Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e)

Vol. 54, no. 1 (2016), pp. 1-30, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2016.541.1-30

UNEARTHING NUSANTARA’S CONCEPT

OF RELIGIOUS PLURALISM
Harmonization and Syncretism in Hindu-Buddhist and
Islamic Classical Texts1

Al Makin
Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University (UIN) Yogyakarta, Indonesia
email: [email protected]

Abstract
This article sheds light on vthe formulation of pluralism based on the reading
of classical Javanese texts by choosing some excerpts of Hindu-Buddhist
literature called kakawin and later Islamic works called serat and babad.
Dynamic practices of syncretism and harmonization of local and foreign
religious traditions are found in the excerpts of Sutasoma, Kertagama,
Dewa Ruci, Babad Tanah Jawa, and Centini. From reading of these
messages, this writing finds that since the old time of Singasari and Majapahit,
harmonization and syncretism of many religious traditions has been practiced as
an essential part of the concept of pluralism. Hindu-Buddhist came first in the
older literature and later Islamic elements added the complexity of syncretism.
This study also finds that Hindu-Buddhist figures are reenacted in the Islamic
literature with modifications. The accounts of the famous Javanese saint Sunan
Kalijaga reflects the older source of Sutasoma, Ken Arok, Bhima, and other
figures. Their stories tell us about the relativism of evil and good, in which
evil is not annihilated but converted into goods. This article is an example of
our endeavor that pluralism can be formulated based on local wisdom such as
reading classical texts with the spirit of reinterpretation of indigenous virtues
1
  This article is a modification of “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Harmony in
Diversity): Exploring an Indigenous Theology of Pluralism Based on the Roots of
Classical Texts of Nusantara Exploring” presented at the AICIS (Annual International
Conference on Islamic Studies), held by the Ministry of Religious Affairs of Indonesia,
Manado, September 3-6, 2015.
Al Makin

with a fresh perspective.

[Artikel ini mencoba menemukan rumusan pluralisme dengan membaca ulang
teks klasik Jawa dengan memilih bagian tertentu dari sastra Hindu-Buddha
yang disebut kakawin dan karya Islami yang disebut serat dan babad. Praktik
dinamis sinkretisme dan penyelarasan antara tradisi keagamaan lokal
dan asing ditemui dalam Sutasoma, Kertagama, Dewa Ruci, Babad
Tanah Jawa, dan Centini. Dari hasil bacaan teks-teks di atas, tulisan ini
menemukan bahwa sejak masa kuno Singasari dan Majapahit, penyelarasan
dan sinkretisme antara banyak tradisi keagamaan telah dipraktikkan sebagai
bagian penting dari konsep pluralisme. Hindu-Buddha datang pertama
lalu disusul oleh karya Islam yang menambah nuansa sinkretis. Studi ini
juga menemukan bahwa tokoh Hindu-Buddha diceritakan ulang dalam
karya Islam dengan berbagai modifikasi. Cerita tentang Sunan Kalijaga
mencerminkan sumber yang lebih tua seperti Sutasoma, Ken Arok, Bhima,
dan tokoh-tokoh lain. Kisah mereka mengajarkan kepada kita tentang
relativitas antara kejahatan dan kebaikan; kejahatan tidak dimusnahkan
tetapi diubah menjadi kebaikan. Artikel ini merupakan contoh usaha
untuk merumuskan konsep pluralisme berdasarkan kebijakan lokal dengan
membaca kembali teks-teks klasik dengan semangat penafsiran ulang ajaran
lokal dengan perspektif baru.]

Keywords: pluralism, syncretism, classical Javanese text, relativism of good and

evil, harmonization of religious traditions

A. Introduction
The formulation of pluralism, by which I mean the process of
harmonizing diversity and differences,2 is never monolithic. European
and American scholarly traditions relate the concept of diversity to
democracy, secularization, and governmental issues,3 by which religion,
politics, and other human interests in various aspects of modern society

  See for the definition of pluralism, such as Courtney Bender and Pamela E.
2

Klassen, “Introduction: Habits of Pluralism”, in After Pluralism: Reimagining Religious

Engagement (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2010), pp. 1–28; Ole Riis,
“Modes of Religious Pluralism under Conditions of Globalization”, Democracy and
Human Rights in Multicultural Societies; Democracy and Human Rights in Multicultural Societies,
ed. by Matthias Koenig and Paul de Guchteneire, (Hampshire, U.K.: Ashgate Publishing
Limited, 2007), pp. 251–66.
3
James A. Beckford, Social Theory and Religion (Cambridge, U.K.; New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 104. .
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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
are managed.4 Given such a broad area of pluralism, this writing focuses
on one aspect of pluralism, which is the way in which the plural reality is
perceived in the text. This article also presents that Indonesian religious
tradition is unique and rich with local creativity and harmonization of
various elements, from which we can read a different formulation of
pluralism based on reinterpretation of old texts.5 This article hence
focuses on understanding of diverse reality in the texts. It should be
noted that various efforts have been made to formulate the plural reality
of Indonesia since the birth of the nation.6 Many leaders realized that
the nation of Indonesia, which consists of various islands, which also
become homes to diverse traditions, cannot be managed only by a policy
with a single and homogenous perspective. The Indonesian intellectual
tradition indeed offers a unique concept of religious pluralism.7 For them
Indonesian religious diversity should be understood differently from the
way the same religions were practiced elsewhere in the world.
This article, however, limits itself only to unearth the concept
of religious pluralism, referring to the way in which plural and diverse
religious traditions is harmonized in classical text found in Hindu-
Buddhist and Islamic tradition. This paper argues that pluralism is indeed
contained in these texts, a conclusion drawn from the way in which
we appreciate the texts, from which we learn the previous wisdom in
religious traditions which harmonize differences leading to creativity in
4
Puett T, “Managing Religion: Religious Pluralism, Liberalism, and
Governmentality”, Journal of Ecumenical Studies, vol. 48, no. 3 (2013), pp. 317–27.
5
  Al Makin, Challenging Islamic Orthodoxy: Accounts of Lia Eden and Other Prophets
in Indonesia (Dordrecht, Holland; Cinnaminson [N.J.]: Springer, 2016); Al Makin,
Keragaman dan Perbedaan, Budaya dan Agama dalam Lintas Sejarah Manusia (Yogyakarta:
Suka Press, 2016).
6
  I did propose to reread classical Indonesian text with a fresh spirit in my
previous work, see Al Makin, “Are there Any Indonesian Philosophers? Dealing with
a Common Question and Possible Answers”, Ulumuna, vol. 20, no. 1 (2016), pp. 1–28.
7
  Greg Barton, Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia: Pemikiran Neo-Modernisme
Nurcholis Madjid, Djohan Effendi, Ahmad Wahib dan Abdurrahman Wahid, 1968-1980
(Jakarta: Paramadina, 1999); Abdurrahman Wahid, Islamku, Islam Anda, Islam Kita:
Agama Masyarakat Negara Demokrasi (Jakarta: Wahid Institute, 2006); A. Singgih Basuki,
Pemikiran Keagamaan A. Mukti Ali (Yogyakarta: Suka Press, 2013); Al Makin, “Pluralism
in Education: a Study of Mukti Ali’s Thought”, in Education in Indonesia: Perspectives, Politics
and Practices, ed. by Rommel A. Curaming and Frank Dhont (Yogyakarta: FIS UNY Press,
2012); Ann. Kull, “Piety and Politics: Nurcholish Madjid and his Interpretation of Islam
in Modern Indonesia”, Ph.D. Dissertation (Lund: Dept. of History and Anthropology
of Religion, Lund University, 2005); Munawir Sjadzali, Islam dan Tata Negara: Ajaran,
Sejarah, dan Pemikiran (Jakarta: Penerbit Universitas Indonesia, 1990).
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 3
Al Makin
giving birth to new traditions. The reading of the texts finds that Islamic
tradition coming later to the archipelago does not erase the previous
Hindu-Buddhist traditions, but accommodate and adapt them to a new
spirit. What we discover is that the same old narratives are commonly
reinterpreted with new messages. We will read some excepts from
Sutasoma, Kertagama, Dewa Ruci, Centini, and Babad Demak which
teach us wisdom of syncretism and harmonization of religious figures
and narratives.8

