101) and economic participation and translates into over 60,000 television advertisements watched
opportunity (Philippines: 15, Sweden: 7, USA: 6, Malaysia: per year, suggesting that these advertisements have an influ-
95, Japan: 100). In contrast to the Global Gender Gap Index, ence on individuals. In addition, Filipinos are one of the pop-
the Philippines does not score highly on other gender indices, ulations that trust advertising the most. A survey of 47 countries
such as the Gender Empowerment Measure by the United ranked Filipinos and Brazilians first in their trust of advertising
Nations Development Programme, in which the Philippines (Nielsen 2007b). Trust in advertising may also play a role in the
ranks only 45 (Sweden: 2, USA: 15, Malaysia: 65, Japan: 54) possible effects of advertisements.
among 93 countries (UNDP 2007). However, this ranking is Advertising plays an important role in society. In addition
still better than that of most other Asian countries, and the to reflecting the society’s social norms (Frith and Mueller
Philippines is ranked fourth among countries with medium 2010), advertising is also involved in creating them (Holden
human development in the Human Development Index. 2004) and teaching social roles and values (Pollay 1986).
Some scholars have criticized the persistent association of Several theories support the argument of advertising shaping
Filipino women with the domestic sphere (Eder 2006). With society. For example, social cognitive theory (Bandura 2001)
approximately half of Filipino women participating in the labor suggests that most social behavior is learned through direct as
force, the roles of husbands and wives remain strongly differ- well as vicarious observation, such as watching television.
entiated, as males generally do little housework and masculin- People model their behavior based on these observations,
ity is equated with being the breadwinner (Chant and which include information about appropriate gender roles.
McIlwaine 1995). These clear gender distinctions can also be Cultivation theory (Gerbner 1998) argues that exposure to
observed in Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, which assign the television cultivates perceptions of social reality. Television,
Philippines the third highest masculinity score in Asia after a major storyteller of our time, plays an important role in
Japan and China (Hofstede 2013). A higher masculinity score creating (distorted) views of reality, especially for those view-
(masculine cultures) indicates greater gender differentiation ers who watch a considerable amount of television as watch-
and distinct gender roles in a culture, whereas a lower mascu- ing television produces in the viewer a worldview, that is,
linity score (feminine cultures) indicates less gender differenti- images of social behaviors, norms, and values.
ation and fewer gender role distinctions. The continuing pres- Empirical research supports these theories. A meta-analysis
ence of patriarchal structures in the Philippines was attributed of previous studies confirmed that heavy viewing is positively
to the strong role of the Catholic church (Orate 2007). The role associated with gender-role stereotyping and that television
of women in the media is crucially framed such that “women teaches gender role stereotyping in children as well as adults
are portrayed as passive, inferior, intellectually and physically (Oppliger 2007). The same is true for advertisements, as found
dependent upon men as wives and mothers, and as objects of by studies in the United States and Canada (Garst and
male sexual gratification” (Chant and McIlwaine 1995, p. 11). Bodenhausen 1997; Jennings-Walstedt et al. 1980; MacKay
These contradictions between gender egalitarianism in the and Covell 1997). Although the results of this research cannot
areas of health, education, political empowerment and claim to describe the effects on audiences, content analysis is
278 Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288

