Thai Study

The history of regional sporting events in 20th century Asia yields insights into Western and Asian perspectives on what defines modern Asia, and can be read as a staging of power relations in Asia and between Asia and the West. The Far Eastern Championship Games began in 1913, and were succeeded after the Pacific War by the Asian Games. Missionary groups and colonial administrations viewed sporting success not only as a triumph of physical strength and endurance but also of moral education and social reform. Sporting competitions were to shape a "new Asian man" and later a "new Asian woman" by promoting internationalism, egalitarianism and economic progress, all serving to direct a “rising” Asia toward modernity. Over time, exactly what constituted a “rising” Asia underwent remarkable changes, ranging from the YMCA’s promotion of muscular Christianity, democratization, and the social gospel in the US-colonized Philippines to Iranian visions of recreating the Great Persian Empire.


      Based on a vast range of archival materials and spanning sixty years and three continents,Pan-Asian Sport and the Emergence of Modern Asia shows how pan-Asian sporting events helped shape anti-colonial sentiments, Asian nationalisms, and pan-Asian aspirations in places as diverse as Japan and Iran, and across the span of countries lying between them.

Thailand lottery is most famous lottery game. Thai lotto is most profitable for Thai lotto masters. Thailand lottery players earn millions of money from Thailottery result. Thai lottery tips are key of success for winning Thailand lottery 123 numbers. Thailand lotto player apply Thai lottery VIP tips for winning Thailand lottery result. Thailand lottery is drawn twice in a month. We provide Thai lotto magic win tips, Thai lotto king and magic win tip for Thailottery. We also help Thailand lotto game players with Thai lotto tips and Thai lotto win tips. Thousand of Thai lotto game players want to know Thailand lottery winning numbers, Thai lotto tips 4 pc. We give thailottery123 numbers tips, Thai lottery total tips and all Thai lottery tips. Thailand lottery is a number game we try to explain calculation of Thai lottery 3up joker and thailottery123. We update Thailand lottery result, Thai lotto VIP and Thai lotto master tips for upcoming result. If you are interested in Thailand lottery game and want earn millions of cash with winning primary prizes from Thailand lottery result. https://thailotteryresult.org/ is best platform for you. We are here to encourage new Thai lotto game players and as well as expert Thai lotto master. Thailand Lottery Thailand lottery is famous and best form of lottery in the country of Thailand. And it is also legalized by government of Thailand. Thailand s official national lottery is controlled by Government Lottery Office. GLO is administrated by Agency executive Mag. Gen. Chalongart Nakartit, Director General Maj. Thailand lottery is also known as Thai lottery and Thai lotto. Thai lottery provides a bright chance to all the lottery players and gamblers. Thai lottery is also famous in all over the world. You can buy lottery tickets from whole sellers and retailers. Mostly asked questions and answers by public about Thailand lottery: Do you charge for Thai lottery tips and Tricks? Thailand lottery is well known lottery game in Thailand and as well as in all over the world. Lottery gamers search about Thai lottery on internet. We share Thai lottery tips and VIP tips on our website to help the gamers. And we publish Thailand lottery tips and Thai lottery formulas on our website, free of cost. Thai lottery tips free available on our website for Thai lottery gamblers. Do you sale out lottery tickets? No, we don't sale out Thailand lottery tickets. And we don't accept any claim of lottery tickets. Government lottery office of Thailand provides lottery tickets to whole sellers. You can buy lottery tickets from whole sellers and retailers.

This paper is part of a historical ethnography of sufi orders (turuq) between the Thailand’s Central plains and Malay far-south. In contrast to the modernist, reformist, and revivalist Islamic movements firmly embedded in Thailand’s religious landscape, next to nothing is known about these movements, for a variety of reasons. In Thailand sufi practitioners lack the numbers found in other parts of Muslim Southeast Asia, and most sufi tariqa are now marginal to the Muslim mainstream. Although in some parts of the country some still resemble secret societies, in others they engage through websites, social media, and TV channels. I begin with a prolegomena pointing out that despite its long history in South Thailand, sufism has almost been entirely neglected by scholars. In four substantive sections, I consider the personalities and processes that between the late 1800s and 1920s contributed to the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah established a presence in the Thai/Malay Peninsula. Although my interests are predominantly in connections with Patani/Pattani, I also reveal that Ahmadiyyah influence reached Bangkok through another curiously – and circuitous – route which highlights the importance its influence in the Hijaz as late as the 1940s