B. Contextualizing Foreign Narratives

Since the fourteenth century, the Nusantara (the archipelago of
Indonesia) witnessed contextualization of religious and spiritual Indian
narratives in the local cultures and traditions. At that time, Buddhism
and Hinduism in Java was no longer purely Indian culture penetrating
the archipelago,9 as the case of later Islam in Nusantara was not purely
Middle Eastern product, but the dominant religious traditions were
contextualized in local traditions.10 Various Indian narratives were
rewritten using old Javanese language (known as kakawin). The word
derives from kawi-kawya (Sanskrit) with additional ka in the beginning and
in in the end. The term refers to a new meaning as belles-lettres (beautiful
work).11 These works were also deemed highly as poetry belonging to
royal palace tradition. The category of kakawin includes Ramayana,
Mahabharata, Arjunawiwaha, Hariwangsa, Bharatayuddha, Gatotkacasraya,
Smaradahana, Sutasoma, and others.
8
Javanese syncretic religious practices have been observed by many
anthropologists, such as Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed: Religions Development in Marocco
and Indonesia. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968); Clifford Geertz, The Religion
of Java (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1960); Robert W. Hefner, Hindu Javanese: Tengger
Tradition and Islam (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985); Mark Woodward,
Islam in Java, Normative Piety and Mysticism in The Sultanate of Yogyakarta (Arizona: The
Univesity of Arizona Press, 1989).
9
  Andrea Acri and Roy Jordaan, “The Dikpālas of Ancient Java Revisited A New
Identification for the 24 Directional Deities on the Śiva Temple of the Loro Jonggrang
Complex”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, vol. 168, no. 2/3 (2012), pp.
274–313; Roy E. Jordaan, “The Śailendras, the Status of the Kṣatriya Theory, and the
Development of Hindu-Javanese Temple Architecture”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde, vol. 155, no. 2 (1999), pp. 210–43.
10
  Makin, Keragaman dan Perbedaan, p. chapter 7.
11
  Belles-lettres, originally French expression, refers to fine works valued for its
artistic or aesthetic aspects, such as poetry, fictions, essays, or drama. The term can also
simply refer to literature in general.
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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
The early adaptation of Indian narratives, such as the story of the
war of Bharatayudha, is still reenacted in the archipelago in various forms
until today.12 The story of the war of Bharatayudha between five heroes
(Pandava) against their hundred cousins (Kurava) has been used in various
occasions to explain philosophy, morality, and ethics of some real conflicts
occurring in Java. Among the oldest uses of the tale to represent a real
war is in the story of the war between Panjalu and Jenggala in old Kediri
in the eleventh-twelfth century, in which Panjalu claimed victory in the
inscription of Ngantang (Panjalu Jayati). In the inscription, the victorious
king thanks the support of the people of Ngantang in defeating the
enemy. The handsome hero Arjuna, famous for its skill in archery and
use of other weapons, is used somehow to describe the greatness of
king Jayabhaya, whereas his enemy, known as Hemabhupati (old brother
ruler), represents the defeated side of Pandava.13 This means that the
contextualization of Bharatayudha since these days did take place. Indeed
the kakawin Mahabharata, written by Mpu Panuluh in 1157 and finished
by Mpu Sedah during the end of Jayabhaya’s rule, celebrates the victory
of the war achieved by Panjalu. It is noteworthy that the war in the
Indian tales took place between family members, as was the war between
Panjalu and Jenggala, whose rulers were descendants of king Airlangga
of Kedhiri. The real war between the two brothers took place in 1135.
Thus, the process of adaptation of the Indian Mahabharata yields another
unique understanding in that the narrative should not be understood
literally, but Nusantara’s context has been inserted in the story.
Until today, the war of Mahabharata has been reenacted in
Nusantara in many forms and presentations, plays, dramas, literatures,
and philosophies. The unavoidable war for justice is understood not in
order to annihilate the evil enemy, but it is waged in order to perform
dharma (duty). In this regard, good and evil is not clearly defined; those
who stand in one side do not always represent good, whereas those who
stand in the other side are not merely evil. The truth is not dominated by
either side of the two warring factions. However, the enemy consists of
good persons, like Bhisma son of Gangga and Karna daughter of Kunthi
who stand in the Kurava side, Pandava’s enemies. This understanding of
the war and the concept of good and evil of course contains some seeds
12
  G.J. Resink, “From the Old Mahabharata to the New Ramayana Order”,
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, vol. 131, no. 2/3 (1975), pp. 214–35.
13
  Slamet Muljana, Tafsir Sejarah Negara Kretagama (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2006),
pp. 46–51.
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Al Makin
of relativism, according to which enmity does not necessarily determine
the status of good and evil. To put the point differently, truth is not
dominated by one side only in conflicts, and good and evil do not lie in
one’s choice of faction, but in the performance of dharma.
This writing takes kakawin Sutasoma as another salient illustration of
classical text which contains some seeds of harmonization. The kakawin
Sutasoma has been studied by Sugriwa, Ensik, Santoso and Zoetmulder
who indicate clearly that the work contain Buddhist tradition, which,
however, accommodates another Siva tradition. The famous symbol of
Indonesia bhinneka tunggal ika (diversity in unity) adopted by nowadays
Indonesia is originally taken from this kakawin, which fully reads (139.5):
Rwaneka dhatu winuwus wara Buddha wiswa
Bhineki rakwa ring apan kena parwanosen,
Mangkang jinatwa kalwan siwatatwa tunggal,
Bhineka tunggal ika tan hana dharmma mangrwa
It is said that Buddha and Siva are different in form
They are indeed different but how do we know their difference in
appearance
The teachings Buddha and Siva taught are different too
They are indeed different but they are in essence one, (but) there is no
mixture of dharma.14
It is noteworthy that the syncretic Buddhism and Hinduism appear
many times in many texts originating from old Javanese tradition. This
indicates that at least blending of, or concept of harmonious relation
between, the two Indian traditions, represent the contextualization
of Indian tradition in the local Javanese context.15 Pure Buddha and
Pure Hindu are not the case of Majapahit’s religious tradition, as there
is no pure Islam in Demak’s, Mataram’s, Yogyakarta’s and Surakarta’s
religious traditions. The religions coming from the foreign lands met
local traditions. Doctrine and theology accommodate local cultures
leading to a unique blending and giving birth to kakawin. In this vein, the
Kakawin Sutasoma by Mpu Tantular tells us the modification of Sidharta
Gautama’s spiritual and adventurous journey in the person of crowned
prince Sutasoma, who, like prince Sidharta, abandoned a royal palace
to look for a true enlightenment. In doing so, Sutasoma set a journey
14
  Mpu Tantular, Kakawin Sutasoma, trans. by Dwi Woro Retno Mastuti and
Hastho Bramantyo (Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu, 2009), pp. 504–505.
15
  Angela Hobart, “The Enlightened Prince Sutasoma: Transformations of a
Buddhist Story”, Indonesia, no. 49 (1990), pp. 75–102, accessed 13 Jul 2015.
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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
to a jungle in which he met various evil figures (kala) whom he fought.
Sutasoma defeated them without annihilating them, but converting these
enemies into friends and disciples. This is another concept of harmony
in that two different categories good and evil should not annihilate each
other, but evil can be converted into good.
The following is an excerpt of Sutasoma (147.21) about the end
of evil character Kala who then becomes a virtuous Kala:
Sang hyang Kala sireka tandwan umaluy Pasupati tekap ing tapodhara,
Sang sri bhupati Rtanakanda matemah Jinapariwara ring Jinalya,
Tan len kirtti bhatara Buddha juga hetu nira mari makanggraksasa,
Yeka hetu nirang watek hyang athibhaktyamuji gati bhatara Gottama
Not long after that Kala becomes
Hyang Puspati due to its successful deep contemplation (topadhara)
King Ratnakanda becomes a guardian of Buddha in Jinalaya
He is no longer raksasa
(evil giant) in appearance, as a result of Bhatara Buddha’s bless
So that he is so devoted to him and in the service of Bhatara Gotama.16
The conversion of an enemy into a friend and disciple is also
a common motif found in the later Javanese Islamic narratives. For
example, Sunan Kalijaga (described below), whose original name is Raden
Sahid, a son of ruler Wilwatikta descended from Majapahit, is said to have
been a famous leader of gang of robbers in a forest between Demak and
Pati, Central Java. Once Sunan Bonang walked through the forest and met
Sahid and his gang who had intention to take Sunan Bonang’s possession.
But Raden Sahid failed to do so, as Bonang showed his miracle turning
some fruits of palm tree into gold. Raden Sahid repented from his
sinful deed and became an important Islamic leader and saint, venerated
throughout Java until today.17 It should also be noted that Kalijaga is
also known for his creativity in mingling Javanese tradition and Islamic
teachings. And a vital lesson learnt in the kakawin and later Islamic serat18
is that victory can be achieved not through the annihilation of enemies
but through converting them into disciples. Sutasoma’s story is indeed
revived in Sunan Kalijaga’s.
16
 Tantular, Kakawin Sutasoma, pp. 536–537.
17
  W.L. Olthof (ed.), Babad Tanah Jawi, Mulai dari Nabi Adam Sampai Tahun
1647, trans. by HR Sumarsono, Aning Floberita and A. Yogaswara (Yogyakarta: Narasi,
2014), pp. 35–36.
18
  Serat literally refers to writing, or in later Javanese language, to letter. But it
generally means belles lettres similar to kakawin but with using later Javanese language.
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Al Makin
It is noteworthy that the story of Mahabharata and Ramayana is
not only rewritten in various kakawin, but also played in various shadow
puppet shows in Bali and Java. Like Mahabarata’s, Sutasoma’s content is
also represented in many statues, and played in Bali’s shows.19
In the story of Sutasoma (9. 1), the prince travels to find truth:
Ndan sang sri naranathaputra caritan sira teka ri hujung nikang wukir,
Lilatut hiring ing geger-geger angungkulli pasawahan ing lebak-lebak,
Gerong-gerong rong predung ing jurang gumuruh atri banu nika sakeng ruhur wukir,
Syok-syuk sabda nikang tahen kapawanan kadi pasurak I sabda ning tasik
Let us return to the story of the prince (Sutasoma), who reached the peak
of a mountain easily. He also passed foothills, valley of rice fields, deep
caves, and canyon with flowing water from the peak of a mountain. Creak
is the sound of trees blown by wind, and ocean wave’s swash sounds like
people’s shouting.20
The two Indian tales Ramayana and Mahabharata remain popular in
Javanese literature and performance. The two stories are often modified
and contextualized in different times. Not only are the two reenacted
in the Hindu and Buddhist spirit, but they are also revived in the later
Islamic literature and performance with adaptation of them to Islamic
teachings. Nevertheless, like kakawin, serat also refers to Javanese belles-
lettres which also perpetuates the concept of contextualization of Indian
Hindu-Buddhist stories. One of the examples of this genre is Serat Dewa
Ruci,21 coming to circulation since the nineteenth century. In the work,
Majapahit’s romanticism of kakawin is recalled.
Sêrat Dewaruci punika ing ngajêng mawi têmbang Kawi Sêkar Agêng, anggitanipun
Êmpu Widayaka ing nagari Mamênang, inggih ing Kadhiri.
Êmpu Widayaka wau inggih Ajisaka, timuripun nama Jaka Sangkala,
putranipun Êmpu Anggajali, ibunipun putri ing nagari Najran, tanah Ngarab.
Sarta Ajisaka wau siswanipun Sang Maolana Ngusman Ngajid, raja
pandhita dibya ing nagari Banisrail Ngarab.22
This is Serat Dewaruci composed in Kawi language with the style of Sekar
Ageng by Empu Widyaka who lives in Kediri.
Empu Widyaka is also known as Ajisaka, when young known as Jaka
19
Hobart, “The Enlightened Prince Sutasoma.”
20 
Tantular, Kakawin Sutasoma, pp. 36–37.
21
A.H. Johns, “From Buddhism to Islam: An Interpretation of the Javanese
Literature of the Transition”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 9, no. 1 (1966),
pp. 40–50, accessed 12 Jun 2015.
22
  Punika Sêrat Dewaruci ingkang Sampun Mawi Wrêdi (Kediri: Tan Gun Swi, 1928).
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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
Sangkala, son of Empu Anggajali; his mother came from Najran, the
Arab land. Ajisaka was a disciple of Maulana Uthman Ajid, a priest king
in the country of Israelite Arab.
The quotation above shows a vital concept of pluralism in the form
of harmonizing different elements in Nusantara. That is, old Buddhist
and Hindu tradition was reshaped in a new Islamic fashion, in which some
figures and stories remain essentially similar to the previous versions, but
new Islamic messages are inserted. The Dewa Ruci takes Bhima, one of five
brothers (Pandava) of Mahabarata epic, as the main character. The Serat
tells us that Bhima, like prince Sutasoma of Majapahit’s narrative, looks
for wisdom and enlightenment by taking some dangerous adventures.
In the case of Dewa Ruci, Bhima was under the guidance of guru Druna,
respected by two warring factions: Pandava and Kurava. As a sign of his
obedience to his guru, Bhima heeded Druna’s advices, notwithstanding
the teacher’s bad intention to harm the disciple. Many, however, advises
Bhima to ignore his teacher’s treacherous plan in that Druna wants
nothing but to annihilate Bhima before the break of Mahabharata war,
as Druno sides with Kurawa’s gang, the enemy of Pandava. The story
goes that Druna commands Bhima to look for holy water (tirta perwita)
to achieve a mystical perfection. Bhima then comes to the mountain
Candradimuka, whose caves are guarded by two giants Rukmuka and
Rukmakala whom Bhima fights and defeats, but Bhima still fails to find
the water. The guru then commands Bhima to go to a deep ocean. Bhima
believes that the tirta is real and as a good disciple he obeys his teacher.
In the deep ocean, Bhima is faced with naga (giant snake) which he kills
with his miraculous thumb’s nail. Then he delves into the deeper ocean,
in which he finds God Ruci (Dewa Ruci), a smaller version of himself.
Bhima’s dangerous journey resembles that of Sutasoma, a spiritual and
adventurous journey which becomes a model for later Javanese literature.
lampahe Sang Wrêkodhara | lajêng ngambah praptanirèng wanadri | ririh ing rèh
gandrung-gandrung | sukanirèng wardaya | tirta êning pamungkas wêkasing guru
| tan nyipta bayaning marga | kacaryan kang dèn ulati ||
The journey of Wrekodhara passed through heavy jungle, happily and
wholeheartedly he seeks for water as commanded by his teacher (Druna),
he does so fearlessly and sincerely.

