Arabic Poetry in West Africa
Arabic Poetry in West Africa
Arabic Poetry in West Africa
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369
that was closer to Bedouin life. It is worth noting that, during the 19th and
20th centuries, the majority of the Arabic poets of West Africa did not have
access to collections of classical Arabic poetry of all of its periods, except
for six or seven long poems (Mu'allaqdt) of pre-Islamic poetry (al-Shi'r alJdhill) and (Isldmi), poetry cited in some books of al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah,
occasional citations in the scholarly books of various Islamic disciplines,
and religious poetry in the form of al-Mada'ih al-Nabawiyyah (qasidahs in
praise of Prophet Mohammad).' This explains more clearly the influence of
Jdhili and early Isldmi poetry on Arabic poets of West Africa, in terms of
their poetic techniques and styles. High levels of linguistic skill reminiscent
of the classical tradition are nevertheless achieved despite the lack of resources and models other than a few classical texts that represent a very
small portion of the huge poetic history of the Arabic language.
West African poetry is thus arguably a spontaneous and deep internalization of the principles of classical Arabic verse rather than simple duplication or imitation. It seems to maintain a strong dialogue with a culture that
had become universal in binding Muslims together as one entity, regardless
of differences of race, language and land. West African poetry seems to
derive its inspiration from the Arabic language as a vehicle of the language
of religious dialogue. Hence, the West African Arabic poets of Senegal and
Nigeria demonstrated this Islamic cultural identity at its highest level
through their poetry in the Arabic language. This was an exceptionally high
literary achievement, given that Arabic was not their first language and their
distance from the Arabian Peninsula.
As mentioned above, the Arabic poets of West Africa derived their literary culture from books containing poems, which explains the relative lack
of innovative poetry in some cases. Also noticeable is the eloquence and,
sometimes, the exoticism which characterises the language of their poetry in
its different motifs. In contrast, their didactic poetry is characterised by popular language understandable to the masses. Metrically, their poetry rarely
departs from the use of wide metres. The most favoured metres of lyrical
poetry in general are, in order of frequency, wide (al-basit), long (al-tawil),
perfect (al-kdmil), ample (al-wdfir), and light (al-khafif). The poets seldom
depart from these five meters, for they are also the favourite poetic metres
of the master poets of Arabia. Abf al-'Ala' al-Ma'arri says:
In poetry it is generallyfelt that there are no better metres than the al-basit
and al-tawil, found in the majorityof Arab poetry.Among the poems of the
masterpoets, the majorityfall in the al-tawil and al-basi.tpatterns.The metres
See Hunwick cited in Stefan Sperl and Christopher Shackle, eds. Qasida Poetry in Islamic
Asia and Africa (Leiden. New York. Koln: E. J. Brill, 1996), pp. 83-4.
370
ABDULLAH
ABDUL-SAMAD
371
Hiskett, p. 22.
7 Peter B. Clarke, West
Africa and Islam, (London: Edward Arnold Ltd, 1982), p. 38.
8 Ibn Battutah, Rihlat Ibn Battutah (Bayrit: Dar Sadir wa-Dar Bayrut), p. 690.
9 Abubakar, 45.
p.
10 Ibid., p. 46.
" 'Abd al-Qadir Zabadiyah, Dawlat Songhay fi 'ahd al-Askin (al-Jaza'ir: al-Sharkah alWataniyyah li al-Nashr wa-al-Tawzi'), p. 100.
372
ABDUL-SAMAD ABDULLAH
Other important educational centres developed in Gao, Wallata, Gazargamu (capital of the mais of Borno from the 1480s),12 Kano, and Katsina.
Along with Timbuktu, these were the key Islamic enlightenment centres in
Western Sudan during the early period of the region's Islamic history. In
addition to these centres, other enlightenment sources such as mosques,
schools, and arbours were built throughout the region. Schools were set
up under the trees and in the corridors of the 'ulama's houses while open
spaces were used as primary schools, retreats, and prayer rooms. In this
way, Islamic Arabic education moved towards development and prosperity
until it reached its highest standard in the kingdom of Sunghay under the
Askiyas (1493-1591).