In January 2017 King Maha Vajiralongkorn of the Chakri dynasty, who had ascended the throne only one month earlier, demanded a change in the constitution drafted by the military junta ruling the country since May 2014. This change regarded the expansion of the royal prerogatives, de facto augmenting his power vis-à-vis both the army and the traditional elites. Later in the year the king took new initiatives to tighten his personal control over the Palace bureaucracy and the immense economic assets of the monarchy. These moves not only signalled a redefinition power equilibrium between the king and the ruling military junta but were also likely to have a lasting impact on the role of the monarchy. While the royal powers were reasserted and increased, the junta largely succeeded in maintaining its own power. Uncertainty remained on the date of the promised political election. Anyway, the new constitution does not allow a genuine return to democracy as it confers a direct control over key political and economic leverages to the army.
Internationally the junta benefitted from the advent to the White House of Donald Trump. However, the relevance of the political and economic partnership between Bangkok and Beijing appeared to be steadily on the rise.

This paper outlines an anthropological reading of Thai ghost films and their uncanny protagonists as a dialectic synthesising ethnographic material with film analysis in an attempt to operationalize the premises of the ‘ontological’ and ‘spectral turns’. The paper is the first systematic study of Phi Krasue – one of Thailand’s most iconic uncanny beings – and its cinematic and vernacular ghostly images. It grew out of an attempt to make sense of local Khmer-speaking interlocutors’ acceptance and reproduction of an idiosyncratic origin myth that locates the origin of Phi Krasue in Angkorian Khmer culture. Based on Mary Douglas’ and Julia Kristeva’s theories the paper identifies abjection and its essential ambiguity as the logical principle structuring imaginations of Phi Krasue in vernacular and cinematic contexts. I argue that the reading of a ghost film’s social message depends on spectators’ embodiment of vernacular ghostlore and thus on an implicit knowledge of the cultural semantics Thailand’s phi manifest. However, this paper offers not only a structural explanation for the self-evidence of Phi Krasue’s origin in Angkorian Khmer culture, but also for the Khmer-magic link as the most important socio-cultural stereotype characterizing the category ‘Khmer’ in Thailand’s contemporary popular culture. Finally, the paper identifies ‘filthiness’ as the social idiom used to explicate abjection as the logical principle structuring processes of ‘self-formation’ in contemporary Thailand.

Although historically influenced by Theravada Buddhist for more than a millennium, Thailand’s ethnic, linguistic, and religious homogeneity has been over-asserted by state-makers, and erroneously assumed by some scholars. After descendants of Chinese immigrants, widely regarded as Thailand’s largest and most successfully assimilated ethnic minority, Malays residing south of Satun and Songkhla are over three times more numerous that the Northern Khmer of southern Isaan, its next most populous ethnic minority. Practically all Thai citizens self-identifying as Melayu are Muslims, and Islam is Thailand’s largest religious minority. Nevertheless, not all Muslims self-identify as Malays, and Islam has long been acknowledged as being anything but a monolith. In addition to being an ethnically diverse ecumene, its sectarian divisions mirror those present throughout Southeast Asia. Some surmise Thailand’s Muslims being divided between “Malay-Muslims”, and “Thai-Muslims” who are either traditionalist or reformist in orientation. This paper proposes perspectives on Thailand’s Muslim mosaic based multi-sited fieldwork among Sufi orders (Ar. turuq, tariqa [sg.]) with visible and viable followings from among the Central Thai-speaking, Southern Thai-speaking, and Malay-speaking Muslim communities. This paper seeks to articulate alternatives to the double-barreled binaries that have provided the theoretical ballast in previous explorations of Muslim ethnic and religious diversity. Whilst relevant details of these hereunto unstudied Sufi orders are provided, this paper’s considers the significance of their presence in three cultural milieu between Ayutthaya and Narathiwat over the details of the spiritual lineages (Ar. silsilah) or litanies (Ar. wird) of individual orders. Rather than where these orders have come from, I concentrate on both their adoption by Central Thai, Southern Thailand, and Malay-speaking Muslims, and the manner in which they have been adapted in ways that reflect these regional identities. Most tariqa might remain within the cultural milieu where they have been localized, but boundaries between these are far from fixed.

