-RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

Burnt lime production and the Pre-Columbian Maya socio-economy: A case 0$5.
study from the northern Yucatán
⁎
Kenneth Seligsona, , Tomás Gallareta Negrónb, Rossana May Ciauc, George J. Bey IIId
a
Department of Anthropology, University of Southern California, 3620 South Vermont Ave. Suite 352, Los Angeles, CA, United States
b
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), Mérida, Yucatán, Mexico
c
Departamento de Ecologia Humana del Centro de Investigaciones Avanzadas (DEH-Cinvestav), Mérida, Yucatán, Mexico
d
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Millsaps College, 1701N. State St., Jackson, MS 39210, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Burnt lime has been crucial for architectural, dietary, and other purposes in Maya society since as far back as
Archaeology 1100 BCE. The recent identification of a series of pit-kilns used for lime production in the Puuc region of the
Maya northern Yucatán Peninsula allows for an unprecedented investigation of the socio-economic organization of the
Lime Pre-Columbian lime industry. This article reports on the importance of burnt lime to Maya society and presents
Socio-economic
the results of spatial analyses of the pit-kilns in relation to other archaeological and environmental features. The
Puuc
distribution of the lime production features indicate that the Pre-Columbian lime industry was decentralized and
Technology
Perishable materials organized at the small corporate group level. Some of these groups likely incorporated limestone extraction and
Commodity processing into a broader multi-crafting subsistence strategy. Those small corporate groups that did not produce
their own lime would have had to acquire it from producing groups through an intra-community exchange
system. Spatial analyses also indicate that lime production locations reflect a desire to limit both pre- and post-
production material transportation efforts. The study provides a model for investigating the production and
distribution of a perishable craft good that can be used for examining perishable goods in ancient societies
beyond Mesoamerica. The small-scale, decentralized lime production organization identified in the northern
Maya lowlands can now be compared with systems of production and exchange of perishable goods in other pre-
modern societies around the world.

1. Introduction small-scale producers within a decentralized framework. The identifi-

cation of this small-scale organization framework in the northern Maya
Burnt lime was used for construction, sanitary, dietary and other lowlands introduces a model that can be compared with socio-economic
purposes by the Pre-Columbian Maya. The ubiquity of its use, as well as production frameworks previously developed for societies throughout
the large quantities of labor and raw materials involved, would have the pre-modern world.
made lime production an important socio-economic endeavor The critical importance of burnt lime is not a feature peculiar to the
throughout the Maya area. However, the ephemeral nature of both the Maya civilization. Societies across the globe have made and used burnt
material and its manufacturing locations has limited investigations of lime for a host of dietary, architectural, and other purposes for mil-
Pre-Columbian lime production. The recent identification of a series of lennia. The earliest evidence for the production of burnt lime in the
lime pit-kilns in the Puuc region of the northern Yucatán Peninsula world yet discovered comes from Levantine Epi-Paleolithic Geometric
(Fig. 1) (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2015) provides the opportunity to Kebaran period sites (∼12,000 BCE) in the form of lime-based plasters
investigate the socio-economic organization of the Pre-Columbian burnt and mortars (Goren and Goring-Morris, 2008). While our under-
lime industry. This article discusses the local organization of lime standing of the socio-economic systems underlying and structuring
production at the site of Kiuic through a focus on spatial analyses of these earliest examples of lime production are hindered by their tre-
lime pit-kilns in relation to environmental and other archaeological mendous time-depth, studies of lime production organization from later
features. The distribution of the pit-kilns throughout the Kiuic com- Old World societies have benefitted from complementary documentary
munity indicates that burnt lime was most likely manufactured by resources. For instance, archaeologists have access to a contemporary

⁎
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (K. Seligson), [email protected] (T. Gallareta Negrón), [email protected] (R. May Ciau),
[email protected] (G.J. Bey).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2017.09.003
Received 3 February 2017; Received in revised form 6 September 2017
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K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