an important first step in understanding the possible impacts et al. 1992) and Great Britain (Furnham and Skae 1997),
of media (Riffe et al. 2005). while more females were found in Mexico (Villegas et al.
2010) and Bulgaria (Ibroscheva 2007). This trend also held
Literature Review and Hypotheses true in the case of Asian research, where most studies on
Southeast Asian countries showed proportionally more
Gender representation in television advertisements has been a males in Hong Kong (Furnham and Chan 2003; Furnham
subject of academic research for many years (Eisend 2010; et al. 2000), Malaysia (Bresnahan et al. 2001), Indonesia
Furnham and Paltzer 2010), first emerging in the United States (Furnham et al. 2000), and Thailand (Paek et al. 2011). In
in the 1970s (Dominick and Rauch 1972; McArthur and contrast, studies of South Korea (Kim and Lowry 2005; Paek
Resko 1975; Silverstein and Silverstein 1974). Two decades et al. 2011) and Singapore (Lee 2004; Siu and Au 1997)
later, these initial studies were followed by some English- found more females employed, while studies on Japan
language studies on East and Southeast Asian countries, in- (Arima 2003; Furnham and Imadzu 2002) and China (Paek
cluding Japan (Arima 2003; Bresnahan et al. 2001; Furnham et al. 2011; Siu and Au 1997) led to contradicting results. In
and Imadzu 2002; Milner and Collins 2000), South Korea addition to the results of previous studies, some research has
(Kim and Lowry 2005; Moon and Chan 2007; Paek et al. indicated that the countries rated as more masculine by
2011), China (Cheng 1997; Paek et al. 2011; Siu and Au Hofstede’s cultural dimensions (Hofstede 2001) are more
1997), Taiwan (Bresnahan et al. 2001), Hong Kong likely to exhibit large gender differences, for example, in the
(Furnham and Chan 2003; Furnham et al. 2000; Moon and form of numerical predominance of males over females
Chan 2007), Singapore (Lee 2004; Siu and Au 1997; Tan et al. (Milner and Collins 2000). Given that the Philippines has
2002; Wee et al. 1995), Malaysia (Bresnahan et al. 2001; Tan the third highest masculinity score in Asia (Hofstede 2013),
et al. 2002; Wee et al. 1995), Indonesia (Furnham et al. 2000), the predominance of males in previous studies in Southeast
and Thailand (Paek et al. 2011). To date, nearly all studies Asia, and the persisting view that women are inferior to men
have concluded that television advertisements portray gender in Philippine patriarchal society (Garcia-Dungo 1995), we
in stereotypical ways, a practice that is even more prevalent in suggest the following hypothesis:
Asia and developing countries (Furnham and Mak 1999;
H1: More males than females will appear in Philippine
Furnham and Paltzer 2010).
television advertisements.
In the following review, we outline these stereotypical
portrayals in detail; however, we limit ourselves to research Whereas numerical representation alone does not indicate
that was performed after 1995 and focus on research on the quality of the representations, the inclusion of the exact
Asian countries. In this regard, the study can provide a more nature and type of the portrayals may reveal the society’s
specific scholarship timeframe that addresses gender in tele- respect or lack thereof for a given social group (Signorielli
vision advertisements because changes are expected to have and Bacue 1999). The setting tells us more about the gender
taken place during the last two decades. It should be noted portrayal and is regarded as an important indicator of gender
that comparisons of previous studies involve several re- bias (Nassif and Gunter 2008). The existing literature states
search issues, such as channel equivalence (viewing figures, that setting is a variable that largely produces highly stereo-
target group, national vs. regional channel, funding, style), typical results and clear gender divisions. By using such
sample equivalence (sample size, recording times, duplicat- representations, social cognitive theory suggests that audi-
ed vs. unduplicated advertisements), content categories ences may learn about gender expectations that are attached
(varying categories and definitions), and units of analysis to specific places (and that are associated with typical actions
(television advertisements vs. characters) (Furnham and Mak in those places). Most studies reported that more females
1999; Prieler et al. 2011). than males are shown being at home (Furnham and Paltzer
Cultivation theorists claim that numerical representations 2010). Very few studies on more developed countries
of social groups are an indicator of the importance, relevance reported otherwise, including Furnham et al. (2000), who
(Gerbner et al. 1980), and recognition of a social group found slightly more males than females shown at home in
within a given society (Signorielli and Bacue 1999). Such Hong Kong, and Bresnahan et al. (2001), who found the
representations may shape the audience’s consciousness and same percentage of males and females shown inside the
influence what they learn about these groups (Gerbner et al. home in Taiwan. Another setting where gender differences
1980). In gender studies, gender predominance is quantified were found was in the workplace. Indeed, Eisend’s (2010)
by the ratio of the number of males to the number of females meta-analysis of 64 studies revealed that the magnitude of
involved. In the case of television advertisements, this type stereotyping is the highest for occupational status. The ma-
of analysis has led to mixed results, with some countries jority of studies around the world reported that more males
featuring more males and others featuring more females. For than females are represented in the workplace setting.
example, more males were found in Australia (Mazzella Finally, several studies have reported that more males than
Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288 279