'Kingdom's Edge' is a collection of photographs by photo-journalist Richard Humphries, focusing on Thailand's troubled deep South. The collection was compiled over a ten-year period.

The introduction to the collection is by Gerard McDermott.

'The collection captures the colourful and, at times, clashing identities and traditions of different peoples living together, yet separately; their histories and cultures sometimes overlapping, and sometimes conflicting. Some of the photos use allusions, symbolism and subtle references, while others make a virtue of plainness and immediacy. Richard's work maintains either a respectful intimacy or a sympathetic distance: at times, raw and immediate; at other times, detached.' - Gerard McDermott

In 1628, two Dutch merchants were received in audience at the Ayutthaya palace by King Songtham. Joost Schouten's detailed account of the event, written immediately afterwards, has many interesting differences from the well-known embassies of the 1680s.

Although actively preparing for increased integration in the region in 2015, Thailand is often cited as one of ASEAN's most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous member. This article considers Javanese presence, and influence in Central Thai between the Ayutthaya period and early Bangkok period, asking whether Siam's captivation with Javanese cultural forms represent an anomaly or reflect Ayutthaya' cosmopolitan past. I begin by summarising references to Javanese presence in Ayutthaya and Bangkok in a range of primary and secondary sources. These confirm that, although located inland on a navigable river, Ayutthaya resembled the maritime city-states of the era. Drawing extensively on the work of Davisakd Puaksom, I consider the personalities and processes involved in the arrival, adoption, and adaption of the Javanese epic, Panji, best known in Thailand as Inao. Far from a cultural anomaly, I argue that Siam's Inao fetish is a reminder about the region's connectedness, and that Ayutthaya was strikingly similar to cosmopolitan Melaka.

Abstract: Es de noche. Una familia conversa en el porche exterior de su casa ante una oscura y sonora selva. La tía Jen pregunta al tío Boonmee si el dormitorio en el que se ha instalado está a su gusto. Es un plano general, alejado y neutro, en el que vemos a toda la familia sentada a la mesa y cenando. El tono de la conversación es natural y fluido, charlan sobre un tema banal... Hasta aquí el lector puede intuir que se está describiendo una escena de un film documental. Pero de pronto uno de los sobrinos se sobresalta cuando el fantasma de una mujer se aparece a su lado. Pronto se nos explica que es Huay, la difunta esposa de Boonmee y hermana mayor de Jen. “¿Eres tú? ...claro que soy yo”, contesta el espectro de Huay. Un poco más adelante un nuevo personaje se une a esta extraña cena familiar. Es el hijo de Boonmee, perdido en la selva años atrás y ahora convertido en un inmenso gorila de ojos rojos y brillantes.

¿Qué clase de película es esta? Nada menos que la ganadora de la Palma de Oro de la 58a edición del Festival de Cannes celebrado en mayo de 2010. Un jurado presidido por Tim Burton (cineasta hoolywoodiense y muy popular en los mercados occidentales por sus películas juveniles y tenebrosas) fue quien la reconoció con el máximo honor para el cine de autor.

Broullón-Lozano, Manuel A. (2015): "Cine, estética e internacionalización: unas notas en torno a Apichatpong Weerasethakul". En VA-IN-ARTE. Revista Andaluza de las Artes, Investigación y Experimentación. Núm. 2. Disponible en: https://vainarte.wordpress.com/2015/02/23/revista-va-in-art-no2-2/

Published in: OST Science Review (January 2019), pp. 16-26.. (Washington, D.C.: Royal Thai Embassy, Office of Science and Technology).
http://ost.thaiembdc.org/th1/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/OSTNews_Jan_2019.pdf
============================================
I have been a long-time reader and fan of the Royal Thai Embassy’s Newsletter, so when the Embassy asked me to contribute something about Smithsonian opportunities and our on-going partnerships and activities regarding Thailand, I welcomed the opportunity. Here I would like to briefly describe the Smithsonian’s resources for the study of Thailand – especially the Thai ethnographic or “ethnology” collections, which include about 2,000 Thai royal gifts to the USA.    I am honored to have been the curator of that collection since I first joined the Smithsonian in 1981. I hope also to convey here, to the readers of this newsletter, that there are many opportunities for students and other individuals to find out more about Smithsonian resources on Thailand’s heritage, and even to become directly involved in the Smithsonian’s programs for research and study of this topic through fellowships, internships, and in other ways.
==================================================================
Special issue of this widely distributed Embassy Newsletter, on STEAM education - that is, STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math) plus the Arts.