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Al Makin
C. Local Narratives
Keep in mind that Majapahit’s belles-lettres presents not only
adaptation, or rewriting, of the Indian tales into Nusantara contexts,
but the archipelago also produces another genre which tells local events,
figures, characters and narratives. However, the old Buddhist and Hindu
tradition still survives in the local narratives, which still echoes the way
in which some ingredients, local and foreign elements, mix. I would like
to argue in this vein that syncretism is an essential part of pluralism in
Nusantara in which text and context, teachings, dogma, and tradition
blend, a formula in which new traditions are reproduced, innovated, and
invented. Indeed, harmonization, adaptation, innovation, and creativity
lead to syncretism, according to which original dogmas are modified
leading to the birth of new hybrid religious traditions. Nusantara is the
place where various forms of syncretism come and go. When Buddhism
and Hinduism came to the archipelago, local traditions contribute to
the new religious creativity; or to put it differently, the two religious
traditions contribute to a plural religious tradition in the archipelago.
Interestingly, Islam, as a new religion which came four centuries after
the Indian religious tradition gradually winning the hearts of Nusantara’s
people, does not erase the earlier tradition, but the later tradition adds
the complexity of previous syncretism. An obvious difference between
the adaptation of Mahabharata, or Sutasoma, and local narratives below
is seen in the narratives, characters, and figures. But, a salient similarity
between the adaptation of foreign tales and invention of local narratives
is in the wisdom of blending various religious traditions, moral, ethics,
and philosophy of harmony in diversity. In short, the two genres of
belles-lettres promote a harmony in diversity in the form of syncretism.
One example of local narrative composed by a Majapahit’s poet is
Negara Kertagama, known also as Desawarnanna (a detailed description of
various villages during the rule of Hayam Wuruk and Gajah Mada in the
kingdom of Majapahit), a piece written by pseudo name Mpu Prapanca,
whose original name is perhaps Dang Acarya Nadendra who held an
important position as dharmadyaksa kasogatan (spiritual advisor) in the royal
palace of Majapahit during Hayam Wuruk-Gajah Mada’s reign. It is said
that Nadendra left the office due perhaps to political factor taking place
inside the palace and chose to live in a quite village, where he finished
the kakawin. However, the work reflects his acquaintance with the king
Hayam Wuruk who travelled across villages in Java. Through the work,