2. The importance of burnt lime in Maya society

Burnt lime is produced by heating calcareous material (limestone or

marine shell in the Maya area) to at least 800 °C for at least 20 h in dry
atmospheric conditions (Abrams, 1987; Russell and Dahlin, 2007;
Schreiner, 2002:13; Seligson et al., 2017a,b). Carbon dioxide is re-
leased, carbonates decompose, and the raw calcium carbonate (CaCO3)
is transformed into calcium oxide (CaO) or quicklime, a caustic material
that resembles pure white pieces of limestone. Water is added to the
quicklime, which causes it to crumble into a powder and stabilizes it,
producing burnt lime, or calcium hydroxide (Ca(OH)2). The burnt lime
is then used for a wide range of purposes, chief among them: archi-
tectural construction, nixtamalization (maize preparation), and sanita-
tion.
Fig. 1. An example of an annular structure located on the southwestern periphery of the
Architectural lime products include plaster, stucco, and mortar,
Kiuic site center. which are created by mixing water and aggregates with the burnt lime.
The longer that the burnt lime is left to sit and mature before being used
to make architectural products, the better it will hold and the less likely
Roman manual for constructing and using lime kilns (Cato, 1998), as
it will crack (Russell and Dahlin, 2007:409; Schreiner, 2002; Villaseñor
well as evidence of the Roman army centralizing lime production
Alonso, 2010:152-153). These products release water and absorb
through its own large-scale kilns at places like Iversheim, Germany
carbon dioxide as they dry to reform into calcium carbonate. Since at
(Dix, 1979; Jackson et al., 1973). This type of in-depth understanding of
least as far back as 1100 BCE (Hammond and Gerhardt, 1990), the
the technologies and socio-economic circumstances surrounding lime
Maya have used lime products in the construction of residential and
production in some Old World societies has been relatively restricted in
public architecture. Large amounts of lime mortar were used to con-
the Maya area until now. The lime pit-kilns identified in the northern
struct stone-vaulted elite residences, as well as to hold temple-pyramids
Maya lowlands provide evidence for the independent development of
and palaces together. Although they would have used less architectural
similar production techniques and exchange mechanisms in Mesoa-
lime, non-elites would still have needed lime mortar to shore up the
merica to pre-modern Old World societies with which the Maya had no
perishable wooden walls of their residences within their limestone
contact.
foundations, as well as a lime-wash to cover the outsides of wattle and
The earliest evidence for architectural lime in Mesoamerica dates to
daub structures (Villaseñor Alonso, 2010:64). Lime-plastered plaza
approximately the 14th century BCE in Oaxaca (Marcus, 1989:163) and
floors provide a much more sanitary surface on which to carry out daily
ca. 1100 BCE in the Maya area specifically (Hammond and Gerhardt,
activities than the soil of the forest floor. The introduction of such
1990:464). However, it is likely that scattered incidents of lime pro-
paved surfaces would have been crucial for maintaining a certain de-
duction occurred earlier. Architectural and decorative lime-based pro-
gree of hygiene as population centers began to grow (Barba Pingarrón,
ducts were constant features of Maya sites from the Middle Preclassic
2013:21; Riquelme et al., 2012:625; Villaseñor Alonso, 2010:67).
up through the Spanish conquest. The burnt lime industry may have
In addition to its importance for architectural purposes, burnt lime
been especially significant in the Bolonchén district of the Puuc region
is integral to the Mesoamerican diet for enhancing the nutrition of
where archaeologists have noted an especially high concentration of
maize. The nixtamalization process, by which maize is soaked in lime-
Pre-Columbian masonry architecture during the Late and Terminal
infused water, releases certain b-vitamins such as niacin that otherwise
Classic periods (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2015:1–4; Ringle, 2006). Sev-
would not be able to be absorbed by the human body (Barba Pingarrón,
eral studies have investigated the potential environmental impacts of
2013:27-28). The development of this process may have even played a
widespread lime production based on consumption estimates (e.g.,
crucial role in allowing maize to become the staple crop of the Maya
Abrams and Rue, 1988; Hansen et al., 2002; Russell and Dahlin, 2007;
area and Mesoamerica more broadly. The nixtamalization process, and
Schreiner, 2002; Seligson et al., 2017a; Wernecke, 2008), but a lack of
thus burnt lime, continues to be integral to the Maya diet today. In
identifiable manufacturing locations has limited investigations of the
addition to its architectural, sanitary, and dietary significance, burnt
economic importance of lime.
lime likely served agricultural (Al-Bashaireh, 2008:72; Dunning, 1991;
The identification of the Pre-Columbian pit-kilns at Kiuic allows for
Villaseñor Alonso, 2009:43) and food storage purposes as well (Smyth,
the first comprehensive investigation of lime production’s role within
1990:54). The Pre-Columbian Maya coated the surfaces of their bark-
the socio-economy of an ancient Maya community. The findings pro-
paper codices with lime plaster in order to provide smoother, more
vide a basis for comparing Pre-Columbian Maya lime production or-
durable writing surfaces (Escalante Gonzalbo, 1999; Villaseñor Alonso,
ganization with other pre-modern societies around the world. The lime
2009:43). The importance of burnt lime transcends socio-economic
kilns are distributed throughout Kiuic, but have their highest con-
disparities and continues to play a crucial role in so many aspects of
centrations on the outskirts of the site core. This pattern likely reflects
daily Maya life to this day. This study sheds light on a production
an attempt to balance the labor required for assembling the raw ma-
process that is rarely documented and/or documentable, but that would
terials, including the wood fuel and grade of limestone most suitable for
have played a central role in all Pre-Columbian Maya socio-economies.
making burnt lime, and then transporting the burnt lime to the highest
concentration of users in the site’s nuclear zone. Spatial analyses in-
3. The Puuc region and Kiuic
dicate that just under 50 percent of both elite and non-elite small cor-
porate groups had access to lime kilns and likely would have produced
The Puuc region is a distinctive topographic and archaeological sub-
their own burnt lime. The half of Kiuic’s small corporate groups that did
region of the northern Maya lowlands that straddles the Mexican states
not produce their own lime would have had to acquire it from the half
of Yucatán and Campeche (Fig. 2). It is characterized by thousands of
that did, likely through some form of market exchange network. The
low hills, deep agricultural soils, and the complete absence of surface
findings presented here provide a model for addressing the role of this
water. The Puuc is bordered on the northeast by the Sierrita de Ticul
significant industry within socio-economies elsewhere in the Maya
escarpment that runs southeast from the Pre-Columbian site of Ox-
area, as well as for addressing the role of perishable craft goods in pre-
kintok. Large archaeological sites including Uxmal, Nohpat, Kabah, and
modern socio-economies beyond the Maya area.
Yaxhom are located to the west of the Sierrita in the triangular,


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

Fig. 2. A map of the Puuc region showing the location of

Kiuic in relation to other major archaeological sites
(adapted from Seligson et al., 2017a,b).

relatively flat stretch of land known as the Valle de Santa Elena. Kiuic Negrón et al., 2015; Simms et al., 2012). The Bolonchén district in
and other ancient sites such as Labná and Sayíl are located to the south general appears to have been largely depopulated around this time
and southeast of the Valle de Santa Elena in the Bolonchén district. period, perhaps due to shifts in climatic patterns and prolonged de-
Researchers have recognized the Puuc as having distinctive archi- mographic stress.
tectural and ceramic traditions since the earliest archaeological in- As part of the larger BRAP program, the second and third authors
vestigations in the region in the late 19th century (Bey, 2006; Braswell conducted an intensive 9 km2 ground survey between the sites of Labná
et al., 2011). and Kiuic. During the survey they identified more than 200 annular
The bedrock of the Yucatán Peninsula, including the Puuc region, is lime pit-kilns, by far the largest sample of such structures to date
composed almost entirely of limestone, with pockets of dolomite, chert, anywhere in the Maya area (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2014; Seligson
and gypsum. While limestone is ubiquitous in the Puuc region, there are et al., 2017a,b). A sample of these structures form the basis of the
different grades and types that are ideally suited for different functions current study. This study focuses on the portion of the survey that most
(Carmean et al., 2011:147; Dunning, 1992:13,18). As we discuss below, likely falls within the boundaries of the Late and Terminal Classic Kiuic
only certain types of limestone are suitable for making burnt lime, the polity. The 2.83 km2 study area provides a cross-section of the densely
knowledge of which would likely have been passed down from gen- populated center of the site as well as the more sparsely populated
eration to generation of lime specialists. The choices that leaders and/ agricultural lands to the west of the Kiuic Valley. The area is divided
or communities would have made with regard to controlling access to into ‘inner’, ‘intermediate’, and ‘outer’ zones based on differences in
such a common raw material as limestone would have been intertwined distance from the site center, the frequency of vaulted architecture, and
with broader social, economic, and political issues. topographic delimitations (Fig. 3). The inner zone covers 0.38 km2 in
The Range III site of Kiuic (Garza Tarazona de Gonzalez and the flat northwestern sector of the Kiuic Valley and includes both civic-
Kurjack, 1980) is one of several sites investigated under the jurisdiction ceremonial and residential compounds. It has the highest concentration
of the Bolonchén Regional Archaeological Project (BRAP), directed by of residential compounds (118 per km2, compared with 27 per km2 in
Tomás Gallareta Negrón, William Ringle, and George J. Bey III the intermediate zone and zero for the outer zone).
(Gallareta Negrón et al., 2015). The earliest plastered plaza floor at The intermediate zone includes 1.32 km2 in the ring of hills that
Kiuic dates to ∼800 BCE, and the site remained inhabited up through a border the Kiuic Valley to the west of the site center. It has the highest
peak era of construction activity between 650 and 950 CE (Gallareta concentration of annular structures between the three zones (26.5 an-
Negrón et al., 2015; Seligson et al., 2017a,b). Charcoal samples and nular structures per km2, compared with 18.4 per km2 in the inner zone
ceramic data indicate that the pit-kilns were developed and used during and 9.7 per km2 in the outer zone). The inhabitants of elite hilltop re-
the Late and Terminal Classic (∼650–850 CE). Evidence from the site sidential compounds in the intermediate zone such as EAC most likely
center and the elite hilltop complex of Escalera al Cielo (EAC) indicates had social and political ties to the Kiuic polity, but were also distant
that the Kiuic polity was rapidly abandoned around 950 CE, leaving enough and topographically isolated enough to have maintained a de-
several construction projects unfinished in the site center (Gallareta gree of privacy or independence from the everyday social activities of