This paper aims to study the change of the discourse of Thainess that has been embedded into Thai performing arts from the past to the age of globalization. The goal is to show that Thainess in terms of Thai music and Thai dance was tied to royalty and high-class. This had been done through a prohibition of normal citizens to become a performer. Moreover, adopting neighboring countries’ performing arts in Kingdom of Siam was also considered as illegal. However, the change of Siamese contexts such as the 1932 Revolution and World War II led to a process of cultural hybridity, which, unquestionably, is not pleasant in the eyes of conservatives. The old notion of Thainess, which has been framed only in traditional ways, does not respond to this constant intercultural exchange globe. Therefore, the new discourse constructed by the new generation could be the only way for sustaining Thai performing arts.

บทความนี้นำเสนอการวิเคราะห์ภูมิศาสตร์การตั้งห้างร้านจำหน่ายสินค้านำเข้าจากยุโรปภายในกรุงเทพมหานครช่วงเปลี่ยนผ่านศตวรรษ ผู้วิจัยเสนอว่าทำเลที่ตั้ง และรูปแบบทางสถาปัตยกรรมของอาคารเหล่านี้มีบทบาทสำคัญในการทำความเข้าใจต่อการสร้างตัวตนของกรุงเทพมหานครในภาพของเมืองสมัยใหม่
ผลการศึกษาในส่วนของการวิเคราะห์รูปแบบสถาปัตยกรรมได้นำมาอภิปรายเชื่อมโยงกับอุดมการณ์ของความมีอารยธรรมอย่างตะวันตกที่เหล่าชนชั้นนำสยามได้พยายามผลักดันให้เศรษฐกิจการค้าเป็นส่วนหนึ่งของกลไกการพัฒนาประเทศ ซึ่งมีผลต่อความเป็นเมืองของกรุงเทพมหานครที่เติบโตขึ้นจากแผนการพัฒนาด้านสังคม-
การเมืองของชนชั้นนำสยาม
ทั้งนี้การศึกษายังได้นำผลกระทบของความทะยานอยากในการเป็นอย่างตะวันตกร่วมกับวัฒนธรรมการบริโภคที่เป็นการนำเข้าสินค้าจากยุโรปมาพิจารณาร่วมเพื่ออธิบายปรากฏการณ์ของอัตลักษณ์ความเป็นสมัยใหม่ในด้านภูมิทัศน์ของกรุงเทพมหานครที่เปลี่ยนไปนั้น ถนนเจริญกรุงและถนนใกล้เคียงที่มีการตัดพาดผ่านถนนเจริญกรุงเปรียบเสมือนเส้นเลือดที่ทำหน้าที่สูบฉีดหล่อเลี้ยงทางเศรษฐกิจการค้าให้กับสยามด้วยการเป็นที่ตั้งของกิจการห้างร้านขนาดน้อยใหญ่ เมื่อถนนเหล่านี้ถูกประดับประดาไปด้วยสถาปัตยกรรมฐานันดรศักดิ์แบบใหม่ของสยาม คือ
สถาปัตยกรรมแบบตะวันตกที่ล้อรับไปกับอุดมคติแห่งความศิวิไลซ์ทางสถาปัตยกรรมจากราชสำนักสยาม
องค์ประกอบเหล่านี้จึงช่วยสร้างความหมายของพื้นที่ในเชิงสัญญะต่ออัตลักษณ์ของกรุงเทพมหานครในฐานะเมืองหลวงที่มีอารยธรรมของสยามใหม่ในฐานะของผู้เล่นในโครงข่ายอาณานิคมอันเป็นมูลเหตุสำคัญต่อการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางกายภาพของกรุงเทพมหานครที่มีห้างร้านยุโรปเป็นปัจจัยร่วมด้วย