females are shown outdoors. This finding applies to the (Furnham and Mak 1999; Furnham and Paltzer 2010). In the
Asian contexts of Singapore (Siu and Au 1997), Malaysia context of the United States, Silverstein and Silverstein (1974)
(Bresnahan et al. 2001), and South Korea (Kim and Lowry had already found a strong predominance of male voiceovers
2005). On the basis of these findings from the extant litera- by the 1970s. They interpreted this role as the “voice of
ture in Asia and the situation in the Philippines, in which authority and trust” (p. 84), giving advice and recommenda-
gender roles remain highly differentiated, with males tions, qualities that women are presumed to lack. Thus, voice-
regarded as breadwinners and a low percentage of women over gender may reinforce the association of a specific gender
participating in the labor force (Chant and McIlwaine 1995), with authority within a society, as suggested by social cogni-
we suggest the following hypotheses: tive theory (Bandura 2001). Out of over 60 studies on gender
representations in television advertisements since the 1970s,
H2a: More females than males will be shown in a home
we could only find two studies with (slightly) more female
setting.
than male voiceovers, one in Turkey (Milner and Collins
H2b: More males than females will be shown in a
1998) and the other in South Korea (Paek et al. 2011). South
workplace setting.
Korea may be the exception in Asia, as a literature review by
H2c: More males than females will be shown in an
Furnham and Paltzer (2010) indicates a predominance of male
outdoor setting.
voiceovers, which was even more pronounced in Asia than in
Several studies have investigated the degree of dress of Europe. Moreover, Paek et al. (2011) found that a higher score
males and females appearing in advertisements. However, this in Hofstede’s masculinity index (Hofstede 2001) increases the
issue merits additional attention as, from a social cognitive odds of a male voiceover. Based on the results of previous
theory viewpoint, such representations may solidify beauty studies and given the findings that the Philippines has one of
standards within a society and influence self-esteem among its the highest masculinity scores, and that males continue to be
viewing populace, possibly leading to the objectification and regarded as having more authority in that society, we propose
self-objectification of women (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997). the following hypotheses:
Research in Belgium, for example, has shown that female
H4: There will be more male than female voiceovers.
models who were scantily dressed had more negative effects
on body esteem issues than did more fully clothed models The product categories used by different genders are often
(Dens et al. 2009). All studies to date have shown that females analyzed in the television advertisement context to see whether
are more likely to be suggestively dressed than males in certain products are associated with a particular gender and to
television advertisements (e.g., Fullerton and Kendrick what degree these associations limit gender portrayals in televi-
2000—United States/Spanish language television; Ibroscheva sion advertisements. Social cognitive theory suggests that we can
2007—Bulgaria; Signorielli and McLeod 1994—United learn from such associations (Bandura 2001). For example, the
States/MTV; Stern and Mastro 2004—United States). That is, strong association between females and cosmetics/toiletries prod-
studies have reported that a small percentage of males are ucts emphasizes the importance society assigns to females’ beau-
suggestively or sexily dressed, while more than half of adver- ty and contributes to their sexualization (Luyt 2011). Indeed, the
tisements for females display them in suggestive or sexy most prominent gender difference within product categories
clothing (Ibroscheva 2007—Bulgaria; Signorielli and reported in most previous studies is significantly manifested in
McLeod 1994—United States). A comparative study (Nelson cosmetics/toiletries products, or as other studies called them,
and Paek 2008) on Brazil, Canada, China, Germany, South toiletries, beauty products, and personal care products, which
Korea, Thailand, and the United States confirmed that females are associated with females (Furnham and Paltzer 2010). These
were shown in more advanced states of undress than males. findings also proved to be true in several studies of Asian
However, the research also found that female nudity differed countries (Bresnahan et al. 2001—Japan, Malaysia, Taiwan;
strongly across countries, with television advertisements from Das 2011—India; Furnham et al. 2000—Indonesia; Nassif and
the United States and China showing the least nudity and those Gunter 2008—Saudi Arabia; Tan et al. 2002—Singapore,
of Germany and Thailand showing the most. On the basis of Malaysia). Other than the association between females and cos-
the overall predominance of suggestively dressed females metics/toiletries, there are relatively few consistent findings in
reported in all previous studies, we propose the following terms of product categories associated with genders. This lack
hypothesis: may be due to different studies employing different product
categories. Some studies have found an association between
H3: More females than males will be shown suggestive- females and household and cleaning products (Cheng
ly dressed. 1997—China; Nassif and Gunter 2008—Saudi Arabia; Tan
The predominance of male voiceovers (i.e., the voice of an et al. 2002—Singapore, Malaysia); others have found an associ-
unseen narrator) has been one of the most consistent findings ation between males and cars (Das 2011—India; Furnham and
in terms of gender representation in television advertisements Imadzu 2002—Japan; Furnham et al. 2000—Indonesia; Tan
280 Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288

et al. 2002—Malaysia, Singapore), telecommunications, elec- research (Nassif and Gunter 2008) that was adapted during
tronics, technology, and computers (Bresnahan et al. our coder training and pretests for the Philippines. The coders
2001—Japan; Das 2011—India; Tan et al. 2002—Malaysia). selected the primary character as the character who (1) was
As our pretest did not gather any car advertisements on central to the story, (2) appeared in close ups for the longest
Philippine television, we did not investigate this category further. period of time, (3) appeared for the longest period of time, (4)
In addition, the findings for categories such as household and provided substantial information about the advertised product
cleaning products, telecommunications, electronics, technology, or service, (5) used or held the product, and/or (6) had the more
and computers were only true in the minority of studies. Thus, extensive speaking part (in this particular order of decision
we formulate our final hypothesis as follows: criteria).
The coders were two Philippine students (one male and
H5: There will be more female than male characters in
one female) and did not include any researchers. They were
advertisements for the cosmetics/toiletries product
blind to the hypotheses and were trained on the coding
category.
manual for approximately 10 h. The intercoder reliability
coefficients for the pilot test and the final sample were
measured using Cohen’s kappa. After the coders completed
Method a pilot test with 50 television advertisements that were not
included in the final sample and reached a reliability of
Sample of Advertisements above .700 for each reported variable, they began indepen-
dently coding the sample. All variables in the final sample
The sample recording was conducted in Quezon City, Metro (Table 1) had kappa values above .700, which Hayes (2005)
Manila, between October 25 and October 31, 2010. We regards as sufficient if the intercoder reliability was corrected
recorded the two main Philippine television networks during by chance, all coders coded all units, and disagreements
primetime (ABS-CBN, with a market share of 42.4 %, and between the coders were resolved, all of which were true in
GMA, with a market share of 34.6 %; the third largest market our study. The unitizing reliability was .861, indicating that
share was ABC/TV5, with only 7.0 % as of 2009), which is the raters were able to agree whether there was a primary
defined as the period between 6:00 p.m. and 10:30 p.m. in character in the advertisement and whether the primary char-
the Philippines (Association of Accredited Advertising acter was male or female. Following a categorization by
Agencies 2004; WARC 2010). From a theoretical viewpoint, Landis and Koch (1977), the strength of agreement was
the advertisements on these channels during this time period almost perfect for the unitizing variable (.861), the voiceover
are the most watched and therefore the most influential. To (.928), and the product category (.909), and substantial
produce a representative sample, the recordings between agreement was reached for the variable setting (.747) and
6:00 p.m. and 10:30 p.m. were divided into 1.5-h blocks, the degree of dress (.749). Although studies in certain other
and the two television channels were randomly assigned to countries, such as the United States (Coltrane and Messineo
these time slots (see also Cheng 1997). Local advertise- 2000), have included variables to assess race/ethnicity, we
ments, political campaign advertisements, self-promotional have not included these variables in the present study be-
advertisements for the television networks, advertisements cause non-Filipino actors are almost entirely absent in
for entertainment products (such as movies, music concerts, Philippine television advertisements; by contrast, in Japan
DVDs, CDs), advertisements for festivals and events, and and various other Asian nations, actors of non-native ethnic-
public service announcements were not included in our ities are common (Prieler 2010; Creighton 1995).
sample (Kim and Lowry 2005). This exclusion led to 304
unduplicated television advertisements, of which 254 includ-
ed primary characters. This group served as our sample. Results