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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
Nadendra (Nada-Indra) pours praises to the king as the representation
of God Siva on earth, mentioning his generosity, wisdom, courage, just
rule, and noble pedigree.
The spirit of pluralism, through the symbol of diversity in unity,
can be found in the beginning of the work, which reads:
O my praise and worship from a humble man to the feet of the Protector
of the universe Siva-Buddha Janma-Bhatara who is always tranquil in
contemplation Sri Prawatanata, Protector of the poor, king of kings in
the world Dewa-Bhatara, imaginary above imagination, but is present on
earth [trans mine].23
The king in the old Majapahit concept is the representation and
reincarnation of God Siva-Buddha, who receives praises from the writer.
In other verse the poet says:
As such are praises of poets to the king who transforms history, Sri Nata
Rajasanagara, Sri Nata Wilwatikta who rules the state, the reincarnation of
Dewa-Bhatara, who erases the people’s misfortunes, to whom all people
of Java and Nusantara are submissive.24
Unlike Sutasoma which adapts Sidharta’s spiritual adventure into
Majapahit’s context, Kertagama presents local historical figures and
characters. However, the teachings and morality of the two belles-lettres
remain Buddhist and Hindu messages, particularly the Buddha-Siva
syncretism. The work promotes not only tolerance and understanding to
each other but amalgamation of the two. In this vein, seeds of pluralism,
by mean of syncretism, can be discovered. Keep in mind that Majapahit
is a great empire with the claim of sovereignty over various islands in
the archipelago. In the Negara Kertagama chapter (pupuh) 13 and 14, the
sovereignty includes some main islands of Sumatera, Kalimantan, Java,
Sulawesi, and parts of today Singapore and Malaysia. Chapter 15 also
mentions the neighboring countries becoming alliance to Majapahit, such
as Campa, Kamboja, Siam, Ayudyapura, and Darmanagari.
Like Sutasoma, Kertagama tells the story of adventure, which involves
two local figures: Prapanca the poet who penned the work and Hayam
Wuruk the king who is described in reality and in poet’s imagination. The
story goes that Hayam Wuruk set a journey to many villages allowing
Prapanca to come with the royal entourage to document the trip. The
poet, however, finished the work later after he quitted his assignment
  Muljana, Tafsir Sejarah Negara Kretagama, p. 337.
23

24
Ibid.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 11
Al Makin
in the palace and lived in a quite village. In the exile, the poet describes
himself as longing for the royal activities.
To keep the stability and unity of the empire’s vast areas, it appears
that the kingdom held the principle of pluralism, which of course had
its own meaning and context of the old Java. It seems that holding only
one religious dogma or uniform faith and tradition was less preferable
to guard the integrity of the vast areas with diversity. But the principle
of harmony in diversity served as a glue tightening islands with different
people, language, ethnicity, and religious traditions. Of course, this is our
own later reinterpretation. Yet new reinterpretation remains needed.
The Negara Kertagama also informs us the history of Majapahit and
its predecessor Singasari, stories which can later be found in Serat Pararaton
(discussed below). Chapters 41-42 tells the story of Kertanegara, the last
king of Singasari, who upheld law highly and arrested criminals for the
sake of stability and security of the country. Chapter 42 reads:
Far from arrogance and negligent, the king are both alerted and wise and
he understands all administration since Kali time. He practices the religion
of Buddha and contemplation, following forefathers…(chapter 42.3)
…The king was devoted to the foot of Skayamuni, upholding Pancasila,
with its practices, holding rites Gelaran Jina known as Jnyanabadreswara.
Mastering philosophy, grammar, and other religious knowledge (chapter
43.2)
He devoured all knowledge of spirituality, first of all he delved into tantra
Subuti, understood by heart, with worship (puja), contemplation (yoga
and samadi), for the sake of salvation of the kingdom. Avoiding sorcery,
but fulfilling the common people’s prosperity (chapter 43.3).25
The rulers in Java from Singasari to Majapahit were devoted to
Buddhist and Siva traditions. In this regard, the principle of diversity
in unity can be returned to as early as Singasari. One of the songs in
Kertagama explains (chapter 56.1-2):
Temple serving as king’s tomb was built by Sri Kertanegara, the forefather
of the current king (Hayam Wuruk), (in the temple) only his corpse lied,
because he embraced two religions (Siwa-Buddha)
The temple’s feet is shaped in Siva style, but its peak has Buddha (statue),
highly erected, inside the temple there is a statue of Siva, beautiful…
and the statue of Maha Aksobya adorned with crown incomparable in
beauty (to others)
But these have gone; but they deserve the fate, as their place should be
25
Ibid., p. 367.
12 Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2016 M/1437 H
 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
in Nirvana.26
The above passage is perhaps the most obvious evidence of the
mingling two religions embraced by the kings and rulers in Java from
Singasari to Majapahit. This syncretism was perhaps a local innovation
of religious tradition in Java, where two dogmas and traditions were
united—a syncretism which is represented in the phrase bhinneka tunggal
ika.
Majapahit was a kingdom with a plural society. However, caste
system and stratification in society is recorded in Kertagama (81: 3-4):
All members of castes upheld (religious) teachings
All ministers and high officials fulfilled the duties of the state
All princesses and princes behaved appropriately and sincerely
Waisya and sudra happily fulfilled the dharma
Four castes were born and based on High God
All obeyed the order of the king
[Showing] good behavior and [including] all three low levels
Candela, mleca, and tuca tried to erase their faults
That is the way the administration under the king Sri Nata.27
Turning our attention to Serat Pararaton which also contains another
local narrative, telling us the accounts of Singasari’s and Majapahit’s
rulers. Unlike Sutasoma and Kertagama, the Serat has no name of the
composer(s). What we know is that the text was republished many
times, since Brandes in 1879, Hadjowardojo in 1965, and Padmapuspita
in 1966. It is likely that Pararaton was produced much later. In terms of
style, it seems also clear that the Pararaton does not use the poetic and
metric style of Sutasoma and Kertagama, but it narrates stories. Nor does
the language show similarities to the works composed during the time
of Majapahit, but rather indicates the Javanese language of a much later
time. What is more, most of the stories are not supported by historical
evidence, but legends, myths, and extraordinary tales. However, by this
fact it does not mean that we should dismiss all of the Serat’s contents,
as the Serat is part of Javanese belles-lettres, for which there must be some
ways to appreciate the text.
The most important character in the Pararaton is the figure of Ken
Arok, the founder of Singasari.
Sira Bhathara Brahma siranggiling-ilingi rowanganirayugaha. Wuwusing mangkana,