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

Fig. 3. A map of the study area divided into inner, intermediate, and outer areas (adapted from Seligson et al., 2017a,b).

the site center. In addition to functioning as landed estates centered on sites. A few shallow pit-kilns have been described at sites such as Chan
agricultural exploitation, there is evidence suggesting that they Kom (Redfield and Villa Rojas, 1934), Ek Balam (Hanson, 2008), and
exploited other local resources such as limestone (Gallareta Negrón Tizimín (Barrera Rubio, 2013) in the north-central Yucatán, Cauinal
et al., 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2014:2,6; Simms et al., 2012). The (Fauvet-Berthelot, 1980:5-7) and Dos Pilas (Johnston et al., 1989) in
flatter outer zone of the study area includes 1.13 km2 to the west of the Guatemala, and Copán in Honduras (Viel, 1983). None of these pit-
intermediate zone. This zone was likely integrated into the polity as kilns, however, exhibited a similar form or were found in such high
productive agricultural land that may have even been controlled or quantities as those identified in the Puuc. Abrams and Freter (1996)
administered by households living in the hilltop complexes like EAC identified and described a partially-enclosed lime pit-kiln at Copán in
(Gallareta Negrón et al., 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2014:2,6; Simms Honduras, but it was different in construction form to the Puuc annular
et al., 2012). The outer zone of the study area is circumscribed based on pit-kilns. They hypothesized that the pit-kiln would have provided a
a conservative estimate of the extent of the Kiuic polity in relation to more fuel efficient alternative to aboveground lime pyres at a time of
the nearest other large Terminal Classic site of Huntichmul, located environmental resource stress (Abrams and Freter, 1996:426) and
approximately 3.5 km to the northwest. noted the potential for technological variability throughout the Maya
area. The relatively limited number of lime production areas identified
3.1. The annular pit-kilns overall reflects the ephemeral nature of the production process.

The annular lime pit-kilns appear in the archaeological record as 4. Pre-Columbian Maya craft production and exchange
low mounds capped by a single or double ring of boulders that surround
a central depression. They appear to be distinctive to the northwestern This study focuses on the small corporate group as an analytical unit
Yucatán Peninsula in both form and prevalence based on a review of because it is the smallest practical unit with which to uncover socio-
published literature and available site reports from throughout the economic patterns regarding lime production (Carballo, 2009; Hirth,
broader Maya region (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2015; Seligson et al., 1993, 2009). Small corporate group in this instance refers to a social
2017a,b). Annular structures similar to those identified in and around unit that inhabited spatially-related residential compounds and may
Kiuic have thus far only been identified at other sites in the north- have included one or more households. Despite the various modes of
western Yucatán. These include examples from Oxkintok (n = 13) identification used by social groups to differentiate themselves from
(Ortiz Ruiz, 2014:35; Ortiz Ruiz et al., 2015), and Sayíl (n = ∼24) each other, the main approaches used by archaeologists to differentiate
(Dunning, 1991:25), as well as from along the Sierrita de Ticul that the socio-economic status of households and corporate units continue to
marks the northeastern boundary of the Puuc region. The excavation of be residential architecture, burial data, and household artifacts
nine annular pit-kilns in around Kiuic (Seligson et al., 2017a,b), eight (Ashmore and Wilk, 1988; Hageman and Lohse, 2003). In the Puuc
pit-kilns at Oxkintok (Ortiz Ruiz et al., 2015), one at Sayíl (Dunning, region, archaeologists can use differences in residential architectural
1991), and one near the Puuc site of Xcorralche, indicate that they were forms to deduce basic differences in socio-economic status. Elite
used for the production of burnt lime. households within the Pre-Columbian Puuc communities occupied re-
While the super-structural annular form and frequency of the pit- sidential compounds that included stone vaulted structures, while non-
kilns currently appear to be distinctive to the northwestern Yucatán, elite households occupied houses with stone foundations but perishable
different lime pit-kilns have been identified at other lowland Maya superstructures (Carmean et al., 2011:154-155; Gallareta Negrón et al.,