This paper discusses the establishment of European stores in fin-de-siècle Bangkok. I propose that an investigation of their locales and architectural styles should further enhance an understanding of Bangkok’s modernity and urbanization during the late 19th to early 20th century. The study seeks to explain that commercial architecture also played a crucial part in
Siam’s civilization in relation to its economic expansion and inter-trade with the Cores (European countries). In so doing, the architectural styles of European stores are interrogated together with the economic growth and urbanization of Bangkok under Siamese aristocrats’ direction. The study focuses on the effect of Western aspiration through consumer culture
including the making of modern cultural identity of Siam. Charoen Krung road and its neighbor housed this group of commercial architecture, these roads were essentially vital to Siam’s trade.
More importantly, the western style of these European stores which had been established as Siam’s new hierarchical architectural style was a symbolic testament to Bangkok as a civilized and modern city. Bangkok’s cityscape thus was changed with the help from these commercial
buildings, in connecting with its modernization as Siam strove to be an equal player in the colonial networks.

The architecture of the King Prajadhipok (Rama VII) era is used to divide eras that preceding and following it (of the Rama VI and Khana Ratsadon eras, respectively). However, not include the study in a political perspective, many architectural contexts of this era have been overlooked. A closer reading of that architecture can reveal powerful clues to what was to follow and insights into reactionary movements of more recent times. The paper discusses emblematic buildings of Chulalongkorn University from the Rama VII reign that reflect the transformations in both architectural style and practice at that time. The account then shifts to buildings that more closely reflect both the personality and the agenda of the King: Chalermkrung Theatre, his own Klai Kang Won Palace in Hua Hin (also subsequently favoured by Rama IX), and the Rama I Monument and Memorial Bridge. The paper concludes with reflections on traces from the Rama VII era in the architecture of the Khana Ratsadon and in the return to subsequent traditional representation.

This paper deals with civil society mobilizations and resistance in relation to a world heritage site—the ninth-century Khmer temple Preah Vihear, which is located in the northern province of Cambodia and borders eastern Thailand. In particular, the paper explores resistance in terms of (re)categorizations from a historical and discursive–materialistic perspective. The field of resistance studies has mainly been preoccupied with entities such as texts, signs, symbols, identity, and language. In this article, however, we bring in physical and material entities in order to display the ways in which matter is of importance in the (re)construction of discourses and thereby for resistance.

การพัฒนาทางเศรษฐกิจเป็นสิ่งที่สำคัญในการพัฒนาสภาพการณ์ของประเทศ โดยประเทศไทยได้มีวิวัฒนาการของระบบเศรษฐกิจที่มีความเติบโตมากขึ้น ทั้งนี้ ในการพัฒนาทางเศรษฐกิจนั้น จำเป็นที่จะต้องมีแผนพัฒนาเศรษฐกิจและสังคมแห่งชาติ เพื่อเป็นแนวทางในการออกแบบนโยบายและแผนปฏิบัติในการพัฒนา
เศรษฐกิจ อย่างไรก็ตาม การนำนโยบายไปปฏิบัติเป็นเรื่องที่มีความซับซ้อน บางครั้งอาจมีการนำไปปฏิบัติใช้ที่ขาดประสิทธิภาพ เพื่อเร่งให้เกิดผลลัพธ์ที่ดีในเวลาอันสั้น จึงนำไปสู่ปัญหาทางเศรษฐกิจของประเทศไทย โดยเฉพาะวิกฤตการณ์ทางการเงิน 2540 ที่สะท้อนให้เห็นถึงโครงสร้างอันเปราะบางของเศรษฐกิจไทยที่มีการพัฒนาอย่างไม่ทั่วถึง อย่างไรก็ตาม แนวทางการพัฒนาทางเศรษฐกิจของประเทศไทยเริ่มมีการพูดถึงกันมากขึ้น ผ่านการพัฒนาทางเศรษฐกิจที่ยึดโยงผลประโยชน์ กลไกทางสถาบัน และอุดมการณ์ เพื่อนำไปสู่การเจริญเติบโตอย่างทั่วถึง ซึ่งในปัจจุบันได้มีการรื้อแนวทางการพัฒนาเศรษฐกิจ และนำยุทธศาสตร์ชาติ 20 ปี พร้อมทั้งนโยบาย Thailand 4.0 มาเป็นแนวทางหลักในการพัฒนา แต่กระนั้น แนวทางดังกล่าวกลับมีข้อจำกัดที่หลากหลาย อาทิ ประเด็นทางการเมือง ความล้าหลังของระบบราชการ การพัฒนาที่ขาดการมีส่วนร่วม และ การพึ่งพาการลงทุนจากต่างชาติที่มากเกินไป จึงทำให้รัฐบาลต้องให้ความสำคัญกับการพัฒนาอย่างมีส่วนร่วม เพื่อเปิดโอกาสให้ทุกภาคส่วนได้มีส่วนร่วมในการกำหนดนโยบายสาธารณะอย่างกว้างขวาง เพื่อให้ประเทศไทยสามารถดำเนินนโยบายสาธารณะอย่างมีประสิทธิภาพ อันนำไปสู่การหลุดออกจากกับดักรายได้ปานกลางและความเป็นประเทศกำลังพัฒนาได้อย่างแท้จริง