Evidence of the flourishing of Arabic language at that time and of the
level of its maturity can be seen in the seven questions sent by HiajAskiya
Muhammad I of the Sunghay Empire, in about 923/1502, to Imam alMaghili of Tlemcen in Algeria, one of the outstanding Muslim academics
and scholars of his time and Judge of Tuwat, North Africa. Askiya I was
seeking advice on a number of issues. The questions were said to be controversial religiously and complex. Each consisted of, linguistically, more
than two lines, with strong and cohesive sentence structure. There is no
doubt that the writer was skilled in Arabic writing.'3 The answers and
advice that al-Maghili rendered influenced the behaviour and outlook of
Askiya I as a Muslim ruler, and had a significant impact on the history of
West Africa in general, and on its Islamic history in particular.'4
It was not only Muslims who accepted the Arabic language. Islam's literacy, its impressive rituals, and its annual festivals were all acceptable to
polytheists of the region.'5 This, in turn, created a vigorous connection with
Arabic culture that profoundly influenced the cultural output. Islamic influence inevitably coloured the intellectual production of these societies,
since the producers in that field were Islamic intellectual elites who had
mastered the Islamic religion through the Arabic language. In the great cities
such as Timbuktu, Wallata, Kano, and Katsina, where productive activities
and trade transactions took place, there developed a wide circle of scholars,
thinkers and judges who had mastered the Arabic language and Islamic
thought. Their highly variegated output in the form of commentaries, jurisprudence, linguistics, and documentation of the history of the region fol-
12
John Hunwick, "The Arabic Literary Tradition of Nigeria," Research in African Literature (2004), p. 2. http://iupjournal.org/ral/ral28-3.html 2004.
13 Zabadiyah, p. 156.
14
Clarke, p. 50.
'1 Hiskett, p. 31.
ARABICPOETRYIN WESTAFRICA
373
The Arabic language was not only masteredby the Western Sudanese,
they used the flourishinglanguage also to produce high quality academic
and artistic works. This continued until the society began to whither following the invasionby the Moroccanarmy of al-Mansur's,which overthrew
the SonghayEmpirein 1591. The subsequentperiodsaw a decline into stagnationof theonce-flourishing
WesternSudaneseArabicculture.Manycommentators consider the intellectual productionsof this period as impoverished
and lacking the eloquence and lucidity of the earlier models. The works
are typically afflictedby unnecessarycrammingand ingenue expressions.'7
However, this period of stagnation was followed by a resurgence of
Islamic Arabiccultureduringthe dynastyof the West AfricanNigerianreligious reformerShaykh OthmanIbn Fodiye (1837-1903).18 This renaissance
was manifestednot only in Othman'sown writings,but also in the writings
of his brother,WazirAbd Allah Ibn Fodiye, his son, MuhammadBello, and
other writers of that period.19In addition,the reformerShaykh set out for
his people an organisedadministrativesystem that conformedto the previous Islamic administrativesystems in Arabia; he also made Arabic the
official language. Letters exchanged between Shaykh OthmanIbn Fodiye,
the Caliph of Sokoto, and Shaykh al-Kanemiof Bomo, in which the latter
seeks justificationfor the Jihadof the formeragainstthe Bomo people, who
by all historicalaccountswere Muslims, are a clear testimonyto the flourishing of the Arabic languageduringthat period.20
This efflorescenceof Arabicwent beyondacademicand scientificwritings
to the field of creativeliterarywriting,which reachedits peak in the second
half of the nineteenthcentury,particularlywith linguistic usage variationin
lyrical poetry.The remainderof this articlewill thereforeexplore the characteristicsof Arabicpoetryin this region. One characteristicwas that Arabic
poetrybelongedto high culture;that is, it was meantfor elite Arabic schol-
16
17
Zabadiyah, p. 156.
Ibid., p. 157.
18
Shaykh OthmanIbn Fodiye or dan Fodio was the founderof the Sokoto Caliphatein
northernNigeria, 1754-1903. For more details, see MurrayLast, The Sokoto Caliphate(New
York:HumanitiesPress, 1967), p. 3.
19 For more details on the intellectualactivities of this Jihadistleader and the membersof
his immediate and extended family, see Boyd and Furniss' "Moblizethe people" cited in
Stefan Sperl and Christopher Shackle, eds. Qasida Poetry in Islamic Asia and Africa (Leiden.
374
ABDUL-SAMAD
ABDULLAH
21 Hunwick, p. 84.
22 Asma'u Bint
Shaykh OthmanIbn Fodiye was famous for this type of literaryexercise.
For more informationsee Beverley B. Mark and Jean Boyd, One Woman'sJihad (Bloomington, IN: IndianaUniversityPress, 2000), pp. 94, 100.
23 Boyd and Fumiss, in Sperl and Shackle,p. 429.
24Boyd and Furniss,p. 430.