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

2015:1.6). This rudimentary elite/non-elite dichotomy noticeably merchant groups, currencies, and trade (Foias, 2002:225; Oviedo y
glosses over the likely existence of multiple social strata, but it is suf- Valdes, 1851; Roys, 1943; Tozzer, 1941). Sources such as de Landa’s
ficient for our present discussion of socio-economic variables. The re- Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán (Tozzer, 1941) and Roys’s (1943) The
sources in terms of labor, materials, and technical skill required to Indian Background of Colonial Yucatán mention the limited economic
construct a stone vaulted structure are much greater than those ne- role of local leaders (or halach uinic) in the northern Yucatán. One of the
cessary for constructing a thatch-roof structure (Abrams, 1987:492- halach uinic’s few economic responsibilities was to oversee a tribute or
493). Thus, not only would the inhabitants of such compounds possess taxation-based economic system, which included perishable items such
the capability to muster large quantities of resources, but the act of as textiles, foodstuffs, and salt. Tax and tribute systems appear to have
living in such a compound projected and reinforced their elevated been the most prevalent forms of state provisioning used in the small
status. polities of the 16th century Yucatán, which raises the possibility of an
Examining spatial correlations between small corporate groups and analogous system existing during Pre-Columbian times. The ethno-
lime pit-kilns provides the basis for making inferences about how lime graphic sources also explicitly refer to the trade of both non-perishable
production was organized. Several of the larger, more elaborately and perishable items in marketplace settings in the Yucatán (Foias,
constructed annular pit-kilns are located within or in close proximity to 2002:232; Oviedo y Valdes, 1851; Roys, 1943; Tozzer, 1941) as well as
elite residential compounds near the Kiuic site center. This further in highland Guatemala (Blom, 1932; Ximénez, 1666–1772). While lime
suggests that the inhabitants of these compounds had access to the itself is not mentioned, many of these other 16th century trade and
higher levels of labor, knowledge and technical skills required to pro- tribute goods were also perishable with regard to the long-term ar-
duce lime more efficiently and on a grander scale. A focus on the small- chaeological record, which has implications for the distribution of such
scale corporate group as the main production unit indicates that burnt items during the Pre-Columbian period.
lime production was not limited to certain socio-economic groups and Payson Sheets’s (2000) study of household-level provisioning at the
that the overall organization of the industry was largely decentralized. smaller site of Joya de Cerén in El Salvador provides an alternative
Small corporate groups that did not produce their own lime would have model for understanding exchange networks within small communities.
had to acquire it from those groups that did through some mode of The Joya de Cerén study indicates that sub-elite households likely had
exchange. more power in economic transactions than previously thought. By
The production of burnt lime using a pit-kiln involves several stages, comparing materials from different household groups, Sheets found
including: 1) the initial construction of the pit-kiln; 2) the identifica- evidence for households provisioning themselves through several
tion, quarrying, and crushing of the appropriate grade of limestone for modes of exchange. He found that the relatively homogeneous dis-
calcination; 3) the felling and transportation of the appropriate tree tribution of materials such as polychrome pottery and jade axes re-
species; 4) the proper assembly and burning of the raw materials within flected their acquisition through market exchange and participation in
the kiln; and 5) the slaking and removal of the burnt lime from the kiln. an elite-dominated vertical economy. The heterogeneous distribution of
Each of these stages would have required a substantial amount of or- other items such as raw materials and tools on the other hand resulted
ganized labor, as well as a certain degree of specialized oversight/di- from trade between households that specialized in the production of
rection. The labor and expertise involved would undoubtedly have different craft items. The study of inter-household provisioning at Joya
made burnt lime production a significant socio-economic activity; one de Cerén provides a reference for understanding smaller-scale intra-
that could have been used as part of a multi-crafting strategy by small community networks that may have existed at sites like Kiuic.
corporate groups to hedge against socio-economic downturns.
According to Hirth (1996, 2009:18), the most basic function of the 5. The organization of lime production at Kiuic
household unit is to reproduce itself. This can also be said of the small
corporate social group, which is formed in part to benefit the survival In this section we discuss lime production’s role in pre-modern
and reproduction of its constituent households. In the Maya area, craft socio-economies and present a model for the organization of the Pre-
production provided a complementary subsistence strategy to agri- Columbian lime production industry at Kiuic specifically. Based on
cultural production (especially if agriculture was limited to certain spatial analyses of the annular structures, it appears that lime was likely
times of year). Activities such as multi-crafting or part-time crafting manufactured by small-scale corporate groups in a decentralized or-
allowed different members to contribute to the overall social and fi- ganization scheme. Slightly less than half of the corporate groups in the
nancial success of the household and/or corporate group at different community had direct access to their own pit-kilns, and the other half of
times of the day and/or year (Hendon, 2006; Hirth, 2009; Masson et al., the community would have acquired lime through some form of ex-
2016). Multi-crafting refers to the production of different types of crafts change system. There is no evidence indicating centralized control over
in the same household or small corporate group. This strategy would lime production. We also discuss the likelihood that lime production
have maximized the social group’s production efficiency (Brumfiel and was limited to the dry season and how the location of the pit-kilns
Nichols, 2009:240) and helped to mitigate the negative effects of a throughout the community indicate a desire to limit pre- and post-
downturn in any one particular industry (Feinman and Nicholas, 2000; production transportation efforts.
Stark et al., 2016:267). Multi-crafting would likely have been geared
toward production for exchange as opposed to strictly internal house- 5.1. Decentralized small-scale craft production
hold consumption (Feinman 2013:455). Some small corporate groups in
the Kiuic community took advantage of the universal necessity of lime The widespread distribution of annular pit-kilns throughout the
in order to incorporate lime production into risk-buffering multi- Kiuic community suggests that lime production at Kiuic was largely
crafting strategies. decentralized. Our classification of lime production as being small in
Recent studies of pre-modern market exchange in the Maya area scale refers to the fact that the producers were small corporate groups,
have included convincing evidence for the identification of physical who would produce relatively small amounts of lime on a part-time
marketplaces at sites like Chunchucmil (Dahlin et al., 2007; Dahlin basis. A total of 81 small corporate groups were identified in the study
et al., 2010), Pueblito in Guatemala (Laporte and Chocón, 2008), and area, all within the intermediate and inner zones. Based on the or-
Buenavista del Cayo in Belize (Cap, 2011, 2015). These datasets provide ientation of these groups, the location of the annular structures within
hard evidence for the type of marketplace depicted in murals at the site these groups, and their locations with regard to the natural topography,
of Calakmul (Carrasco Vargas et al., 2009). Ethnohistoric sources can be 48 percent (13 of 27) of elite compounds and 44 percent (24 of 54) of
useful for making inferences about the Pre-Columbian political non-elite compounds (46 percent total) had direct or indirect access to
economy, especially with regard to the existence of marketplaces, an annular pit-kiln. By access, we mean control over the pit-kiln, with


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

Fig. 4. Maps showing (A) indirect (and likely shared) access to a pit-kiln by several residential groups, and (B) direct access to a pit-kiln by a single residential group. Maps adapted from
map by William Ringle and colleagues (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2002).

the ability to use it for lime production. Direct access refers to those or profession that learn from one another. It is possible that small-scale
compounds that have an annular pit-kiln clearly within the boundaries corporate production groups were also a feature of the lime production
of the architectural group (e.g., the Pixoy Group that we examine in industry, a scenario supported by the clustering of several annular kilns
more detail below, or the hilltop complex of EAC). Indirect access refers away from specific household compounds. Once constructed, the pit-
to those cases in which an annular pit-kiln is situated just outside a kilns could have been used in perpetuity, which suggests that this ar-
residential compound, or is equally proximal to more than one com- rangement of several annular kilns near to one another was a type of
pound (Fig. 4). The pit-kiln access figures indicate that slightly less than lime production complex or workshop that presumably required the
half of small corporate groups at Kiuic produced lime using their own oversight of several skilled lime producers. The amount of labor re-
annular pit-kilns while others may have accessed or controlled rela- quired to assemble raw materials for lime production would also benefit
tively isolated pit-kilns in the intermediate and outer zones. It is un- from a larger labor pool presumably afforded by the cooperation of
likely, however, due to the labor and resource investments involved, members of multiple households. While it is theoretically possible that
that all groups produced their own lime. These non-producing groups all of the lime production specialists belonged to one corporate group, it
had to acquire the lime through some form of exchange system. Those is more likely that they came from several different groups and shared
groups that did produce lime probably did so on a part-time basis due to some sort of partnership or community of practice that united members
the effort required in gathering fuel and raw materials, as well as a of different households.
preference for dry burning conditions. It is also likely that lime pro- Abrams and Bolland (1999) offer a contrasting opinion in their
duction was one of several crafting activities carried out by members of study of lime plaster production, labor organization, and architectural
these groups, as multi-crafting provided a safeguard against economic energetics focusing on the construction of structure 10L-22 in the east
ruin. court of the Copán acropolis. They hypothesize that there were only a
Small corporate groups may have acted as cohesive socio-economic limited number of craft specialists in the Copán community that were
units, but we must recognize that they were composed of individuals, skilled in the art of making lime. These few lime production specialists
even if we cannot distinguish them archaeologically. Specialized craft could have overseen a large unskilled labor force that gathered the raw
production required a certain degree of skill acquired through training materials and then transported the product. They argue that this low
and perhaps continuous oversight that could have been passed down number of specialists most likely reflected their embeddedness within a
within these social units (Hendon, 2015:161). The knowledge and ex- social structure that did not require the creation of new corporate socio-
perience required to recognize suitable grades of limestone, construct a economic organizations such as guilds (Abrams and Bolland,
practical kiln, and efficiently assemble and burn the raw materials to 1999:271). The widespread distribution of annular pit-kilns suggests
produce lime suggests that burnt lime should be considered a craft good that many lime specialists practiced their craft in the Kiuic community.
(Abrams, 1987, 1996; Abrams and Bolland, 1999; Carmean et al., This appears to support a production organization framework closer to
2011). the ‘communities of practice’ model (Lave and Wenger, 1991; Joyce
Working in the Ulua Valley of Honduras, Joyce and colleagues et al., 2014). These lime specialists may have learned their trade as
(2014:417) found that pottery production was likely the result of apprentices in a guild-like group or from lime specialists within their
overlapping “communities of practice” that were based in household small corporate groups. Whether or not the specialists were themselves
settings but united social groups from within and without these members of the corporate groups, these small-scale social units would
households. A community of practice, as originally defined by Lave and likely have been able to organize and/or provide the necessary labor for
Wenger (1991) is a group of individuals linked by a common craft and/ production episodes.