From the past, the arrival of Chinese in the Kingdom of Thailand has affected the change of style, arts and culture in many aspects including the role of the royal court, trade relations affecting the Thai economy and society. The Chinese culture had blended with the harmonious Thai method. In the arts, mural painting is a reflection of Buddhist stories in orderly pattern of each wall which has been used in Thailand since the Ayutthaya period. The appearance of Chinese mural painting is an art style that affects the community and local to present the influence of concepts, values, beliefs, and social behaviors. It also
expresses the power of leadership in the community by image and structure of the painting analysis.
The study of mural paintings of Wat Buppharam, Muang, Trad province, found that the painting is unique and different from others by the influence of traditional Chinese painting. There are full of Chinese writing on the whole area of the wall; the structure is not based on the original Thai framework to reflect the role and influence of China which is creating a new identity through mural painting in the community. The symbol of belief in various perspectives, related to the way of life, indicates the identity of the Chinese people to Buddhism which also impacts to the leadership of the community. As a result, the appearance of Chinese mural painting of Wat Buppharam has represented both concepts and elements of Chinese arts by using a combination of cultures and symbolic forms to reflect the expansion of Chinese culture from the capital cities of the east coast

Louis Gabaude's essay shows that the moral dilemnas and difficulties of the story have continued to exercise thinkers in modern Thailand: not only western readers of the text are challenged by it. The story continues to provide material for Thai intellectuals to reflect on their society. He discusses defenders and detrators of the story, political and feminist. (Steven Collins, editor)

This article introduces new material based on a short ethnographical book about the Tai Lue of Vietnam. They form a small community of 5,600 people living in Lai Chau, a province bordering Laos and China, the two countries they originate from, and where they still live in sizeable numbers. This information is enriched by and confronted with the data found in various papers from the colonial era. The analysis of the history, the lifestyles and the religious organization of this group allows us to shed light on their specificities as compared to other Tai Lue groups in neighbouring countries.

Film de Pierre Le Roux et Lug Dusuzeau (film, photographies, cartes et textes : Pierre Le Roux ; montage et post-production : Lug Dusuzeau ; musique : orchestre ddika du canton de Trobon, Sai Buri, Pattani, Thaïlande ; durée : 18 mn 22 ; format : numérique 16/9, couleur, sonore.
Production : Travaux d’ethnologie et d’archéologie - 2021
Pour regarder le film : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p17mOyFHb1U
ou https://odysee.com/@travauxethnologie:5/La-danse-des-doigts-vivants.-Le-ddika,-art-martial-et-culte-des-anc%C3%AAtres,-chez-les-Jawi-de-Tha%C3%AFlande-du-Sud:f