26
Ibid., pp. 376–377.
  Ibid., p. 395.
27

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Al Makin
ana ta wong apappanganten anar sdheng akuranasih. Lanang aran sira Gajapara,
wadon aran sira Ken Endhok. Angulahaken tatanan maring sawah. Sira Ken
Endhok angirimi laki aran Gajahpara. Araning sawah nggening angirim ring
Ayuga. Pradesanira Ken Endhok aran ring Pangkur.
Tumurun sira irihka Bhathara Brahma asanggama lawan Ken Endok. Enggenira
yuga ning Lalateng.
God Brahma was wandering around to find a mate to have a son. After
that, a newly wedded couple were making out. The male’s name was
Gajahpara, whereas the female’s was Ken Endok. They cultivated plants in
a field. Ken Endok sent (a meal) to Gajahpara; the field’s name is Ayuga.
Ken Endok’s village is called Pangkur.
God Brahma descended there and made love with Ken Endok in a place
called Lalateng field.28
The above passage indicates a mythical and legendary element in
the Pararaton. Ken Arok considered as the forefather of later kings in
Singasari and Majapahit was descended from God Brahma. Apparently,
this understanding is a unique interpretation of many earlier writings in
claiming that kings are representation of God Siva, Wisnu, and Brahma
descending to and ruling the earth. Ken Arok’s miracle and extraordinary
quality as a human being and the forefather of all Majapahit’s kings are
repeated in many stories. His position is unique, because his bad conducts
are accompanied by God’s blessing as a chosen man to rule Java. He is
evil but at the same time extraordinary. So the concept of good and evil
in this story, like the stories of earlier kakawin, mingled. Indeed, Javanese
literature often treats good and evil not as a clear cut division in human
being, but often times the two opposing categories met and mixes in
a single person. Ken Arok owns both virtuous and evil characters; or
to put more precisely, an evil figure but blessed by Gods, seen in the
following passage:
Tinundhung sira Ken Angrok denira Janggan. Akara madya ratri patundungira
janggan. Kaget sira Ken Angrok, atangi pupungun sira Ken Angrok. Anuli metu
aturu ring palang-alangan ing jaba. Wineton denira janggan maring jaba. Katinggalan
ana murub ing tengah alang-alang.
Ken Arok was expelled by his teacher during a midnight. Ken Angrok
was shocked and woke up. Then he went out and slept in the (wild)
grasses outside the house. When the teacher looked outside, he found

  Agung Kriswanto (tran.), Pararaton, Alih Aksara dan Terjemah (Jakarta:

28

Wedatama Widya Sastra, 2009), pp. 12–13.

14 Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2016 M/1437 H
 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
light radiating in the mid of grasses.29
Ken Arok was known as a robber, living in a forest and roaming
around roads. The victims of his crimes were numerous. He unsurprisingly
became a fugitive, whom villagers and rulers looked after wanting only
to arrest him. But his quality and strength were above human beings. He
always escaped from all difficulties and troubles, as he was protected by
Gods. As God’s son, he did wrong but was always protected. His safety
and victory were guaranteed. This account also resembles the story of
Sunan Kalijaga, a later venerated Islamic saint, who was once a robber.
Arok, like Kalijaga, is a symbol of Javanese syncretism, the spirit of his
creativity and bold attempt to mix Javanese cultures and foreign elements
is memorized by later generations.
In the Pararaton the role of Buddhist monk, Arok’s guru, is visible
in this passage:
Dadi ana bhujangga Boddha swapaka ri Panawijen lumaku Mahayana. Atapa
ring setraning wong Panawijen Apuspapata sira Mpu Purwa. Sira ta anak-anak
stri tunggal duk derengira Mahayana. Atyanta ring lityhayuning putrinira. Aharan
Ken Dhedhes.
There was a teacher Mahayana Buddhist monk who lived in Panawijen
and contemplated in the graves of the people of Panawijen. The Brahmin
was called Mpu Purwa. Before becoming a Mahayana monk, he had a
pretty daughter named Ken Dedes.30
This Ken Dedes was later taken by Tunggul Ametung the ruler
of Tumapel, whom Ken Arok later killed with the dagger made by Mpu
Lohgawe. After Ametung’s death, Ken Dedes married Ken Arok and
gave birth to many Singasari’s kings.
From the beginning the Pararaton strengthens previous texts of
combining two religious traditions: Siva and Buddha:
Tumuli sira Ken Angrok inastwaken prabhu ring Tumapel. Araning nagara ring
Singhasari. Abhisekanira Sri Rajasa Bhathara Sang Amurwwabhumi. Ingastyan
dening bhujangga Sewasogata kang Saking Daha
Then Ken Arok ascended to the throne in Tumapel. The state was called
Singasari. His title is Sri Rajasa Batara Sang Amurwabumi. His coronation
was witnessed by Siva-Buddhist monks from Daha.31

29 
Ibid., pp. 22–23.
30
Ibid., pp. 38–39.
31
Ibid., pp. 52–53.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 15
Al Makin
According to Pararaton the famous king of Kertanegara, the last
king of Singasari was crowned with name Batara Siwa Buddha, a clear
indication of syncretic Sivaism-Buddhism.32
The Pararaton also tells us that Majapahit continued the religious
tradition of Singasari. From the work, we also learn that the effort of
uniting Nusantara was attempted during Singasari’s time. But it is the
Majapahit which achieved the unity. The Pararaton also records the famous
phalapa oath delivered by Gajah Mada:
Tan ayun amuktiha phapala sira Gajah Mada. Lamun uwus kalah nusantara
ingsun amuktiyapala. Lamun kalah ring Gurun, ring Seran, Tanjungpura, ring
Aru, ring Pahang, Dompo, ring Bali, Sundha, Palembang, Tumasik, Samana isun
amukti palapa. Sira sang mantra sama lungguh ring panangkilan pepek. Sira Kembar
apamleh ring sira Gajah Mada annuli inguman-uman. Sira Baja kang amuluhi, milu
apamleh. Sira Jabung Terewes, sira Lembu Peteng gumuyu. Tumurun sira Gajah
Mada matur ing talampakanira bhathara ring Koripan. Runtik sira katadhahan,
kabuluhan denira Arya Tadhah. Akeh dosanira Kembar. Sira warak ingilangkan.
Tan ucapen sira Kembar sama mati. Tumuli Pasundhan Bubat.

Gajah Mada would never taste any phalapa (pleasure),33 (Gajah Mada
said that ) “except after I conquer Nusantara,” then he would enjoy (the
pleasure). If Gurun, Seran, Tanjungpura, Aru, Pahang, Dompo, Bali,
Sunda, Palembang, Tumasik, are defeated, he would enjoy the phalapa.
During the time he delivered the oath, all ministers gathered in a hall.
Kembar looked at him down, and then humiliated him. So did Baja who
added humiliation to him. Jabung Terewes and Lembu Peteng laughed at
him. Gajah Mada then descended and met the king in Kahuripan. He was
angry but Arya Tadhah cooled him down. (In fact) Kembar committed
many sins including the murder of Warak. Soon after Kembar died, the
war against Sunda in Bubat broke.34
It is noteworthy that the essence of unity and diversity can be
found in Gajah Mada’s oath. The oath preserves the names of various
32
Ibid., pp. 68–69.
33
In old Javanese language phalapa literally refers to the fruit of coconut
(kelapa), which is a vital ingredient of Javanese cuisine. This perhaps means that Gajah
Mada abstained from any other spices not only coconut in his dish. In the old time
of Nusantara, the practice of puasa (abstaining) from foods were common. It is likely
that Gajah Mada practiced mutih (eating only rice without spices) to show his spirit
and endeavor to achieve his goal to unite Nusantara under Majapahit’s power. Another
possibility is that Gajah Mada abstained from any pleasure (including sex), so that the
prime minister lived in celibacy as do monks and priests.
34
Kriswanto (tran.), Pararaton, Alih Aksara dan Terjemah, pp. 106–107.
16 Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2016 M/1437 H
 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
islands and kingdoms in Nusantara which the prime minister wanted to
bring under Majapahit’s sovereignty. It is not hard to imagine that these
islands had their own diverse cultures and traditions, notwithstanding
clear influence of Hindu-Buddhist on Nusantara and the fact that Islam
has come to the northern parts of Sumatera island. Thus, to unite these
diverse islands the policy of respecting diversity should be adopted,
without stressing a mere uniformity. The dream of uniting these islands
implies respecting differences.