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

The relatively uniform availability in the Bolonchén district of a spatial evidence suggests that only some corporate groups were pro-
wide range of environmental resources would have discouraged the ducing their own lime. This was in a society where all groups needed
development of resource-specialized villages or polities focused on the lime for at least dietary purposes. As lime does not spoil, it is possible
extraction or production or a specific prioritized material along the that non-producing groups acquired lime in bulk to last for several
lines of what is seen in the Three Rivers region of Belize (Scarborough years at a time. Most lime-producing groups with access to at least one
and Valdez Jr., 2003). While it is possible that some sites in the Bo- annular structure were able to produce much more lime in one or two
lonchén district were more specifically focused on limestone processing burns than they consumed annually for both dietary and architectural
than others, we argue that communities like Kiuic as well as small purposes (Seligson et al., 2017a). This extra lime could potentially have
corporate groups within the community, would likely have tended to- been stored for later use, but there are no locations yet identified as
ward more of a “resource generalization” model (Dunning et al., 2003). storage features aside from the pit-kilns themselves. More likely, the
Similar to the hetararchical corporate group model proposed by lime-producing groups distributed their extra lime to groups that did
Hageman and Lohse (2003:121) for the small community of Dos not produce their own lime. They also would have contributed lime for
Hombres in Northwestern Belize, we envision the Kiuic community to the construction of the monumental buildings at the site center and to
be composed of several relatively self-sufficient corporate groups. meet the dietary needs of the governing authorities. The fact that non-
Going beyond their reliance on shared agricultural lands, a large producing groups still required lime for a multitude of daily activities
number of these groups would have been relatively self-sufficient in suggests that they were acquiring it from groups or independent spe-
terms of other means of subsistence, raw materials, and manufactured cialists that produced it. Thus, small corporate groups that did produce
goods (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006; Simms et al., lime could have used it as a means of supplemental income.
2012). Social units like the one living in the EAC elite hilltop complex, Agricultural production in the Puuc was largely limited to the rainy
that had their own annular pit-kiln, likely even had a lime specialist half of the year and much of the arable land was likely controlled by a
within the corporate group (Fig. 5). The fact that nearly half of the restricted number of wealthy families (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2003,
small corporate groups at Kiuic had access to at least one lime pit-kiln 2004, 2005, 2006, 2014). Under these circumstances, multi-crafting
suggests a relatively high degree of lime self-sufficiency. strategies were an important way for both elite and non-elite groups to
supplement their income and ensure their survival (Brumfiel and
5.2. Burnt lime as a commodity Nichols, 2009:241). Lime production is an ideal candidate for in-
corporation into a multi-crafting, part-time production strategy. First
Burnt lime production would likely have afforded small corporate off, lime production would have been restricted to certain times of the
groups a certain degree of socio-economic power. Individual house- year (see below), which means that like agriculture it would not have
holds may not have controlled exclusive access to the raw materials nor been the only means of subsistence for those corporate groups that
the finished products of the burnt lime production process, but the practiced it. Secondly, the substantial amount of raw materials and

Fig. 5. Map of the EAC elite hilltop complex highlighting

the location of the group’s sole annular structure (adapted
from Gallareta Negrón et al., 2014 and Seligson, 2016).