Coding Procedure The results of this study are based on chi-square analyses that
were executed on a sample of 254 unduplicated television
Our unit of analysis was the primary character in each televi- advertisements including primary characters. As we were
sion advertisement. We first analyzed whether there was a interested in both the overall significant differences between
primary character in the advertisement and identified the gen- males and females for each category and which subcategories
der of the primary character (0=none, 1=male, 2=female). A contributed to this significance, we broke the results down
primary character was defined as 18 years or older and even further using the adjusted standardized residuals (ASRs)
appeared on camera with either a speaking role or prominent for post-hoc tests.
exposure for at least 3 s. When several characters appeared in The final sample of Philippine unduplicated television
an advertisement, we followed a method from previous advertisements included 254 primary characters, of which
Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288 281

Table 1 Variables included in the study

Variables Categories Definition

Setting (1) workplace (inside), (2) home (inside residential The setting is the place where the primary character appears in
space), (3) other indoor settings (e.g., store, the commercial (Mastro and Stern 2003). If several settings
restaurant, car, bus, train), (4) outdoors, and (5) appeared, then the dominant setting was coded. The setting
other (e.g., artificial). was coded from the perspective of the chosen primary character.
For example, for a waiter in a restaurant serving food, the setting
would be “workplace,” but the setting would be “other indoors”
for the person being served.
Degree of Dress (0) fully dressed, (1) suggestively dressed, (2) Fully dressed: everyday dress, such as walking shorts but excluding
partially dressed, and (3) nude. short shorts and underwear. Suggestively clad: clothing that partially
exposed the body, such as sleeveless or tight shirts, unbuttoned or
open blouses, short shorts/mini-skirts, muscle shirts, open shirts, tight
clothing that enhanced the figure, or clothing that exposed the cleavage
or chest areas. Partially clad: clothing such as under-apparel, lingerie,
bikinis, and briefs. Clothing showing bare backs, muscular shoulders,
abs, thighs, and midriffs was also coded as partially clad. Nude: bare
bodies or those wearing translucent under-apparel or lingerie, male
models wearing only a towel, including actual nudity or suggested nudity,
such as holding a towel or linen to conceal genitals (Ibroscheva 2007;
Nelson and Paek 2008).
Voiceover (0) none, (1) male, (2) female, and (3) both Voiceovers were the voices of people who could not be seen. Voiceovers
(male and female). did not include the following: (a) voices that were only heard singing
or (b) children’s voices.
Product (1) cosmetics/toiletries, (2) pharmaceuticals/health On the basis of the results from a pilot test of 20 different product
Category products, (3) cleaning products/kitchenware, (4) categories, these nine categories were selected for this study.
non-alcoholic drinks, (5) alcoholic drinks, (6)
foods/snacks, (7) restaurants/retail outlets, (8)
communications/information, and (9) other.

58.3 % (n=148) were female and 41.7 % (n=106) were male was dominated by females (45.9 % vs. 24.5 %; ASR=±3.5).
(χ2 =6.945, df=1, p=.008). As a result, hypothesis 1, which However, no statistically significant difference for males and
states that Philippine television advertisements will feature females was found in the outdoor setting (24.5 % vs. 18.9 %;
more males than females, was not supported. However, after ASR=±1.1). As a result, hypothesis 2a, which states that
the advertisements for the most prominent product category females will dominate the home setting, and hypothesis 2b,
(cosmetics/toiletries) were removed from the sample, no statis- which states that males will dominate the workplace setting,
tically significant differences between males and females were were supported. However, hypothesis 2c, positing that males
found (χ2 =0.337, df=1, p=.562). Thus, the results indicate that will dominate the outdoor setting, was not supported.
this product category plays a major role in the predominance of We also found gender differences regarding dress (χ2 =58.985,
females in the sample, whereas the results of other variables df=2, p<.001) and a strong association between the genders on the
were not influenced by this removal. Following these results, degree of dress exhibited by the primary characters (Cramer’s
which indicate a possible effect of product categories on the V=.482). Specifically, more males than females were fully dressed
results, we have controlled for the type of product for all (88.7 % vs. 44.6 %; ASR=±7.2), and more females than males
variables using product category as a layer in the chi-square were suggestively dressed (52.7 % vs. 6.6 %; ASR=±7.7). As a
analysis. Because of low cell counts, we used Fisher’s exact result, hypothesis 3, stating that more females than males will be
test, but this method led to mixed results and the lack of a clear suggestively dressed, was supported. However, no statistically sig-
pattern. For each variable, advertisements for different product nificant difference was found regarding the partially dressed
categories were responsible for the overall significant differ- subcategory.
ences between males and females. Supporting hypothesis 4, there were more male (46.1 %)
As for the setting (Table 2), we found significant differences than female (35.0 %) voiceovers in Philippine television adver-
regarding gender representation (χ2 =16.182, df=4, p=.003; tisements (χ2 =13.665, df=1, p<.001). Additionally, 6.7 % of
Cramer’s V=.252). With respect to the adjusted standardized the advertisements had no voiceovers at all, and 12.2 % had
residuals (ASRs), two settings were significantly associated both male and female voiceovers. We also found a strong
with one gender. The workplace setting was clearly dominated association between the gender of the voiceover and the gender
by males (17.9 % vs. 7.4 %; ASR=±2.6), and the home setting of the primary character (χ2 =86.535, df=3, p<.001; Cramer’s
282 Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288

