Yippies

Книга вышла в издательстве «Гилея» благодаря организационной, финансовой, моральной и иной деятельной поддержке основателя издательства Сергея Кудрявцева Акадэмическое издание (то есть много примечаний, комментариев и другого "научного аппарата") Посвящается Джерри Лефкурту, 2 адвокату и братишке Регистрационный номер Библиотеки Конгресса США 72-157115 (там же и украден) copyright ©1971 "ПИРАТСКИЕ ИЗДАНИЯ" О-БЕЗ-ГЛАВЛЕНИЕ и БЕС-СОДЕРЖАНИЕ 3 ПРЕДИСЛОВИЕ СООБЩНИКИ И ПОСОБНИКИ Часть 1. ВЫЖИВАЙ! 1. СВОБОДА ПИТАНИЯ Крис Серф. Он протолкнул книгу на самые верхи издательского дома, но дом ответил "NYET" 33 … Рэндом Хаус примет книгу только если я внесу ряд изменений. Помню сцену в офисе Джесона Эпстайна. "Но Джесон, вы же подвергаете мою книгу цензуре!" -сетовал я. Джесон побагровел и надулся, как рыба-шар: "Рэндом Хаус книг цензуре не подвергает!" -тишина повисла над комнатой, пока мы оба угодливо подбирали удобное слово, с которым можно смириться. -"Рэндом Хаус книги редактирует. Да, вот: мы ре-дак-тиру-ем!" Еще тридцать издательских домов отвергли книгу один за одним. Нет, что вы, предложения поступали: то уберите, это подправьте, а главноезаглавьице-то измените, а? Одно издательство даже посулило сорок тысяч долларов авансом, как только необходимые поправки будут внесены. Отказываться было сумасшествием -пришлось сойти с ума. Издательства побаивались, что телефонная компания или правительство могут приостановить распространение книги, возбудив судебное дело (на деле ни один иск не был доведен до конца). Но при этом все нюхом чуяли, что книга принесет прибыль. Тут на сцене появляется почтеннейший Томас Кинг Форкэйд собственной персоной. Я обратился к нему в декабре 1970, как раз перед тем, как сел на пару неделек передохнуть в чикагскую тюрьму. Форкэйд предложил помочь и с изданием, и с распространением. У него уже был начальный опыт создателя подпольной службы новостей. Две недели за решеткой я посвятил написанию предисловия. Когда я вышел на свободу, Форкэйд огласил приговор: вне официально существующих каналов система дистрибуции работать не сможет и финансировать подобную авантюру из собственного кармана он не в состоянии. Он потребовал восемь тысяч долларов за две недели, затраченные на редакторскую правку. !@%@/!, 34 -33 Наполеон и Черчилль оставили десятки афоризмов. Самый блеклый и унылый персонаж в истории ХХ века Андрей Андреевич Громыко, всю жизнь опасавшийся, как бы чего не вышло, дал миру всего одну, зато на диво лаконичную и ёмкую крылатую фразу: NYET. 34 Учитывая, что Эбби недрогнувшей рукой писал слово fuck на собственном лбу, ответ был очень грубым, раз даже он решил, что бумага такое стерпеть не может.

O artigo percorre a história da relação da cidade com o ativismo criativo, no século XX, descobrindo, na atuação e na ação performática de grupos como letristas, situacionistas, Diggers e Yippies, as matrizes da guerrilha publicitária. Para investigar em que medida os sentidos sociais dessas mobilizações sobre a cidade se aproximam e se afastam, e seus legados para as culturas ocidentais, recorre aos conceitos de liminar e liminóide, trabalhados sob a ótica da Antropologia da Performance, pelo antropólogo britânico Victor Turner. Palavras-chave: ativismo criativo, internacional situacionista, teatro de guerrilha, guerrilha publicitária, antropologia da performance.

As early as the 17th century, servants and slaves sold their wealthy employers’ castoff garments at secondhand depots to other impoverished people. Used clothes accordingly carried a heavy stigma of poverty and desperation, but centuries later, castoff garments acquired an entirely new significance: that of protest against the societies that perpetuated this kind of wealth disparity....

In the opening to Howl (1956), Allen Ginsberg glorified "angelheaded hipsters" as the paragons of authentic religious seeking. Published a year later, Jack Kerouac's On the Road (1957) placed this archetype for "hip" spirituality center stage. A cultural landmark for postwar American youth, this visionary travelogue drew upon an older, vernacular cultural of religious dissent. The aim of this course is to sketch the genealogy of this "hip" mode of spiritual heterodoxy from the 1940s Church of the Living Swing to the "hipster witches" of today. In addition to explicating the socio-historical dynamics of esotericism, this seminar will map the intersection of race, class, and gender in the social construction of hipness.