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

labor involved, suggests that these may have been limiting factors that organization of lime production, as a fairly predictable rainy season
restricted year-round production, especially with more than 50 pit-kilns likely limited production to the dry half of the year (December through
operating in the community. Approaching lime production as part of a May) (Seligson, 2016; Seligson et al., 2017a). Nearly 90 percent of
multi-crafting strategy is consistent with the pit-kiln distributional and precipitation occurs between the months of August and January in the
contextual data and provides a basis for understanding its role within eastern Puuc (McAnany, 1990). The calcining of limestone requires a
the broader socio-economy. dry period of at least 20 h and often longer (Abrams, 1987; Russell and
We agree with Masson and colleagues (2016) and others that the old Dahlin, 2007). Thus, avoidance of rainfall episodes would be an argu-
‘prestige’ vs. ‘utilitarian’ dichotomy is too simple to account for the ment for limiting lime burning to the dry season. Arguing against the
wide range of social and economic values ascribed to different items in restriction of lime production to the dry season is the cost-effective
past societies. However, differences in the grades of limestone used and benefits for slaking quicklime provided by the regular precipitation
the length of time that the burnt lime was left to slake and mature episodes of the rainy season (Russell and Dahlin, 2007). However, if the
resulted in a wide quality spectrum of finished lime. Different socio- lime was not needed for immediate use, the quicklime could be left to
economic groups within the Kiuic community likely had access to dif- absorb moisture from the air or infrequent precipitation episodes
ferent qualities of burnt lime for architectural, dietary, sanitary, and during the dry season. As mentioned previously, the longer that lime is
other purposes. In the case of lime that was used to make facade stucco, left to mature before use, the higher the quality of the resulting archi-
high quality burnt lime may have been considered a status symbol. tectural lime (Russell and Dahlin, 2007:409; Schreiner, 2002;
Cheetham (2010:346) notes that certain types of limestone were more Villaseñor Alonso, 2010:152-153). We believe that the necessity of dry
desirable for making dietary lime than others in the 20th century. One firing conditions would have outweighed the desire for natural (as
can imagine higher status individuals in Pre-Columbian times likewise opposed to manual) slaking. Experimental pit-kiln burns at Kiuic de-
preferring specific grades of limestone and lime for nixtamalizing their monstrated the damaging effects of rainfall during a pit-kiln burn and
maize. On the other hand, lime used for agricultural purposes, or for the the resulting waste of wood fuel (Seligson et al., 2017a). Furthermore,
mortar stuck deep within the buildings might have been considered the fact that the agricultural season coincides with the rainy months of
more of a utilitarian item. the year suggests that labor would have been tied up in agricultural
Another important dimension to consider in examining the lime pursuits during those months. During the dry season, labor that would
industry at Kiuic is whether production and exchange mechanisms normally have been put towards agricultural purposes was freed up for
changed over time. Unfortunately, a detailed diachronic evaluation of other endeavors, such as lime production and construction. Not to
lime production specifically is not possible at present. Radiocarbon mention the fact that frequent rain during the wetter months likely led
dates from four pit-kilns (discussed below) and ceramic data from five to periodic circumstances in which there was standing water at the
additional pit-kilns indicate that they were in use during the Late and bottom of the pit-kilns. A seasonal production scheme supports the
Terminal Classic periods at Kiuic (∼700–900 CE). We are currently notion that lime production was a part-time craft activity and likely
working to develop a more detailed chronology for annular pit-kiln use part of multi-crafting small-scale subsistence strategies.
at Kiuic and in the Puuc region more broadly, but for the time being,
ceramic distribution analyses provide a useful analogy. In his in- 5.4. Limiting transportation efforts
vestigation of ceramic production and distribution within the Kiuic
polity, Chris Gunn (2015) finds evidence for a market exchange system The distribution of annular pit-kilns throughout the study area
that could be used to argue for a decentralized political economy at correlates with three main factors: 1) the location of outcrops of the
Kiuic. He proposes a diachronic model in which a Late Classic re- type of limestone most desirable for making burnt lime (called sakel
population of the eastern Puuc region fostered the development of both bach tunich, or “white bird’s egg stone”); 2) sloping and/or elevated
a market exchange system and a parallel elite gifting exchange network. terrain; and 3) population density. Combining these three factors sheds
Over time, the market exchange system expanded at the expense of the light on how Pre-Columbian lime producers endeavored to limit the
elite exchange network, and by the latter part of the Terminal Classic labor involved in gathering raw materials and distributing finished lime
(800–950 CE) non-elites were acquiring previously elite-exclusive after production events. Lime production requires substantial amounts
ceramic wares through the market system (Gunn, 2015:495–496). The of labor for the collection and preparation of raw materials, as well as
universal consumption and restricted production of lime suggests that it the distribution of the heavy burnt lime post-production (Abrams,
may have been exchanged within the same market networks as the 1987; Seligson et al., 2017a).
ceramics as both lime and ceramics span elite/non-elite and prestige/ Of the 53 clearly identified annular structures in the study area, 21
utilitarian spectra. percent (n = 11) are located in the outer zone, 66 percent (n = 35) are
It is difficult to identify any centralized control over the lime dis- located in the hilly intermediate zone, and 13 percent (n = 7) are lo-
tribution economy without the clustering of all annular structures in cated in the Kiuic inner zone. The majority of the annular structures
one place or large facilities for gathering and storing lime before re- identified in the study area are located in the intermediate zone, which
distribution. However, the absence of these indicators does not pre- also has the highest concentration of annular structures. This reflects a
clude the possibility that central authorities controlled any of the sev- balance between being close to the raw materials for lime production
eral stages in lime production mentioned above. Each of the lime and to the consumers that needed the finished product. The hill-slopes
industry stages potentially provided elites and/or central governing of the intermediate zone were likely among the more densely forested
authorities with an opportunity to control aspects of production. The areas of the Kiuic polity during the Late and Terminal Classic periods
available contextual data are most consistent with a tax or tribute-based (Seligson, 2016; Seligson et al., 2017a). Competing with the need to be
political economy, similar to the systems recorded for early 16th cen- close to the wooded hill-slopes was the desire to stay close to the
tury Yucatecan polities (Foias, 2002:226) and Central Mexican city- densest concentrations of residential compounds that consumed the
states (Palma Linares, 2009:231). In this scenario, small-scale producers lime. Twenty of the thirty-five (57 percent) intermediate zone annular
would provide some of their products to the central governing autho- structures are located within 250 m of the inner zone. The inner zone
rities on a regular basis and/or whenever monumental construction has a residential group density of 118 residential groups per km2 while
episodes took place at the site center. the intermediate zone as whole has a density of 27 residential groups
per km2 (Fig. 6). Therefore, the intermediate zone best fit the balance
5.3. Seasonal production between limiting the transportation of raw materials and of finished
product. So then why are some annular structures located so far from
The weather patterns in the Puuc region also affected the nature and residential groups in the outer zone and distant sectors of the


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

Fig. 6. Map of intermediate and inner zones showing loca-

tions of pit-kilns in relation to elite and non-elite residential
compounds (adapted from Gallareta Negrón et al., 2014 and
Seligson, 2016).

intermediate zone? the hazardous effects of smoke pollution (Seligson et al., 2017a),
It is possible that corporate groups that did not have direct access to powdered lime dust pollution, and quicklime hazards. However, this
lime kilns in close vicinity to their residences either controlled or at does not explain why some structures are so remote. Nine out of the 11
least had access to the more isolated pit-kilns. De León’s (2009) study of pit-kilns in the outer zone are isolated from all other archaeological
Aztec household-level salt production at workshops distant from re- features except small perishable structures, or paseles. Weighing con-
sidential structures may be useful as a reference for understanding the struction labor efforts against the transportation efforts of the powdered
household-level organization of lime production at Kiuic. Just as most lime product, the most likely scenario is that these isolated annular
of the salt production workshops were located away from residential structures were the sites of intermittent lime production events. Al-
structures, 11 of the Kiuic annular pit-kilns were relatively isolated in though the farthest of these isolated annular kilns is only approximately
the polity’s hinterlands. This isolation does not necessarily preclude 2 km from the western edge of the inner zone as the crow flies, the
their use or even control by elite and/or non-elite corporate groups actual ground routes from the hinterlands to the residential groups
living closer to the site center. In fact, as De León found for salt pro- within the intermediate and inner zones were longer. Powdered lime is
duction, a number of factors may have even encouraged the purposeful heavy and thus it is unlikely that there was daily transportation of the
removal of workshops to a greater distance from residences. Lime finished product from these isolated sites. It is also unlikely that these
production episodes include the creation of much smoke and heat isolated structures were constructed for a single production episode.
pollution (Russell and Dahlin, 2007; Seligson et al., 2017a). The The experimental construction of an annular pit-kiln at Kiuic demon-
strenuous physical activities and large amounts of labor involved also strated the difficulty of excavating through the bedrock of a limestone
likely resulted in much noise pollution. The immediate production of outcrop and the layer of sascab below using modern iron implements
limestone calcination is quicklime, a caustic material that is dangerous (Seligson et al., 2017a). The tools and materials that the Pre-Columbian
to touch. These centrifugal factors may have combined with centripetal Maya would have used to excavate the pit-kilns would have made the
factors like easier access to the necessary raw materials to lead many process even more difficult. The significant amount of effort that went
households to construct their lime kilns outside the confines of the site into excavating the large pit-kilns in the outer hinterlands to the west of
center. Thus, the relative spatial isolation of many annular structures Kiuic suggests that they were used repeatedly in the production of lime.
does not necessarily mean that they were not affiliated with specific The absence of permanent residential structures coupled with the sig-
households. However, the amount of resources required for lime pro- nificant labor investment in the construction of the kilns themselves
duction (in terms of raw materials, technical skill, and labor) would thus points to these isolated annular structures being the sites of peri-
likely have limited the number of households and/or small-scale cor- odic lime production camps. Additionally, no artifacts involved in food
porate groups that produced their own lime at these distant locations. production such as metates for grinding maize were found near any of
Factors that influenced the construction of several isolated lime these isolated structures. This indicates that the workers producing the
kilns in the intermediate and outer zones thus include the desire to limit lime at these locations were most likely traveling to the production site