Table 2 Relationship Between Gender and Miscellaneous Variables

Variables Male Female Chi Square

n % n %

Setting Workplace 19 17.9 11 7.4** 16.182** (df=4)

Home 26 24.5 68 45.9***
Other Indoors 24 22.6 23 15.5
Outdoors 26 24.5 28 18.9
Other 11 10.4 18 12.2
Degree of Dressa Fully Dressed 94 88.7 66 44.6*** 58.985*** (df=2)
Suggestively Dressed 7 6.6 78 52.7***
Partially Dressed 5 4.7 4 2.7
Voiceover None 7 6.6 10 6.8 86.535*** (df=3)
Male 82 77.4 35 23.6***
Female 5 4.7 84 56.8***
Both 12 11.3 19 12.8
Product Category Cosmetics/ Toiletries 15 14.2 49 33.1*** 17.310** (df=6)
Pharmaceuticals/ Health Products 21 19.8 14 9.5*
Cleaning Products/ Kitchenware 8 7.5 13 8.8
Non-alcoholic Drinks 13 12.3 22 14.9
Foods/Snacks 32 30.2 29 19.6
Restaurant/ Retail Outlets 7 6.6 7 4.7
Otherb 10 9.4 14 9.5

The significance levels for differences between sub-categories are based on post-hoc tests using adjusted standardized residuals. If the value of a
residual lies outside ±1.96, then it is significant at p<.05; if outside ±2.58, then p<.01; if outside ±3.29, then p<.001
a
Nude primary characters did not appear in our sample
b
The alcoholic drinks and communications/information product categories were added to the “other” product category due to low cell counts
N=254; * p<.05; ** p<.01; *** p<.001

V=.584), as more male voiceovers were used in advertise- deviates more from gender equality (Eisend 2010). In other
ments with male primary characters (77.4 %, ASR=+8.5) and words, if, for example, the percentages of males and females
more female voiceovers were used in advertisements with in the workplace are similar, then stereotyping is low, but if
female primary characters (56.8 %, ASR=+8.6). these percentages differ greatly, then stereotyping is high. On
Finally, the product categories also showed gender differ- the basis of the findings attained, gender stereotyping was
ences among the various advertisements (χ2 =17.310, df=6, found for the following: settings in which more males were
p=.008; Cramer’s V=.261). However, when examining the found in the workplace and more females were found at
ASRs, only two product categories were associated with a home; the degree of dress, in which more males were fully
particular gender. More females than males were shown in dressed and more females were suggestively dressed; voice-
advertisements for the cosmetics/toiletries product category overs, which employed more males than females; and prod-
(33.1 % vs. 14.2 %; ASR=±3.4), supporting hypothesis 5, uct categories, in which cosmetics and toiletries were asso-
which states that more females will be shown in this product ciated primarily with female characters. In contrast, the pre-
category. In addition, more males than females were shown dominance of female primary characters ran counter to
in advertisements for the product category pharmaceuticals/ trends in previous studies. In the section that follows, these
health products (19.8 % vs. 9.5 %; ASR=±2.4). findings will be considered in the context of the previous
literature and possible reasons for and effects of these repre-
sentations will be discussed.
Discussion
Numerical Representation and Setting
Gender stereotyping is high in the Philippines, assuming that
equality is the basis of comparison for gender stereotyping One gender-related factor of advertisements that may differ
and that stereotyping is more prevalent when advertising from stereotypical and traditional gender depictions is the
Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288 283