25For more informationabout the developmentof Hausa verse, see Boyd and Fumiss in
Sperl and Shackle, pp. 429-30, and M. Hiskett,A Historyof Hausa Islamic Verse (London:
School of Orientaland AfricanStudies, 1975).
375
for example, describes the ingenuity of Sudanese poets in his time and the
themes they covered, but he does not quote from the poems.26 However, the
fact that al-Sa'di commented on the poets supports the existence of Arabic
poetry during or even before his time. Unfortunately, archaeological or literary evidence has not come down to us.
In his article on the Arabic qasida in West Africa, Hunwick cites verses
composed in Murrakesh in the late twelve century by a grammarian poet,
who seems to have come from Kanem on the northern shores of Lake Chad,
as the first example of the literary usage of Arabic in West Africa.27
Although conclusive evidence is lacking, it is not unreasonable to suggest
that Arabic poetry in West Africa already existed at a time that we do not
know of and cannot be guided to. It is impossible therefore to assert a
definite beginning or define the period during which the poetry developed.28
For these reasons, this article will examine only poems written from the thirteenth century of Hijrah (19th century C.E.) onwards, when the picture of
Arabic poetry in this region is clear and unambiguous. The range of poets
cited is also limited to Senegal and Nigeria, as these countries have the richest traditions of Arabic poetry in the region. The inevitably limited scope of
this research does not allow the inclusion of Arabic poetry in the whole of
the West African region.
West African Arabic poetry included two poetic genres: lyrical (al-shi'r
al-ghind'i) and didactic (al-Shi'r al-ta'limi). Lyrical poetry represents the majority of poems. This genre also includes a wide range of forms, from panegyric (al-madih) to elegy (al-rithd'). Its types include pride (al-fakhr),
description (al-wasf), love (al-ghazal), fortitude (al-hamdsah), militantism
(shi'r al-Jihdd), complaint and nostalgia (al-shakwd wa al-Hanin), occasional poetry (shi'r al-mundsabdt), and encomiastic verse praising the
Prophet Mohammad (al-madd'ih al-nabawiyyah). This would indicate that
poets followed the path of Arabic poetry elsewhere, employing most of the
poetic varieties and motifs tried by the Arabic poets of the Arabian
Peninsula. Due to the limited scope of this article, only two poetic genres
or motifs, the panegyric and the elegy, are explored.
Panegyric
West African Arabic panegyric poetry resembles in style the panegyric
poetry of the famous al-Jahili poet, Zuhayr Ibn Abi Sulma, whose style was
commended by the second caliph, 'Umar Ibn al-Khattab: "He was not rep26
27
28
376
ABDUL-SAMAD
ABDULLAH
etitious in what he said, and would not praise anyone beyond what the person deserved."29Omar is suggesting that Zuhayr would only applaud a truly
praiseworthy person, unlike some profiteers among the panegyric poets who
were only anxious to fill their pockets with gold and silver. To the West
African poets, praise seems to be an echo of admiration from the depth, of
the soul. Praise was to them an expression of the love of absolute ideals and
the passion for pure values.
The objects of their praise were mostly scholars, intellectual leaders, and
missionaries of Islam who, after Allah, were responsible for the development of religious, cultural, social, and political life in Islamic societies
throughout the region. In addition to this, these poets of praise were themselves of the same calibre as the praised figures. Praise solely to earn money
was a rare occurrence. Local poets who praised in local languages and
dialects spared the West African Arabic poets the burden of earning a living through praise alone. As equals in social status to their praised subjects
and in accordance with African culture, the West African Arabic poets
regarded praise for material gain as demeaning and reserved for local professional praise-makers, who were regarded as belonging to the lowest levels
of society.
Praise of an individual rendered by the West African Arabic poets for
people in high society had a strong political and social impact. Moreover,
the translation of some of these poems from Arabic to the local languages
meant that the impact finally reached the masses.30
The values and ideals for which the Arabic poets of this region praised
their subjects were little different from those for which Arab poets elsewhere
wrote panegyrics. Qualities such as justice, loyalty, courage, generosity,
nobility, pride, and protection of neighbours were attributes that Arab poets
glorified. Above all, however, the Arabic poets of West Africa emphasised
spiritual or religious aspects in their poems, as well as the religious conception of those common values. We can quote here an example by the
Senegalese poet Ahmad 'Ayan Sih31 in which al-Haj Sa'id al-Nfir,32the descendant of the well-known Mujahid Shaykh Omar al-Ffiti, is praised. The
poet says, after the characteristic introductory section, common in classical
29 MuhammadIbn Sallam al-Jumahi,
Tabaqdtfuhul al-shu'ard',edited by M. M. Shikir
(Jeddah:Dar al-Madaniedition n.d.), vol. 1:63.