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

Fig. 7. Map of the Pixoy Group in the Kiuic Inner Zone, highlighting the location of the annular structure within the group. Maps adapted from map by William Ringle and colleagues
(Gallareta Negrón et al., 2002).

daily during production periods. scenario, the laborers who assembled the fuel and raw materials and
The mechanics of lime production are such that labor intensiveness then slaked and excavated the powdered lime from the pit-kiln would
is cyclical. Substantial amounts of labor would have been necessary to be able to return to their residences while only one or two individuals
excavate and construct the pit-kilns in the first place. With each new stayed to oversee the entirety of the burning episode.
burn, a significant amount of labor would have been necessary to as- The reason for the establishment of these annular pit-kilns in the
semble the raw limestone and wood fuel. The Kiuic pit-kiln experiment hinterlands might relate to high concentrations of sakel bach tunich
demonstrated that approximately 28 person hours of labor were re- limestone at these locales. Producers likely endeavored to limit the
quired to assemble the fuel and raw limestone necessary for our burn transportation efforts of the raw limestone and it is thus makes sense
that required approximately 4 m3 of raw materials (Seligson et al., that they would construct the kilns near to the source of the raw
2017a). With the depth and size that some of the Pre-Columbian pit- limestone materials. Just as engineers knew which grades of limestone
kilns reached, even if the Pre-Columbian Maya were more efficient in were more suitable for construction purposes (Carmean et al., 2011),
their assembly methods, this stage in the process would have required lime producers knew which grades of limestone were best for producing
several laborers. After the materials were assembled in the pit-kiln and high quality lime. The desire for certain types of raw materials would
the fire was started, only one or two individuals were required to explain the seemingly far-flung distribution of several of these outer
oversee the 20–30 h of the burn. Assuming consecutive firing episodes area kilns when transportation effort was an important factor to con-
at the same kiln, this day of diminished labor requirements would be sider.
followed by increased labor input once again. After each burn laborers The chronological data provide an additional dimension with which
had to gather and apply the water necessary to slake the quicklime and to address the isolated production issue. The expansion of lime pro-
then remove the resulting powdered lime from the pit-kilns. This would duction activities into the outer hinterlands of Kiuic, far from the po-
theoretically be followed by a repetition of the production cycle until pulation and architectural clusters that required the lime may have
the desired amount of powdered lime had been produced. In this reflected the diminishing availability of wood fuel within the Kiuic


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

polity core. The AMS radiocarbon dates from four annular structures estimate for the quantity of lime used to pave plazas or patios. Based off
place one at 658–675 (cal.) CE at 2σ, one at 675–775 (cal.) CE at 2σ, of a sequence of Late and Terminal Classic plastered floors excavated in
one at 688–887 (cal.) CE at 2σ, and fourth at 766–892 (cal.) CE at 2σ the Dzunun plaza of Kiuic’s Yaxche Group that averaged 4 cm in
(Seligson et al., 2017a,b). All radiocarbon dates were calibrated using thickness (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2001), and a conservative average
IntCal1 3 and OxCal 4.2.4 software (Bronk Ramsey, 2009; Reimer et al., aggregate-to-lime ratio of 7:1 (Wernecke, 2008:203), we estimate that a
2013). While all of these include rather wide ranges, the earlier edge of paved patio/plaza would require 0.005 m3 of lime per square meter of
this range appears to date to the 7th century and thus to the beginning surface area.
of the Late-Terminal Classic population and masonry architecture All of the structures located within the Pixoy Group are believed to
construction boom. The growing population would have required more have supported a Late and Terminal Classic occupation. Based on the
land cleared for residential and agricultural purposes, leaving fewer number of likely residential structures (n > 5) and the number of total
stands of trees. While many of the annular structures excavated in the rooms in these structures (n > 9), we estimate that the Pixoy re-
polity core had at least some evidence of Late Classic ceramics in the sidential or corporate group consisted of at least 9–27 members (as-
structure fill, the two hinterland structures excavated only had Term- suming 1–3 people occupied each room). This results in an annual
inal Classic ceramic sherds in their fill. While the sample size is ad- range of lime consumption for dietary purposes of 0.14–0.43 m3.
mittedly very small, it raises the possibility that changes in the fuel Following initial construction episodes, annual architectural main-
availability close to the site center over time influenced the construc- tenance requirements would equal roughly 4.4 m3 per year (0.4 m3 per
tion of these more far-flung annular structures. Isolated production each of the eight masonry structures and 1.2 m3 for the small pyramid).
increased post-production transportation efforts for the burnt lime. Paved plazas and/or patios would have covered a maximum of 500 m2
However, locating the hinterland structures near to sakel bach tunich in the group, and thus required an initial 2.5 m3 of lime to construct.
outcrops and remaining wood fuel sources limited overall production Using the 1/5 of the initial input figure calculated for architecture,
investments. plaza/patio maintenance would have required roughly 0.5 m3 of lime
annually. At most an additional 1 m3 of lime may have been used for
6. Inner zone case study, Pixoy Group miscellaneous uses such as agricultural fertilizer, maize storage, or
extra architectural purposes. Thus, we estimate that the Pixoy social
Six of the seven annular structures located in the inner zone are group used approximately 6.04–6.33 m3 of lime annually. In order to
spatially affiliated with at least one small corporate group. Those inner estimate the amount of lime that may have been produced in the Pixoy
zone residential compounds that do have direct access to an annular lime kiln with each episode, we used the ratio of 3.94:1 fuel-to-lime
structure are located near just one. This suggests that access to an ef- calculated from the annular pit-kiln experiment at Kiuic (Seligson et al.,
ficient lime pit-kiln allowed these inner zone residential or corporate 2017a). Assuming the 31.68 m3-volume central pit was filled to capa-
groups to produce enough lime to be self-sufficient in terms of their city, the Pixoy lime producers were able to produce as much as 6.41 m3
architectural and dietary lime requirements. As suggested by the multi- of lime per burn (31.68 m3/4.94 m3).
crafting subsistence model, they may have even produced lime sur- The Kiuic lime production experiment demonstrated that approxi-
pluses for exchange with non-producing corporate groups (Gallareta mately 28 person-hours of labor were required to gather the raw ma-
Negrón et al., 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006). In this section we estimate the terials for a burn that used approximately 4 m3 of raw materials (wood
labor and raw material requirements, as well as the lime production and limestone) (Seligson et al., 2017a). This results in a rough estimate
output for the Pixoy Group. of 7 person-hours necessary to gather 1 m3 of raw materials. The Pixoy
The Pixoy Group is located approximately 250 m to the northwest of pit-kiln in its final form could hold 31.68 m3 of raw materials, which
the civic-ceremonial Yaxche Group at the site center (Fig. 7) (Gallareta would have required an estimated 221.8 person-hours of labor
Negrón et al., 2002:2–6). Taking into account the maximum possible (31.68 × 7). Using an estimated residential population of approxi-
extent of this residential complex, it consists of five platforms/terraces, mately 20 persons within the Terminal Classic Pixoy Group, perhaps
eight masonry structures (at least five of which would likely have been half of these would have been able-bodied workers that could have
residential), and one stone-vaulted structure located atop a small pyr- participated in lime production episodes. Ten workers would require
amid. The group is arranged roughly in the shape of the number 7, with about two 10-h workdays to meet the labor requirements for gathering
the sole annular structure located at the corner of the ‘7’. Close to the the raw materials for the burn. Labor requirements were likely greater if
kiln are a fairly large limestone quarry and two small haltuns or small the bulk of the fuel wood was harvested from distant hill slopes. Based
natural depressions in the surface bedrock that catch rainfall and may on ethnographic data, freshly chopped wood is preferred for this type of
have been useful for lime production activities. The annular structure is burn due to its high moisture content (Russell and Dahlin, 2007;
composed of a double-walled ring surrounding an interior pit that Schreiner, 2002). In order to limit the overall production time, the
measures 3.1 m in diameter and is approximately 4.2 m deep. The in- Pixoy corporate group may have either combined their efforts with
ternal volume of this roughly cylindrical pit-kiln is thus approximately other corporate groups and shared the resulting burnt lime, or em-
31.68 m3. Evidence for repeated lime burning episodes were recovered ployed laborers from outside the corporate group. Either way, the labor
from the excavation of this structure during the 2014 summer field required for the lime production episodes was likely organized by small
season (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2015; Seligson, 2016; Seligson et al., corporate groups.
2017a,b). Based on these estimates, the residents of the Pixoy Group required
Russell and Dahlin (2007:418) gathered lime consumption data approximately only one full-scale lime production episode in their pit-
from the contemporary village of Chunchucmil in the northwestern kiln per year to supply their own yearly lime needs. Two production
Yucatán to estimate that the average person consumes approximately events almost certainly covered their annual consumption needs.
0.016 m3 of lime per year (8.1 kg per year/505 kg per m3 density). Unfortunately, radiocarbon dates recovered from the Pixoy structure
Based on ethnographic information they also estimated that villagers and other annular pit-kilns are not precise enough to allow for the es-
used an average of 2 m3 of lime to construct their residences, 6 m3 of timation of the quantity of production episodes per year. The appro-
lime to construct a larger ceremonial structure, and just 1 m3 of lime to priation of wood fuel would thus most likely have been the limiting
construct a small miscellaneous structure. They drew on Abrams’s factor in the amount of burns conducted annually, as lime requirements
(1994:75) study of architectural energetics at Copán to estimate that would appear to have been met rather easily. However, having invested
each structure would require 1/5 of its original lime input each year in the construction of the kiln it is quite possible that the Pixoy cor-
post-construction for maintenance purposes (Russell and Dahlin, porate group(s) purposely produced surpluses for exchange with non-
2007:418). Unfortunately, Russell and Dahlin (2007) did not include an producing groups.