numerical representation of gender, which is dominated by study. Multi-country research has also shown that this predic-
females, at 58.3 %. This value exceeds the actual percentage tion may apply to only a few countries (Paek et al. 2011).
of females in the Philippines, which has a nearly equal Overall, we conclude that numerical representations alone
distribution of males and females (Hausmann et al. 2011). are not sufficient to determine whether gender representations
The predominance of female characters differs from the are positive or negative. Paek et al. (2011) cites South Korea
results from many other countries. For example, in Hong as an example of a nation in which the use of more females in
Kong, more than 60 % of the central characters in advertise- advertisements does not indicate a better representation of
ments were found to be males (Furnham and Chan 2003). It females. Collins (2011) also concluded that “simply increas-
is a positive sign that females are not underrepresented in the ing the prevalence of women among characters in media
Philippines, which may indicate women’s relevance and might exacerbate any problematic effects of media use unless
recognition, as noted by cultivation theorists (Gerbner et al. the manner in which women are portrayed is also addressed”
1980; Signorielli and Bacue 1999). (p. 294). Therefore, as suggested by cultivation theorists, a
There are several possible reasons for this predominance of deeper understanding of the nature of the representation of
female characters; however, in reviewing the few studies in gender in television advertisements, including precise types of
which females clearly dominated, it is difficult to find an portrayals and appearances, is needed. These representations
explanatory pattern. These studies included not only devel- may then be used to draw conclusions about the society’s
oped countries, such as the United States (Bartsch et al. 2000) respect for the social group studied (Signorielli and Bacue
and Singapore (Lee 2004), but also less developed countries 1999).
with patriarchal societies, such as Mexico (Villegas et al. One indicator that can provide insight into the ways in
2010) and Turkey (Milner and Collins 1998). One reason for which gender is portrayed in advertisements is the setting in
the predominance of female characters in the Philippines may which the primary characters appear. The settings in this
be that females are the main target group for most advertised study were highly stereotypical for both genders and pre-
products. This assumption is supported by the finding that sented more females than males in the home (45.9 % vs.
females generally dominate the primetime viewing audience 24.5 %) and more males than females in the workplace
in the Philippines; this predominance also occurred during our (17.9 % vs. 7.4 %). Gender depictions within the various
recording week, in which females had an audience share of settings followed traditional gender roles and were consistent
53.3 % whereas males had an audience share of 46.7 % with most previous research. Research on Indonesia, Japan,
(Sunshine Fung, AC Nielsen Philippines, personal communi- and Singapore (Bresnahan et al. 2001; Furnham and Imadzu
cation, November 23, 2012). In addition, based on a catego- 2002; Furnham et al. 2000; Siu and Au 1997) has revealed
rization from a previous multinational study (Paek et al. 2011), gender differences of 20 % or more for the home setting.
57.5 % of the product categories that were advertised in the Research outside of Asia has shown especially strong gender
Philippines can be identified as female products, which sug- differences at home for more traditional societies, including
gests that females are likely the main users, whereas the Saudi Arabia (Nassif and Gunter 2008) and Zimbabwe
majority of the remaining product categories can be regarded (Furnham et al. 2001). For the workplace setting, only one
as gender-neutral products. Advertisers tend to use spokes- other study in Asia (South Korea) found gender differences
persons of the same gender as their target group in television greater than 10 % (Kim and Lowry 2005), while generally
advertisements (Whipple and McManamon 2002). A closer studies in more developed countries, such as Japan
examination of the product categories reveals the possible (Bresnahan et al. 2001), Singapore (Siu and Au 1997) and
main reason for the predominance of female primary charac- Hong Kong (Furnham and Chan 2003), found few gender
ters, namely, the product category of cosmetics/toiletries, differences or even a female predominance in the workplace
which is strongly dominated by females. The removal of setting. This trend was also identified in certain developed
advertisements for this product category from the sample non-Asian countries, such as Great Britain (Furnham and
leads to no significant gender differences for the numbers of Farragher 2000; Furnham and Imadzu 2002) and Australia
males and females. Thus, we must be cautious in interpreting (Mazzella et al. 1992). However, gender differences in cer-
the results on numerical representations as countering stereo- tain settings were found not only in television advertisements
typical gender depictions because they are based on one of the but also in magazine advertisements (Skorek and Schreier
strongest gender stereotypes, namely, the strong association of 2009).
females with the product category of cosmetics/toiletries. Thus, The gender differences in settings reflect the situation in
the predominance of females within the cosmetics/toiletries the Philippines, where the roles of husbands and wives are
product category and perhaps the intended target group could clearly differentiated (Chant 2007), with males as the bread-
explain why the prediction that countries with a high mascu- winners and being reluctant to perform household chores
linity score (Hofstede 2001) should have more male primary (Chant and McIlwaine 1995). On the other hand, the repre-
characters (Milner and Collins 1998, 2000) was incorrect in this sentations in the workplace setting do not reflect gender
284 Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288