30To understandthe magnitudeof the impactof the translatedIslamicliteratureand Arabic
verses or qasida to local languages on both clerics and masses, see Boyd and Fumiss, pp.
430-3.
31 Ahmad
'Ayan Sih (b. 1913) was one of the most skillful SenegaleseArabicpoets of the
20th century.He wrote Arabicpoetryof differentmotifs but wrote extensivelyin elegiac and
panegyricgenres, especially, in praiseof the Prophet.
32
al-Haj Sa'id al-Nfr Til was an Islamic scholarwell known in Dakar,Senegal. He was
one of the great shaykhswho wrote extensively in the field of Islamicjurisprudence.
377
Arabic Poetry, in which there is mourning for the relics and traces of the
beloved ones' habitation33
Imam Sa'id al-Nfir,
Who swept away ignorancefrom my family and my homeland.
Each of us drew academicdistinction
From his preciousand unmatchedwritings.
He is the light with which Allah the Beneficent
Illuminatedall Senegal with educationand perfection.
0 how wonderfulare these words that his fingerswrote to me,
More preciousthan a necklace of sapphireand pearls.
When he disappeared,all knowledgedisappeared,
Never to returnuntil his return.
He is the refuge, the hero, the master,
And the learnedof all times, in generosityand perfection.
Many poets before had used the qualities the poet describes here. Nevertheless, the excellence of 'Ayan Sih's phrasing from his use of metaphoric
expressions gives the poem characteristics of good poetry in Arabic. The writing is a fluid and breathless outpouring of love and admiration for al-Haj
Sa'id al-Nfir's qualities, such as his outstanding academic merit and his significant role in eradicating ignorance among his people.
Certain expressions such as lahu ta'dlifu ghurin ("he has noble literary
works"), nufrun 'andra bihi al-Rahmdnu jumlatand ("he is the light with
which the Beneficent illuminated all Senegal"), with their elements of exaggeration, are appropriate to the Arabic panegyric in general. Hence, such the
convention of exaggeration does not contradict the claim that West African
Arabic poets give only earned praise, as was mentioned earlier.
The structure of the poem follows the model of the Arabic poem
described in studies by Arab critics such as Ibn Qutaybah al-Daynawari and
Ibn Rashiq al-Qayrawani.34According to these authorities, the Arabic poem
characteristically begins with an introduction professing love, followed by a
lamentation over the ruins left behind by loved ones, such as traces of a
ditch and tent pegs, dry camel dung, and ashes from the cooking pit of an
old campsite. The poet recognises the spot as one where he once enjoyed a
love relationship with a maid from a friendly tribe that had pitched its camp
in the same camping ground.35This is generally followed by a description
of the journey to those ruins and traces of the beloved; the device found is
in both pre-Islamic and Islamic Arabic poetry.
33 For more details on the classical Arabic ode or al-qasidah, see Ilse Lichtenstadter,Introduction
to Classical Arabic Literature (New York: Schocken Books, 1976), pp. 23-27.
34 Ibn
Qutaybah al-Daynawari, al-Shi'r wa-al-Shu'ara' (Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyyah), p. 27.
Ibn Rashiq al-Qairawani, al-'Umdah (Dar al-Bayda': Dar al-Rashad al-Hadithah), Vol. 1:225.
35 Lichtenstadter, p. 24.
378
ABDUL-SAMAD
ABDULLAH
In the poem of praise to al-Haj Sa'id al-Nfir above, the Senegalese poet
begins with an introductory section lamenting the traces left behind by loved
ones. The following is an extract:
Is it because of rememberingthose in al-bdn and the al-bdn itself,
Or is it because of rememberingcertaingazelles when you see another
gazelle
That you come to this ruin crying for those who used to live there?
Then give my best regardsto my homeland.
I stay awake all the night, sleepless,
And my night remainsas long as the doves who sing on the branchmake me
sad.
Forget Salma, who offered nothing but a half-waking vision.
IN WESTAFRICA
ARABIC
POETRY
379
380
ABDUL-SAMAD ABDULLAH
42
381
Asma' Bint Othman Ibn Fodiye (1793-1865)43 elegizes her friend 'A'ishah,
saying:
To Allah I complainof the many anxieties burieddeep inside my heart;
For the loss of leading scholarsand mastersof religion,
And of my sisters, all friendsof goodness and giving.