K. Seligson et al. -RXUQDORI$QWKURSRORJLFDO$UFKDHRORJ\²

7. Conclusions investigation introduces a discussion of the Pre-Columbian lime in-

dustry into socio-economic frameworks that were developed for the
The annular structures identified in and around the Pre-Columbian study of more durable goods like ceramics and lithics. It highlights the
community of Kiuic in the eastern Puuc region of the northern Maya importance of considering the impacts of the production and distribu-
lowlands were used as fuel-efficient pit-kilns for producing burnt lime. tion of similarly perishable craft goods within pre-modern economies
The data suggest that the Maya of the eastern Puuc developed the an- that may not be readily visible in the archaeological record. This in-
nular pit-kiln technology during the Late and Terminal Classic periods vestigation thus introduces a baseline framework for understanding not
(∼650–850 CE) in response to a rapid demographic expansion that only how lime production was organized in the northern Maya low-
stressed environmental resources (Seligson, 2016; Seligson et al., lands, but for understanding the socio-economic system in which per-
2017a,b). The concentration of annular structures in the intermediate ishable goods were produced and exchanged. This framework can now
hill zone just outside the most densely populated area of the inner zone be compared with previously established models regarding the pro-
suggests that the Pre-Columbian lime producers sought to locate their duction and distribution of perishable materials like burnt lime for pre-
kilns as close to the available fuel resources as possible while limiting modern societies around the world.
post-production transportation investments.
The distribution of the annular pit-kilns across the inner, inter- Acknowledgements
mediate, and outer zones of Kiuic suggest a largely decentralized lime
production industry. Some small corporate groups, especially those We would like to thank Bill Ringle, Evan Parker, Maggie Morgan-
residing in hilltop compounds to the west of the site center, possessed Smith, Tomás Gallareta Cervera, Stephanie Simms, and Sol Ortíz Ruíz
their own large annular pit-kilns. These groups likely produced lime for for their collaboration and support, Betsy Kohut for her incomparable
their own consumption as well as for exchange with non-producing ceramic analysis, Tom Garrison for his insightful comments and sug-
groups as part of an agricultural and limestone processing subsistence gestions on this manuscript, Sarah Clayton, Nam Kim, Mark Kenoyer,
scheme (Gallareta Negrón et al., 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006). The fact that and William Aylward for their guidance and comments, Jim Burton for
all social groups within the polity required burnt lime for a variety of his assistance with all of the archaeometric analyses, Greg Hodgins and
daily activities and yet not all appear to have produced their own the NSF-University of Arizona AMS facility, James Callaghan (Director
suggests that some sort of exchange system existed for the distribution of the Kaxil Kiuic Biocultural Reserve), Daviniel Xool (el cabo of the
of lime throughout the Pre-Columbian Kiuic community. A previous 2014 excavation team), Oliberto Us May (el cabo of the 2015 excavation
study of ceramic exchange at Kiuic (Gunn, 2015) focusing on vessel team), Don Gabriel Us, and Don Evelio Uc (caretaker of the Biocultural
forms and types, suggests that vessels were distributed through both Reserve). The Bolonchén Regional Archaeological Project takes place
market and gift-giving exchange systems. Lime and lime products span under permits granted by the Consejo de Arqueología del Instituto
a spectrum of utilitarian and prestige purposes, similar to ceramics, Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), México. We gratefully
which suggests that lime may have been exchanged through the same acknowledge Eduardo López Calzada, the director of the Centro INAH
or similar intra-community distribution networks. Ruling groups at the Yucatán.
site center consumed lime just like any other small corporate group but Funding: This work was supported by a National Science
didn’t necessarily produce lime or oversee the production of lime Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant (BCS-1445437)
themselves. The lack of evidence for any centralized control of lime and a University of Wisconsin-Madison University Fellowship awarded
production leaves a tax or tribute system as the most likely system for to Seligson, as well as by the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
lime-producing households to provision the state. Thus, the lime pro- Historia of Mexico.
duction industry was at the crux of multi-crafting domestic subsistence
strategies and the overarching political economy of the Kiuic polity. Appendix A. Supplementary material
Lime production became an increasingly important economic ac-
tivity throughout the Late and Terminal Classic periods as masonry Supplementary data associated with this article can be found, in the
architecture construction programs expanded and a growing population online version, at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2017.09.003.
required more nixtamalized maize. Increased demand for lime made
lime production an important part-time craft activity and a valuable References
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