equality in the Philippines. From a social cognitive theory of the voiceover (Paek et al. 2011). Furthermore, voiceovers
viewpoint, such stereotypical occupational depictions of males are commonly associated with authority (Silverstein and
and females may teach and reinforce the viewer’s gender-typed Silverstein 1974). In contemporary Philippine culture, males
occupational schemas (Bandura 2001). Research in the United are still considered to hold greater authority than females. As
States has indicated that the viewing of stereotypical advertise- suggested by social cognitive theory (Bandura 2001), such
ments leads to less interest in jobs that are traditionally associ- perceptions might be further reinforced by television adver-
ated with the opposite gender, whereas viewing females in tisements conveying to the audience that male voiceovers are
nontraditional occupations can increase the acceptability of the voice of authority. However, the Philippines does have a
females working in nonconventional careers (Smith and more equitable number of voiceovers than Singapore and Japan,
Granados 2009); these findings support social cognitive where more than 70 % of voiceovers were male (Arima 2003;
theory. Furnham and Imadzu 2002; Lee 2004) or Malaysia, Taiwan,
China, India, and Thailand, where more than 80 % were male
Degree of Dress, Voiceover, and Product Category (Bresnahan et al. 2001; Cheng 1997; Das 2011; Paek et al. 2011).
In studies of non-Asian countries around the world, strong
The degree of dress of the primary characters in relation to gender differences have been observed in voiceovers, although
gender was consistent with previous research showing that there is no clearly visible pattern with respect to the frequency of
more males were fully dressed (88.7 % vs. 44.6 %), while male voiceovers. In particular, more than 70 % of voiceovers
more females were suggestively dressed (52.7 % vs. 6.6 %). were male in the United States (Bartsch et al. 2000; Fullerton and
Similarly, in research conducted in Bulgaria, 59 % of females Kendrick 2000; Paek et al. 2011), Great Britain (Furnham and
were dressed suggestively compared with only 24 % of males Skae 1997; Nassif and Gunter 2008), Germany (Paek et al.
(Ibroscheva 2007). The same proved to be true in several studies 2011), and South Africa (Luyt 2011), whereas more than 80 %
conducted in the United States. For example, Signorielli and of voiceovers were male in New Zealand (Furnham and
McLeod (1994) found in MTV advertisements that most male Farragher 2000), Canada (Paek et al. 2011), Brazil (Paek et al.
characters were wearing neutral clothing, while 24.4 % of 2011), and Saudi Arabia (Nassif and Gunter 2008). In addition,
females wore somewhat sexy clothing and 29.4 % wore very the preponderance of male voiceovers should be questioned from
sexy clothing. Such differences in the degree of dress between a business perspective because research in the United States has
males and females may be a form of sexual objectification of shown that female voices are at least as effective as male voices
women, who are treated as bodies “that exist for the use and (Whipple and McManamon 2002).
pleasure of others” (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997, p. 175). In terms of product categories, there was an association
Furthermore, using women as sex objects may be a form of between females and the product category cosmetics/toile-
maintaining and expressing patriarchy. As proposed by social tries (33.1 % vs. 14.2 %), while more males than females
cognitive theory, such depictions may have a wide variety of were used for the product category pharmaceuticals/health
effects because viewers are influenced by these depictions products (19.8 % vs. 9.5 %). The latter finding is not in
(Bandura 2001). Objectification, for example, can lead to anxi- accordance with previous literature but may be explained
ety, shame, depression, and eating disorders (Fredrickson and by the observation that more authority is attributed to male
Roberts 1997), and sexualization has been linked to negative than to female doctors in the Philippines. In contrast, the
thoughts about one’s body (Dens et al. 2009). A cultivation effect association between females and cosmetics and toiletries is
was found in connection with watching sexual stereotypes in the consistent with previous research. This result was one of the
media: The more an audience watches sexual stereotypes in the most consistent findings internationally (Furnham and
media, the more strongly viewers will endorse these stereotypes Paltzer 2010) and was also true in Asian studies in Hong
and regard women as sex objects (Ward 2002). Finally, research Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and
has found a relationship between sex image advertisements and Taiwan (Bresnahan et al. 2001; Das 2011; Furnham and
reported attitudes supportive of sexual aggression and lower Chan 2003; Furnham et al. 2000; Tan et al. 2002). There
acceptance of feminism (MacKay and Covell 1997). were, however, a few exceptions in Hong Kong and Japan
Additionally, the use of nudity may be questioned from a busi- (Furnham and Chan 2003; Furnham and Imadzu 2002;
ness perspective, as women (in contrast to men) adopt more Furnham et al. 2000). Such depictions tell the audience
negative attitudes toward an advertisement when they see nudity which products to consume and also convey behaviors and
compared with advertisements without nudity (Dianoux and qualities that are desirable for a particular gender; for in-
Linhart 2010). stance, advertisements emphasize the importance of beauty
The voiceover results were consistent with previous stud- and attractiveness for females. In short, as claimed by social
ies, as male voiceovers dominated female voiceovers (46.1 % cognitive theory, the audience learns from such depictions
vs. 35.0 %), and are also consistent with research showing an (Bandura 2001). Paek et al. (2011) found that product type is
association between higher masculinity scores and the gender the most significant predictor of the gender of the primary
Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288 285