Résumé : Joute de ddika, art martial des Jawi, musulmans de langue et culture malaise en Thaïlande du Sud, filmée sommairement lors d’une représentation villageoise en juillet 2014 donnée en l'honneur du départ annuel des pèlerins du canton vers La Mecque, dans le village de Südè (palmier latanier Livistona speciosa Kurz), district de Sai Buri, province de Pattani*.
Cet art martial nommé ddika dans la région de Patani** est dérivé du fameux pencak silat – art de combat à mains nues ou armées – indonésien qui y a été introduit il y a près de trois siècles. Cette région de Thaïlande péninsulaire, à la frontière malaise, a été conquise par le Siam sur les sultanats malais à la fin du XVIIIe siècle et est pour cette raison en proie depuis lors à des révoltes sporadiques contre les autorités siamoises devenues thaïlandaises, ce qui nourrit localement une guérilla endémique sanglante. Soucieuses de préserver l’armée et la police siamoises puis thaïlandaises d’adversaires aguerris et efficaces bien préparés au combat corps à corps, les autorités ont interdit des années durant la pratique du ddika, et ne valorisent pas cet art martial minoritaire en Thaïlande ; ce qui explique que l’enseignement vers les jeunes gens a été rendu difficile et que la plupart des pratiquants actuels sont des hommes âgés. Depuis peu, certains fondamentalistes musulmans rejettent également cette pratique, encore bien vivace, considérée par eux comme non conforme aux canons religieux. Ddika est le nom de l’orchestre rituel composé d’un gong à bosse suspendu, d’un hautbois et de deux tambours. La voix des ancêtres est symbolisée par la musique de cet orchestre, particulièrement par le gong, instrument principal. Avant d’être une technique efficace de combat, le ddika est en effet d’abord un culte des ancêtres et un rituel magique durant lequel les officiants qui sont des chamanes-médiums (et qui sont les descendants dans ce village particulier d’une tigresse-garou mythique), appellent leurs aïeux disparus et les mânes fondateurs de cette pratique – qui étaient de redoutables guerriers réputés invincibles – dont l'âme vient prendre possession des combattants en transes pour qu'ils se battent à leur place ou, tout au moins, viennent les épauler durant le combat.

* Romanisation de la graphie siamoise à deux t du mot malais d'origine à un seul t. Le terme désigne une des trois petites entités administratives issues de la partition par le Siam à la fin du XIXe siècle, pour régner en divisant, de l'ancien sultanat de Patani : les provinces de Pattani, Yala et Narathiwat.

** Graphie avec un seul t. Ce mot malais d'origine désigne le territoire de l'ancien sultanat et représente l'ensemble des trois petites provinces créées par les Siamois. Dans les cartels du film, il n'a été pourtant retenu que la graphie à un seul t par souci de simplification.

Prior to the arrival of the Thai people and culture into what is now Thailand, the region hosted a number of indigenous Austroasiatic-speaking and Malayo-Sumbawan-speaking civilisations. However, little is known about Thailand before the 13th century, as the literary and concrete sources are scarce and most of the knowledge about this period is gleaned from archaeological evidence. Similar to other regions in Southeast Asia, Thailand was heavily influenced by the culture and religions of India, starting with the Kingdom of Funan around the first century until the Khmer Empire. Indian influence on Siamese culture was partly the result of direct contact with Indian settlers, but mainly it was brought about indirectly via the Indianised kingdoms of Dvaravati, Srivijaya and the Khmer Empire.
Buddhism must have been flowing into Thailand from India at the time of the Indian emperor Ashoka of the Maurya Empire and into the first millennium. Later Thailand was influenced by the south Indian Pallava dynasty and north Indian Gupta Empire.

Phatthalung is an ancient city in southern Thailand. It is a land of mountains. In town is Khao Ok Thalu, which is clearly visible from afar. Phatthalung is regarded as the birthplace of the shadow play and the Nora dance. From ancient times to the present, Phatthalung has been closely linked to Songkhla Province, particularly in terms of geography, history and migratory settlements through many ages.
During the Srivijaya period (13th-14th Buddhist century), the Phatthalung community received Indian cultural influence in the way of Mahayana Buddhism.
In the reign of King Ramathibodi I (U Thong) of Ayutthaya, Phatthalung became one of twelve royal cities. Later during the reign of King Rama I in the Rattanakosin period, the king had the Ministry of Defense oversee Phatthalung, upgraded it to secondary city status and moved it to the mouth of Pam River.

In my talk, I want to combine some reflections on my personal encounter with Buddhadāsa’s work with ideas that he expressed in 1973 in a remarkable essay, which has received not much, if any, scholarly attention so far. My purpose of doing so is to propose possible pathways for future research on Buddhadāsa’s intellectual development and legacy.

https://www.suanmokkh.org/articles/8