D. Islamization: Accommodating the Past and Embracing the

New
So far this paper presents two kinds of belles-lettres: 1) the adaptation
of Indian tales with Nusantara tastes, such as Sutasoma and Mahabharata;
2) the indigenous narratives, such as Negara Kertagama and Pararaton,
which report the local events and narration. Both genres show the
plural reality of Nusantara, but particularly the second genre presents
a harmonization of diverse realities. Another belles-lettres discussed in
this article is 3) Islamization of the old tales (both Indian tales and
indigenous narratives). The last process is unique in that islamization does
not deny the values of pluralism by mean of harmonization, according
to which, the Hindu-Buddhist traditions are not erased but retained and
yet adorned with Islamic garments. Once again, the coming of Islam
in Nusantara as particularly shown in the narratives of the belles-lettres
is not an abrupt conversion leading to a clear cut division between the
Hindu-Buddhist past and new Islamic teachings, but the new Middle
Eastern religion was regarded as a continuation of the past. There was
no significant break between pre- and post-Islamic time in Nusantara.
According to the narration of the belles-lettres, Islamic Demak, Pajang,
Mataram, Surakarta, and Yogyakarta are not directly linked to Mecca
and Medina, Baghdad, Damascus or Turkey, but these Islamic powers
claimed to have carried on the heritage of Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit.
Various genres of belles-lettres justified the power of later Islamic ruler
(sultan) with that of old Majapahit.
In many stories, revelation (wahyu) pursued by Islamic figures who
sought for power in the later Islamic era is connected to the golden
past of Majapahit more than to the previous Islamic dynasties in the
Middle East. The laku (spiritual pursuit) to achieve the dream of power
to rule Java resembles the earlier traditional Hindu-Buddhist tales. For

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Al Makin
example, Jaka Tingkir the ruler of Pajang, or Senapati the founder of
Mataram, according to Babad Tanah Jawa,35 always recalled the greatness
of Majapahit for their legitimacy to rule Java. In this vein, harmonization
and adaptation appear in the accommodation of the non-Islamic past
and modification. This attitude shows not only tolerance of non-Islamic
past but also readiness to appreciate differences in faiths in Nusantara.
Indeed, ‘Islam’ in Nusantara is different from other ‘Islams’ practiced in
other parts of the Middle East as Clifford Geert finds.36 The version of
Islam in the archipelago is deeply rooted in the way in which the religion
mingled with Hindu Buddhist basic elements. Hindu-Buddhist becomes
a foundation upon which Islam has later been established.
The most obvious example of Islamization as recorded in the belles-
lettres of Babad Tanah Jawa is an attempt to tell the accounts of power in
Java from Adam to the time of early Dutch colonialism. The beginning
of the Babad shows the spirit of syncretism which reads:
This is the story of the kings in the land of Java, from Prophet Adam,
who had son Sis; Esis had son Nurcahya who had son Nurasa. Nurasa
had son Sanghyang Wening, who had son Sanghyang Tunggal. Sanghyang
Tunggal had son Batara Guru, who had five children: Batara Samba,
Batara Brama, Batara Maha-Dewa, Batara Wisnu, Dewi Sri. Batara Wisnu
became the king in the island of Java crowned as Prabu Set. The kingdom
of Batara Guru was located in Sura-Laya.37
The above passage mentions a version of genealogy, different from
that of Pararaton which returns the origin of power in Java to Ken Arok.
But the Babad’s version combines the older Hindu-Buddhist tradition and
new Middle Eastern religious tradition, namely Islam. The connection of
old Javanese God and Goddess and Israelite prophets shows the spirit of
acceptance of the past and insertion of a new innovation, a combination
which becomes a new syncretic theology.
Whereas Pararaton describes the history of Singasari and Majapahit,
Babad Tanah Jawa does so for Islamic kingdom Mataram (particularly
Surakarta) down to the Dutch’s time. Interestingly, the later work seems
does not realize the reading of the earlier work. Nor does the Babad cite
any parts of the Pararaton. What is also clear is that the Babad gives a
different account of Majapahit. For Babad, rather than returning to the
  Babad refers to another genre of later belles-lettres which presents historiography
35

or hagiography of power in Java.

36
  Geertz, Islam Observed.
37
  W.L. Olthof (ed.), Babad Tanah Jawi, p. 1.
18 Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2016 M/1437 H
 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
genealogy of Majapahit kingdom and the founder of Singasari Ken Arok,
the origin of power in Java derives from Sunda, Pajajaran.
After the collapse of kingdom Pajajaran, Raden Sesuruh becomes the
king of Majapahit, whom the people of Java obeyed. Arya Bangah took
a new name Arya Panular. Ki Wira was appointed as the prime minister
with title Patih Wahan. Ki Bandar and Ki Nambi became ministers.38
The unawareness of the composer(s) of Babad of the previous
sources (such as Negara Kertagama and Pararaton) is seen in the Babad’s
version of the pedigree of Hayam Wuruk and the story of Gajah Mada,
which reads:
King Adining Kung had son Hayam Wuruk, who had son Lembu Amisani,
whose prime minister was Deming Wular. Lembu Amisani had son Bra
Tanjung, who had son Raden Alit, who after becoming the king took a
new title Brawijaya, whose prime minister was Gajah Mada.39
The above information describes the way in which the composer(s)
of the Babad failed to see other earlier sources. In fact, earlier Negara
Kertagama and Pararaton give clear information that Gajah Mada was
Hayam Wuruk’s prime minister not Brawijaya’s, a much later king
of Majapahit. However, this does not mean that Majapahit’s spirit of
pluralism and seeds of harmonization inherent in its religious tradition
disappeared in the later Islamic tradition. It is true that some Majapahit’s
knowledge, such as those contained in the Sutasoma and Negara Kertagama,
lost during Islamic kingdom of Demak, Mataram, or Surakarta, but the
myths of the greatness of Majapahit survived and was used to justify
the power of later Islamic kingdoms. Justification includes the practices
of syncretism, by retaining symbols, traditions, and myths of Majapahit.
To put the point differently, syncretism as an essential value of pluralism
of the past Hindu-Buddhist heritage was passed on in the new Islamic
tradition.
As Pararaton regards Ken Arok as the founder of Singasari and
forefather of Majapahit, Babad does so to Joko Tingkir regarded as
the founder of Pajang Islamic kingdom and main patron of Mataram.
Interestingly, Joko Tingkir’s legitimacy of power lies in his genealogy
which returns to Majapahit. He was son of Ki Kebo Kenongo in
Pengging, descended from Majapahit’s Brawijaya. But after embracing
Islam, Ki Kebo Kenongo, a disciple of famous syncretic and mystic Sekh
38
Ibid., p. 24.
39
Ibid., p. 26.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 19
Al Makin
Siti Jenar, founded a jamaah (community of followers) performing Friday
prayers in Pengging.40 On the other hand, his brother Kebo Kanigoro still
embraced Buddhism, so that he was cremated after his death. It appears
that the Islamic sultanate Pajang’s legitimacy of power has two sources,
the Majapahit and the older kingdom of Demak, whose first ruler Raden
Fatah is also believed to be a son of Majapahit’s king Brawijaya. Indeed, all
kings of Islamic kingdoms legitimated their power by linking themselves
to Majapahit through genealogies, surprisingly including the famous saint
Sunan Kalijaga through his father Wilwatikta. It stands to reason to argue
that Majaphit became an ideal model of later culture, power, and religion
in Islamic era of Java. In short, not only was Majapahit remembered,
memorized, and perpetuated, it also served as an archetype to follow.
In Serat Centhini Sunan Kalijaga is described as a saint of Java
who participated in clearing forest Glagahwangi, an area of the future
kingdom of Demak, where he Islamized king Amartha Yudhistira, the
oldest brother of Pandava in the story of Mahabharata. The story goes
that during the clearing of the virgin jungle, many frustrated as the trees
grew again after being cut down. Sunan Kalijaga was entrusted by Sunan
Giri, one of nine saints of Java, to find the cause. Kalijaga then found
a giant man contemplating under a banyan tree, namely Yudhistira who
wished nothing but to die easily. He failed to do so as he held jamus
kalimasada (secret weapon in his right hand). He neither dared to open
the weapon or read the inscription in the weapon. Kalijaga helped the
king to read, which is surprisingly the Islamic testimony, “there is no God
but God, and Muhammad his Messenger.” After reading this testimony,
the king died peacefully.41 The work in the forest continued. This story
tells us the symbolic process of Islamization in Java during early Demak
kingdom in which Islamization is not a total conversion but adaptation.
The Indian tale, as mentioned earlier, is harmonized in order to adapt to
the new context of Javanese Islam. The story of Mahabharata remains
influential in Java, but a creative innovation leads to the emergence of a
new Islamized version, in which figures, characters, and narratives carry
new messages. The Javanese belles-lettres has the awareness of the past
Hindu and Buddhist heritage and oftentimes with intention to retain
the heritage but delivered with a new message. The literature does not
cut the contemporary from the past, but connect both with a new way.
Ibid., p. 63.
40