characters in advertisements; thus male-oriented products are and Gross 1976, p. 175). In other words, television may favor
more often promoted by male primary characters, and female- and support a patriarchal society, a situation that may also be
oriented products are more often promoted by female primary related to the attitudes and views of those who produce televi-
characters. Therefore, the main reason for the predominance sion advertisements. In another context, it was shown that the
of female primary characters in the Philippines may be that gender of the writer or producer may also have an effect on
more female-oriented products are advertised in this country gender portrayals (Lauzen and Dozier 1999).
(such as the product category of cosmetics/toiletries), with Regardless of the actual causes of gender stereotyping in
57.5 % of all advertisements promoting female-oriented prod- Philippine television advertisements, gender stereotypes may
ucts (Paek et al. 2011). Such associations, however, should be have negative consequences, including restricting life opportu-
less restricted from a business viewpoint, as well as from the nities (Eisend 2010) and reinforcing existing stereotypes (Lee
perspective of social responsibility, because targeting one 2004). Social cognitive theory states that the audience
gender may make sense in the short term, but ultimately, acquires gender role stereotyping from the media (Oppliger
companies often need to target both genders (Milner and 2007), which may reinforce viewers’ gender-typed occupa-
Fodness 1996). It appears that these developments have al- tional schemas (Bandura 2001). The sexualization of women
ready begun in more economically developed locations such has been linked to women’s negative thoughts about their
as Hong Kong and Japan, where product categories are less bodies (Dens et al. 2009), which can lead to anxiety, shame,
associated with one specific gender, at least according to some depression, and eating disorders (Fredrickson and Roberts
studies (Furnham and Chan 2003; Furnham and Imadzu 2002; 1997). Cultivation theory also supports this idea and notes
Furnham et al. 2000). that the consistent repetition of gender stereotypes in adver-
tising and other media naturalizes and normalizes these rep-
Conclusion, Limitations, and Future Research resentations (Gerbner et al. 1980), and heavy viewing is
positively associated with sex-role stereotyping (Oppliger
Overall, this study has found stereotypical depictions of males 2007). However, advertising, and the media in general, can
and females in Philippine television advertisements for almost also be used to alter already existing attributes, judgments,
all of the investigated variables. These findings confirm those values and conduct (Bandura 2001). For example, non-
of previous studies indicating that Asian countries, as well as stereotypical advertisements can reduce stereotypes among
more traditional developing countries, continue to use more viewers (Smith and Granados 2009) and help to produce
gender stereotyping in television advertisements than most behavioral changes in women (Jennings-Walstedt et al.
Western and other developed countries, where gender stereo- 1980). Furthermore, from a business perspective, it is surpris-
typing has been on the decline (Furnham and Mak 1999). ing that advertising agencies around the world still consistent-
Studies have also found that, at least for some variables, less ly portray gender in highly stereotypical ways; in fact, re-
gender stereotyping occurs in television advertising in the search in the United States has found that women do not feel
Asian nations of Singapore, Hong Kong, and Japan than in adequately portrayed in advertising, a perspective that may
more traditional societies, such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and the lead to negative company images and even to boycotts of
Philippines. The impact of religion in defining gender roles in firms’ products (Ford and LaTour 1996).
these places may also be important in determining these tradi- Equal participation and opportunity have been established
tional representations, such as the presence of Christianity in as a practice in the Philippines. However, traditional roles still
the Philippines. prevail in the family (Chant 2007). This phenomenon can also
Considering that the Philippines is one of the more advanced be observed in the Filipino image of mothers as the “ilaw ng
countries in terms of gender equality (Hausmann et al. 2011), tahanan” (the light of the home), or care providers in the
such strong gender differentiation and stereotyping does not family, whereas males are cast as the “haligi ng tahanan”
mirror the changes within Philippine society. There are still (the stronghold of the home), or economic providers. These
strong gender divisions in Philippine society, especially within roles are deeply rooted in Filipino gender consciousness, and
the family, but advertising exaggerates the differences between the mass media and in particular television advertisements
males and females (Luyt 2011) and lags behind changes in preserve and reinforce these gender images. It appears that
society (Kim and Lowry 2005; Wee et al. 1995), a phenomenon gender roles will be perpetuated in the Philippines as long as
that has taken place not only in the Philippines, but in many these traditional Filipino family values and social norms per-
countries around the world (Furnham and Paltzer 2010). This sist in the media. A survey shows that such portrayals might
lag may be connected with television’s desire to maintain the have cultivated and naturalized such gender images. Females
status quo, as claimed by cultivation theorists. Television “is an in 10 Asian countries were asked whether advertising tends to
agency of the established order and as such serves primarily to portray women in shallow ways; the survey revealed that only
extend and maintain rather than to alter, threaten, or weaken 46 % of Filipino women agreed with this statement, whereas
conventional conceptions, beliefs, and behaviors” (Gerbner in Hong Kong and South Korea, 71 % and 82 % of women,
286 Sex Roles (2013) 69:276–288

respectively, agreed with the statement (Unilever Philippines Bartsch, R. A., Burnett, T., Diller, T. R., & Rankin-Williams, E. (2000).
Gender representation in television commercials: Updating an
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forefront of the Philippine agenda, even among feminists, who issues in conditions of work (A policy review). Kasarinlan:
are predominantly concerned with other issues, such as pov- Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, 21(1), 111–142.
Bresnahan, M. J., Inoue, Y., Liu, W. Y., & Nishida, T. (2001). Changing
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sexual politics and reproductive rights (Sobritchea 2005). and the United States. Sex Roles, 45, 117–131. doi:10.1023/
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in Philippine television advertisements and is an important Chant, S. (2007). Gender, generation and poverty: Exploring the “femini-
sation of poverty” in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Cheltenham:
addition to the still under-researched area of gender represen-
Edward Elgar.
tation in developing countries. Nevertheless, a single-country Chant, S., & McIlwaine, C. (1995). Women of a lesser cost: Female
study can only lead to limited conclusions. Thus, we suggest labour, foreign exchange & Philippine development. London:
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economic conditions, cultural aspects, practical considerations
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gleaned from television advertisements; future research Creighton, M. R. (1995). Imaging the other in Japanese advertising
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