Abbie Hoffman (1936-1989) fue un activista estadounidense, fundador del movimiento "yippie" (diminutivo de Youth International Party) y ardiente promotor del anarco/comunismo. En pleno Festival de Woodstock, el domingo 17 de agosto de 1969, alrededor de las cinco de la mañana, interrumpió el show de The Who, para exigir la libertad del manager de los MC5, encarcelado por convidar marihuana a unos agentes encubiertos. Pete Townshend, el guitarrista, lo obligó a bajarse del escenario, no sin antes insultarlo. La leyenda dice que también lo golpeó con la guitarra en la cabeza, pero no hay fotos ni videos, sólo un audio. "Nación Woodstock" llamaría Hoffman al festival que saboteó, consciente del gran negocio de instrumentalizar la mística "hippie". Para él era su público quien redimía al evento. Y durante el juicio por incitar los disturbios de Chicago el año anterior, dijo, muy serio, que ese país "no es un lugar, sino un estado mental; de la misma forma que los sioux llevan su nación consigo".

As Chicago remembers through exhibitions, lectures, articles, radio programs, and other events a pivotal moment of 40 years ago when, during a hot August, our city, like the rest of the country, was at war with itself, we catch glimpses of protesters being beaten by police, Richard J. Daley trampling on every right this country holds dear, and artists' responses to the " bloodbath. " What we have not seen, however, is an inquiry into the role of Chicago's artists in the protests themselves, and how the movement utilized art to advance its cause and make it accessible to the wider public. Exhibitions like 1968: Art and Politics in Chicago at the DePaul University Museum of Art and Looks Like Freedom at DOVA on the University of Chicago campus show responses – but did visual art and artists actually play a role in communicating the message of the protest movement to the public at large during that week of the convention? And was it effective? " Art doesn't have the power to do that, and I don't think it should be used for that, " says Chicago abstract painter Vera Klement. Klement adds that she did , however, participate in the Lo Giudice Gallery benefit show in support of the protesters, as many other local and national artists did, but the content of the work was not always political. The story of the Paris uprisings of May 1968, just a few months before the Chicago convention, looks very different. Artists, students, and workers came together for a stunningly choreographed protest, where the message of the movement was branded and disseminated through scores of art posters, which remain testaments to the power of visual images to persuade and move people to action. The theorists behind the political movement were the Situationists, a group of Marxist artists and

When Technocultures Collide provides rich and diverse studies of collision courses between technologically inspired subcultures and the corporate and governmental entities they seek to undermine. The adventures and exploits of computer hackers, phone phreaks, urban explorers, calculator and computer collectors, “CrackBerry” users, whistle-blowers, Yippies, zinsters, roulette cheats, chess geeks, and a range of losers and tinkerers feature prominently in this volume. Gary Genosko analyzes these practices for their remarkable diversity and their innovation and leaps of imagination. He assesses the results of a number of operations, including the Canadian stories of Mafiaboy, Jeff Chapman of Infiltration, and BlackBerry users.

The author provides critical accounts of highly specialized attributes, such as the prospects of deterritorialized computer mice and big toe computing, the role of electrical grid hacks in urban technopolitics, and whether info-addiction and depression contribute to tactical resistance. Beyond resistance, however, the goal of this work is to find examples of technocultural autonomy in the minor and marginal cultural productions of small cultures, ethico-poetic diversions, and sustainable withdrawals with genuine therapeutic potential to surpass accumulation, debt, and competition. The dangers and joys of these struggles for autonomy are underlined in studies of RIM’s BlackBerry and Julian Assange’s WikiLeaks website.

"Though often overlooked, apparel can be a powerful tool of political and social dissent, such as the Communist / anarchistic subtext of Surreal fashions. Costume has likewise been leveraged in political upheavals, as in the Boston Tea Party, and my focus, the Yippies.

With their long hair and thrifted clothes—a protest in-and-of itself against their buttoned- up, conservative parents and contemporaries—the Yippies were often indistinguishable from the less political hippies. But during the trial of their protest of the 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention, the “Chicago 8” used costume to humorously—and effectively—illustrate their discontentment with the American government and court system. In front of the House of Un-American Activities Committee, Yippie Jerry Rubin dressed as an American Civil War soldier, other times as Santa Claus (“to reach the head of every child in the country”), or a Viet Cong soldier. Abbie Hoffman and other Yippies attended court in judicial robes to mock the injustices of their own trial (during which Bobby Seale was actually bound and gagged). More than stoned theatrics, farcical costume was deliberately employed to attract mass-media attention to the Yippies’ anti-war, free-speech agenda.

Ironically, traces of the Yippies can be seen in the historical costumes of the contemporary Tea Partiers, obviously from the opposite end of the political spectrum, in addition to theatrical costumes like Lady Gaga’s meat dress, in which she sartorially rejected people being treated like a “piece of meat.” More potent than slogan T-shirts, fashion can politicize.
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