Ngabei Ranggasutrasna, Yasadipura II, and Sastradipura, Centhini, Tambangraras-

41

Amongraga, vol. 2, ed. by Darasuprapta (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 2008), pp. 154–157.
20 Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2016 M/1437 H
 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
Serat Centhini is an Islamic manuscript written in 1814-1823 by a
team (Ranggasutrasna, Yasadipura II, and Sastradipura) led by crowned
prince Adipati Anom Amangkunegara III, who became king Paku
Buwana V (1820-1823). To finish the work, the writers collected materials
across Java from Banyuwangi, Central Java, to West Java reaching Anyer.
Sastradipura went to Mecca to perform hajj earning the new title Kyai
Haji Muhammad Ilhar, who mastered Sufism, Arabic language, and other
Islamic sciences. The Serat contains various syncretic concepts. But to
begin with, the Serat sounds like Sutasoma, telling us the journey of Sekh
Amongraga with his disciples Jayengresmi, Jayengraga, Kulawariya, and
Nuripin. All stories relate the experiences of these figures covering
broad themes ranging from religion, history, education, geography,
architecture, philosophy, symbols, society, politics, law, ethics, legends,
medicine, customs, flora and fauna, art, family, to sexual relations. All
the descriptions in the Serat are given in great details, leading many to
consider that this Serat serves as an Encyclopedia of Javanese culture
consisting of twelve volumes, with each volume reaches 350 pages. This
book is indeed the thickest work in Javanese literature.
Apparently, Hindu-Buddhist cultural heritage of Majapahit is well
preserved in Centhini, although during the writing of this work Islam
was widely accepted in Javanese society. For example, Centhini fluently
explains two levels of Buddhist disciples: Upasaka (lay people) and Sangha
(monks). The first level practices Pancasila (fives prohibitions: killing,
lying, stealing, bothering others, committing adultery, and drinking wine).
Note that the term Pancasila was mentioned many times in both Sutasoma
and Negara Kertagama. Modern Indonesia adopts this word to refer to the
five principles held by the modern Indonesian state. The second level
of Sangha practices asthasila (eight prohibitions: the above-mentioned
fives and three more prohibitions: eating too much, worldly pleasure,
and luxurious accessories).
Another part of Centhini also describes that Budhist and Islamic
teachings should be combined in order to achieve moral and spiritual
perfection:
Islamic shariah and Budhist tradition should be combined in accordance
with hadits and examples of prophets’ life (serat ambiya). To worship
the Great God (Hyang Agung), one has to perform prayers (ikram) and
approach God (munajad tubadin). Miracles is shown by particular person
who has more characters than other human beings in approaching God,
guarding his heart, and being patient in accepting destiny and doing
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 21
Al Makin
nothing to spoil physical needs.42
The combination of old wisdom and new teachings was possible
because Islam embraced by the early Muslims in Nusantara was guided
by Sufi wisdom. Sharia was heeded and performed but only according
to local wisdom. Keep in mind that according to Centhini, sharia reaches
only the skin of truth, not its core or kernel. Centhini explains the teaching
of kawula gusti (the unity of servant and God) in many times and ways.
The true value of kawula-Gusti stresses improving character of human
being not merely performing prayers. And prayers are held not to exclude
other human beings (with different faiths) but to include them in our
petition to God. For Centhini, kawula-gusti means “the existence of God
in the two Islamic testimonies (syahadatayn) met and mix in the form
of teaching of kawula Gusti.” The two (God’s existence and testimony)
are no different. But both are not similar and in unity. Both cannot be
differentiated, and only one of the two cannot be explained separately.
To see the unity, one should use conscience (rasa).43
It is noteworthy that Centini stresses the importance of Sufism,
which teaches openness. Advice from Centhini reads: “follow the
examples, to know the veranda toward self, and to follow the ethics.
Shariah is deemed highly; [whereas] tarekat is a passage towards reality
(kejatmikaan). Hakekat guides toward truth (kesejatian). Makrifat makes
the veranda perfect toward the true veranda. God the holy brings always
truth. Shariah deals only with physics; [whereas] tarekat is a path to heart;
hakikat enlightens heart, the reality; makrifat gives sight to God’s essence,
presence in absence (isbat nafi).44
For Centhini, shariah is not sufficient to accommodate the Hindu-
Buddhist past, but Sufism is the right path where various teachings,
traditions, and wisdom can be accommodated. Sufism, by which one can
go beyond the institutionalized religion, is a way of conversion without
erasing the past and at the same time committing to the new.
The most important Islamic figure which has inspired later Sufi
with the attitude of embracing differences and diversity in the history
of Islam in Nusantara, and particularly in Java, is Sunan Kalijaga. Once
again, the accounts of this saint revive the earlier Hindu-Buddhist motifs
in adventure, miracle, and pluralist attitude toward diversity. Like Ken
42
  Pakubuwana V, et al., Centhini, Tambangraras-Amongraga, ed. by Marsono, vol.
9 (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 2006), p. 108.
43
  Ibid., 12: 144.
44
  Ibid., 12: 12, 207.
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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
Arok, Sunan Kalijaga was known as a robber before conversion into piety
and commitment to morality. Both Kalijaga and Arok were protected by
God, a belief according to which the two were immune from mistakes
and were saved by their gurus. Miraculous journey of both figures are also
similar, albeit both embraced different faiths. All in all, in the mythical and
legendary level, all above mentioned genres of Javanese belles-lettres tell us
the figures who relentlessly search for truth: Sutasoma, Ken Arok, Sunan
Kalijaga, Cebolang, Bima, and Sekh Amongraga. All present wondering
men searching for truth for which these men fought enemies.

E. Islamic Sainthood
Many legendary tales of Wali Sanga45 repeated in many Babad,
Serat, and other genres of classical Javanese belles-lettres contain the spirit
of pluralism, by mean of syncretism, harmonization, adaptation, and
accommodation. Looking at these works, it is reasonable to argue that
Javanese Islam has evolved through the method and approach of retaining
old mystical symbols of Majapahit and yet introducing new Islamic
narratives, an approach which gives different characteristics of Islam in
Nusantara from other ‘Islams’. In this vein, the complexity of the stories
of nine saints lies in various elements of many traditions, among which
is at least local Javanese, Hindu-Buddhist, and Islamic spirit. Take Babad
Demak, for instance, in explaining the pedigree of Islamic saints, the work
relates Islamic saint Sunan Ampel to Majapahit’s blood.
Kawiwitan rikala Prabu Brawijaya kang ginubel marang kang garwa
Kang garwa kang lagi prihatin, Ratu Dwarawati kang tansah sinanggeng karma
Kawarnaha ana satunggaling pawongan trah Rasul kang bakal nurunaken Wali Jawa
Aran pandhita Mustakin hiya Seh Maulana kang akrama Siti Asmara, Wrujune
kangjumeneng nata ing Campa. Banjur peputra siji kakung aran Raden Rachmad.
Raden Rachmad kepingin kepanggih mring kang uwa kang ginarwa sang Prabau
Brawijaya in Majalengka. Katampa kanthi renaning penggalih.
Amarga Raden Rachmad beda ing agami. Banjur keprentahake ing Ngampel
ajejuluk Sunan Ngampel.
The (story) begins with Prabu Brawijaya (Majapahit) who was approached
45
  Wali Sanga refers to nine saints believed to have lived in Java from East to
West Java. They were responsible for introducing Islam in the island with the method
of mingling local cultures and new Islamic teachings. In doing so, they also stood side
by side with various rulers in many Islamic kingdom from Banten to Mataram. In
short, not only do these nine saints serve as symbols of Islamization, but they were
also supporters of new emerging Islamic powers.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 23
Al Makin
by his wife.
The wife queen Dwarawati was sad but always influential to her husband.
Once lived a man with the blood of the Prophet (Muhammad) whose
descendants would be a saint in Java.
His name is Mustakin that is Sekh Maulana who was married to Siti
Asmara, the youngest daughter of a king in Campa. The couple had son
named Raden Rachmad.
Raden Rachmad wanted to meet his auntie (Dwarawati) who married
Prabu Brawijaya in Majalengka. (Coming to Majapahit) he was welcomed
sincerely.
Because Raden Rachmad embraced a different religion, he was commanded
to live in Ngampel crowned with a new name Sunan Ngampel.46
Almost all of these Javanese saints had mixed blood of Arab and
Javanese, at the same time they are somehow connected to Majapahit.
In this regard, local narratives tell us that these saints respected the
old Hindu-Buddhist power of Majapahit. The climax of the stories
of acculturation effort made by these saints is found in the figure of
Kalijaga whose fame lies in his innovation in adapting wayang (shadow
puppet show) and gendhing (Javanese traditional song) into the Islamic
spirit. However, before becoming a respected saint and teacher of all
kings in Java, Raden Sahid (the original name of Kalijaga), like Ken Arok
in Pararaton, was a robber and trouble maker. The two figures Sahid and
Arok are indeed comparable as in the following passages.
Kanggo nuruti butuh Raden Sahid nuli mbebegal ngadhang ing dalan ngerbat
sanguning kang lumaku
To fulfill his needs Raden Sahid then became a robber, stood on streets
and robbed those who passed by.47
Sahid is said to have liked cock fighting and gambling and then
fallen into a bankruptcy, due to which he sold all his possession, which
also soon ran out. He then decided to become a robber; and with his gang,
he stopped many people passing by a road in a forest near Demak. The
story of this rebellious figure sounds similar to that of Ken Arok who
was also a robber, thief, and rebel leader. An excerpt from Pararaton reads:
Alawas anger irika, anawala wong amalintangan. Sah sira maring kapundungan
amamaling sira Pamahlantenan