The death of my beloved remindedme of those virtuousand righteoussisters
Who have long since passed away.
Righteousand devoutly obedientto the Lord,
Guardingin the absence of their husbandsall that Allah told them to guard,
Makingextra acts of worship.
Greaterwas my distress, loneliness, and longing,
And the tears flowed down my cheeks,
For the loss of the noble A'ishah,
A woman who possessed all kinds of virtues:
RememberingAllah, giving charity,reciting the Quran,
Protectingthe oppressed,
And carryingthe burdenof great responsibilities.
She was the guardianof orphans,
The comforterof widows,
And a pillar of the communitywith her gifts of love and tenderness.44
This elegy suggests that women were very active in West African Islamic
society. Their activities ranged from benevolent activities such as orphanage
welfare and helping the needy and widows, to political activities such as defending the oppressed and defending the weak. This is an indication that women
were active socially and politically, but at the same time did not compromise their roles wives, mothers and sisters. This is an interesting phenomenon that is worth further exploration.
Asma' Bint Othman Ibn Fodiye elegizes the same friend in another poem:
I accept what Allah has decreed;
I only express in my words the right of sisterhood.
There is no sin in making an elegy;
The Prophetwas elegized by Abu Sufyan on the day of his death.
I am crying tears for her out of mercy, longing, and true affection.
The Prophetdid not forbid this;
He only forbadecrying out for the dead with "Oh"and "Ah."45
43 LegendaryIslamic scholar, poet, social and political activist of her time. For detailed
informationregardingthis highly respected and authoritativepublic figure, see Beverly B.
Markand Jean Boyd, One Woman'sJihad (Bloomington& Indianapolis:IndianaUniversity
Press, 2000), pp. 1-61.
44 Asma' Bint Othman cited in al-Wazir
al-Junayd, 'Arf al-Rayihdnft al-Tabarruk bi dhikr
382
ABDUL-SAMAD ABDULLAH
383
The poet seems to bewail the cities that lost their previous Islamic culture because of the schisms and infighting among Muslims that can be
attributed to the colonisers' divisive plotting against Muslims and Islam. The
poet describes the misfortunes that afflicted the region with the advent of
colonialism. The poem argues that colonial rule has destroyed the people's
minds, value system, political and economic structures, and culture, education, social harmony, religion, and civilisation. Worst of all, in the poet's
eyes, is that the colonial masters destroyed the morals and creativity of the
colonised and implanted the seeds of fear and disunity among them. According to the poet, the colonial subjects' regaining their identity and creativity will be difficult if not impossible, let alone emancipating themselves
47
384
ABDULLAH
ABDUL-SAMAD
from mental colonisation. He urges the Muslims of the region to unite and
overlook the superficial religious differences that separate them. He also
asks them to be mindful that it is only Islam that can solve their problems.
It is clear that elegies for cities are a form of West African Arabic poetry
with close relation to elegies written in the Islamic East in the aftermath of
the invading Moguls and to elegies for the cities of the former Islamic Iberia
which had fallen to the Christian crusaders.
The Arabic elegiac poems of West Africa have certain features in common, such as the pervasive sense of personal sadness as a basic element.
The poet expresses extreme shock at the loss of the deceased and presents
this as personal sorrow. Abstract sorrow is seldom expressed. However,
there is no departure from Islamic teachings in the elegies for the dead. The
Islamic elegy is submissive to the commands of God. The poet finally goes
back to God to accept the destiny assigned to him by God, as can be seen
clearly in the extracts from the Nigerian woman poet Asma'a Bint Othman
Ibn Fodiye and her brother Muhammad al-Bukhari. Many elegies also begin
with praise of God and vilification of this world, as seen in Asma'a. Likewise,
the Nigerian poet Isma'il Ibn Muhammad starts his elegy to his teacher, the
scholar Shu'ayb, by saying:
Allah is the greatest,
This world was createdfor extinction.
It was not created,my brother,for eternity.48
Other elegies avoid such preliminary introductions and move directly to the
main topic, such as in the extract from Muhammad al-Bukhari Ibn Othman
Ibn Fodiye.49 A single elegy may combine bewailing, eulogy, and consolation, in no particular order. This is a common feature of the elegies of the
West African Arabic poets.
48 Abubakar,p. 357.
49Otherexamplesof poets like Muhammadal-BukhariIbn OthmanIbn Fodiye includethe
NigerianShaykhOmarIbn Ibrahimand the Senegalese ShaykhAhmad'Ayan Sih.
385
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