  Babad Demak, Terjemahan Bahasa Jawa (Yogyakarta: Yayasan Kebudayaan Islam

46

Indonesia and Institut Agama Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga, 1997), p. 1.

47
  Ibid., p. 3.
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 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
After staying for a while (in the village Lulumbang) he (Arok) robbed
those who passed by. He then went to Kapundungan and became a thief
in Pamalantenan.48
According to the stories of the two, both Arok and Sahid found
spiritual teachers who loved and guided them to the straight path. The
story of their repentance is also recorded in a rather similar way. People
hated the two, but holy teachers envisioned their greater roles in the
leadership of Javanese society.
Interestingly, the stories of the two figures involved the role of
palm tree (although two different kinds of palm tree). Whereas Arok’s
story presents tal (a palm tree which produces sugar and alcoholic
beverage still found in East Java today), Sahid’s story uses kolang-kaling
(a palm tree which produces sago). In Sunan Kalijaga’s account, the
palm tree’s fruit was turned into gold, a trick used by Sunan Bonang to
impress the robber Kalijaga.
Sira njaluk jungkat iki? Iki ora akeh pangajine. Lamun sira karem donya kang
linuwih mara…alapen kae kencana inten kang amancur minangka ganjaring Hyang
Sukma
Sanalika woh kolang-kaling kang tinuding Jeng Sunan malih dadi emas inten
gumebyar. Raden Sahid banget gumune nganti kamitenggengen, ora bisa ngucap.49
You asked this (golden) comb? This has no value. If you want wealth
more than this…find a diamond given by Great God
Suddenly, some fruits of the palm tree pointed by Sunan turned into
shining gold and diamonds. Raden Sahid was so impressed so that he
kept still and was speechless.
The older story of Arok reads as follows:
Kaweruhan binuru-binuru kakepang tan wruh ta paranira angungsi. Amamanek ta
sira ring witing tal ring pinggiring kali. Karahhinan kawruhan yan amamanek ing
tal, tinunggu dening wong Kapundungan i sor tinabuhan kajar. Tal punika winadung
den kang amburu ring sira.
Samangka ta sira anangis. Asambat ingkang ayasa dharma ring sira. Dadi sira
amiresep sabda ring awing-awang. Kinon sira amranga roning tal pinaka hlaranira
kiwatgen margahanira anglayang maring sabrang wetan.50
When chased and sieged by the people he (Arok) had no idea how to
48
  Kriswanto (tran.), Pararaton, Alih Aksara dan Terjemah, pp. 25–27.
49
  Babad Demak, Terjemahan Bahasa Jawa, p. 3.
50
  Ibid.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2015 M/1437 H 25
Al Makin
save himself. He climbed a palm tree in a river’s bank, but the people of
Kapundungan waited him (under the tree) until dawn. They who chased
him then cut the tree.
He (Arok) cried and complained to those who created him. Suddenly, he
listened to a mysterious voice commanding him to pick up two leaves of
the palm tree used as wings in left and right hands which enabled him to
fly crossing the river and reaching the east bank.
Not only do the accounts of Islamic sainthood in the Babad and
Serat belong to Islamic spirit, but they also repeat and retain older holy
men’s accounts described in the earlier Hindu-Buddhist belles-lettres. In the
Sunan Kalijaga’s legendary stories we can find not only Islamic teachings
but also the remnants of older tales. The accounts of Sutasoma, a prince
who looked for enlightenment, sound like Siddharta’s journey. But at the
same time, Sutasoma also showed rebellious character in abandoning the
palace and choosing to wonder around forest, mountain, and caves. Sunan
Kalijaga’s accounts to a certain extent echo this spiritual adventure. The
story goes that Kalijaga disliked his father’s kadipaten (royal house) and
chose to mix with common people and committed cockfighting, drunk,
and gambling. Unlike Kalijaga, Arok’s legitimacy did not come from royal
pedigree, but it is much greater as he directly was God Brahma’s son.

F. Conclusion
The seeds of pluralism, by which I mean syncretism, harmonization,
and adaptation of old and new religious traditions, developed in
Nusantara from Hindu-Buddhist kakawin to Islamic’s Serat, Babad, and
other genres of indigenous writings. Since the Hindu-Buddhist era,
religious tradition in Nusantara adopted a syncretic approach which leads
to innovation and creativity in giving birth to a unique religious tradition.
Hindu-Buddhism (Sivaism) was a syncretic product of modification of
Indian religious teachings and was further harmonized with local Javanese
tastes. This can be seen in the adaptation of Sutasoma, telling us the story
of prince who sought for enlightenment through wondering around in
a wild nature. The story of Prince Siddharta Gautama was translated
into, and contextualized in, Javanese situation. Mahabharata, of whose
figures is Bhima, was also translated into Javanese and later developed
with Islamic message and spirit such as in Serat Dewa Ruci. Another salient
form of pluralism presents local tales, such as Arok, Javanese kings, Sekh
Amongraga, Sunan Kalijaga, and other indigenous characters in which
26 Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2016 M/1437 H
 Unearthing Nusantara’s Concept of Religious Pluralism
old and new religious teachings: Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam are
blended. In practice, creativity and innovation appreciate differences.
Indeed, from the history of Majapahit we learn that such a complex
society (as Gajah Mada’s oath phalapa indicates) likely tolerated differences
in religious traditions. Appreciating diversity in the syncretic practices
can be interpreted as essential values of pluralism which are shown in
the texts produced during the era.
What is more, Nusantara’s distinguished syncretic Islam has
developed since the kingdom of Demak, Mataram, Pajang, Surakarta, and
Yogyakarta as reflected in the Serat and Babad in which myths, legends,
and other Hindu-Buddhist tales were reenacted in Islamic fashion.
Islamic religious tradition connects the previous Hindu-Buddhist’s; and
the Islamic texts show no clear cut division between the two. The stories
reenacted in the Islamic belles-lettres continued the past. The accounts
of Sunan Kalijaga and other Islamic saints mirror the past stories of
Hindu-Buddhist Gods, Goddess, and other holy figures. Sutasoma’s
way of wondering around to find enlightenment is presented again in
the later literature in the figures of Arok, Jaka Tingkir, Senopati ing
Ngalaga, Bhima Suci, Kalijaga and others. Indeed, later Islamic belles-
lettres still retains characters, narratives, and Hindu-Buddhist figures. As
shown above, the story of Kalijaga’s rebellious acts resembles those of
Ken Arok in many ways.
Local wisdom of pluralism lies not only in tolerance of different
elements in religious tradition, appreciation and accommodation of other
faith, but also in mixing, adopting, and adapting the past and welcoming
the new. This wisdom becomes the spirit of later process of Islamization
in which differences between pre-and post-Islamic eras were blurred.
What is more in the texts, Nusantara’s Islamic identity does not return to
its origin of the religion in the Middle East but to the Hindu-Buddhist past
in Majapahit. Indeed, Nusantara offers its own formulation of pluralism.

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Al Makin
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