Structural Anthropology

В статье на основе кейса обряда исламского экзорцизма рукъя рассматривается гипотеза о легитимности использования методов традиционной медицины в терапии по-граничных состояний (на примере наблюдения и дешифровки сеанса лечения в Центре исламской медицины в Грозном). Данная процедура работы с феноменом «одержимости» предполагается как культурно-обусловленная практика лечения невроза и диссоциатив-ных расстройств личности, тождественная терапии психоанализа. Такое сопоставление обосновано классической работой Клода Леви-Стросса «Структурная антропология» и анализом обряда помощи шамана при трудных родах.

The article, on the basis of Islamic Exorcism named Ruqya Sharia Study, examines
the hypothesis of the legitimacy of using the methods of Islamic traditional medicine in the treatment of borderline conditions, despite the external irrationality of the process. This type of working with the phenomenon of possession is supposed to be a culturally-determined practice of treating neurosis and dissociative disorders, identical to psychoanalysis therapy. This comparison is based on a classic work of Claude Levi-Strauss “Structural Anthropology” and on the analysis of the rite of a shaman’s assistance in complicated births.

The Slender Man first started on the Something Awful forum threads in 2009, where many users all jointly contributed to the creation of a tall monster who appears to be wearing a suit. He is known for making children disappear and causing violent deaths to the adults who seek to know more about him. His creation was caused by mass communal storytelling, each singular narrative being created by different authors all inspired by their own view of the creature. Despite this more disjointed creation almost ten years ago, the Slender Man has retained an important place online, having spread from his forum thread to web videos, humorous memes, and even video games. This work seeks to answer the question about what this mythos is truly saying in its deeper levels. Structural anthropological mythic analysis, sometimes paired with ethnographic details, seeks to demonstrate how the Slender Man mythology is structured. Connected to this, we also seek to answer the question of what cultural gro...

andré strauss resumo O debate acerca do tabu do incesto tem sido amplamente discutido até mesmo antes da fundação da antropologia como disciplina. Porém, foi nessa área do conhecimento que o tema adquiriu atenção acentuada, em especial após a publicação do renomado trabalho de Claude Lévi--Strauss, As estruturas elementares do parentesco, em 1949. Grande parte das escolas de ciências sociais brasileiras toma o assunto como encerrado por esse autor, contudo, isso está longe de ser verdade. Neste artigo procuramos reacender o debate com o estruturalismo lévi-straussiano e a sua principal teoria a respeito da proibição do incesto -a teoria da aliança -através do levantamento de diversos estudos que de algum modo dialoguem com a obra desse autor. Deste modo, com especial auxílio dos trabalhos de fronteira entre a biologia e a antropologia -que muitas vezes não chegam ao contato dos cientistas sociais -desejamos reavivar essa reflexão no circulo acadêmico brasileiro.

Özet Mit, bir bilim olarak sosyal teorinin ortaya çıkışından bu yana, onun temel konularından biri olagelmiştir. Özellikle ilkel toplumların içinde bulundukları özgül durum ve antik mitoloji metinlerinin varlığı, ilk dönem sosyal bilimcilerini mitolojik anlatılar için, din teorisi bağlamında, tutarlı bir açıklama getirmeye yöneltmiştir. Mit, rit ve din arasındaki ilişkileri sarihleştirmek, mevcut ilkel toplumların mitolojik dünya görüşlerini ve uygar toplumların dinle ilgili tutumlarını bilimsel yolla açıklayarak tutarlı bir bilimsel din teorisine ulaşmak, özellikle bu dönem sosyal bilimcilerinin ana amaçlarındandır. Mitin bilimsel yorumu veya çözümlenmesi bağlamında gelişen bu amaç, edebiyat kuramından psikanalize, psikanalizden teolojiye, teolojiden sosyal antropolojiye, antropolojiden folklora ve hatta tarihe uzanan bir yelpazede interdisipliner bir sosyal bilim düşüncesinin somutlaştığı anahtar alanlardan biri durumuna gelmiştir. Bu çalışmada bahsedilen tüm bu alanlar hakkında bilgi sağlayan, özellikle en önemli yapıtlarını mit konusunda veren ve " nesnel " olduğu iddiasında bulunan Claude Lévi-Strauss'un yapısalcı mit çözümleme yöntemi irdelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın amacı bu bağlamda, anılan sosyal bilim dalları arasındaki ilişkileri tekrar vurgulamak ve okuyucuyu karmaşık olduğu düşünülen yapısalcı mit çözümleme yöntemi konusunda aydınlatmaktır. Abstract Myth Symbolism, and Structuralist Analysis of Myth Myth, became one of the important issues of social science from the very beginning of it. Especially the specific situation of savage peoples and the presence of antique mtyhological texts urged social scientists to explain them coherently in the context of religious theory. The main concern of social scientists of this era is to lighten the cross relationship between myth, rite and religion, the mythological Weltanschauung of pri¬mitive peoples and modern religious situation in a coherent-scientific manner. The aim emerged as a scientific interpretation or analysis of myth, effected in a long range inc¬luding the theory of literature, psychoanalysis, theology, social anthropology, folklore and even history, in an interdisciplinar social science comprehension. In this paper, the major concern is focused on the method-which claims to provide objective knowledge for all of these disciplines-of Claude Lévi-Strauss' myth analysis. In this regard, the aim of this paper is to stress the relationships between these disciplines and at the sa¬me time to illuminate the avid reader on the issue of structuralist myth analysis method.

Considering the postmodern theoretical context of Maxine Sheets-Johnstone's corporeal turn and la pensée paysagère ("landscaping thought") in Augustin Berque, the myth of Pandora's box is defined here as the self-image of landscape through the ecofeminism of Françoise d'Eaubonne (1974) and the identification of women to nature by Carolyn Merchant (1980). This perspective describes how ecofeminism, landscape philosophy and the imaginary of the body introduce the mutable nature of literary myths and, more precisely, the cosmogonic Pandora's identities assimilated to the archetypal image of the landscape-woman: from Eve-Pandora as femme fatale, the first woman, to Gaia-Pandora, bearer of hope.

An application of Van Gennep's tripartite model for rites of passage to the Bible. Includes exhaustive treatment of the ROP model, as well as application to the uber-narrative in the Bible, specific books of the Bible, and individual biblical characters. Particular attention paid to the ontological implications of ROP transformation in its biblical context.

ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ: Σε τούτο το άρθρο, το οποίο αναφέρεται στα δύο πρώτα κεφάλαια των «Θλιβερών Τροπικών», επιχειρείται η παρουσίαση των βιωματικών τρόπων με τους οποίους ο Κλωντ Λεβί-Στρως συσχετίστηκε με την πρακτική της εθνογραφίας. Μέσα από τα γνωρίσματα της ιδιοσυγκρασίας του, που αναδεικνύονται στις περιπέτειες των ταξιδιών του στους Τροπικούς, φανερώνονται οι όψεις μιας μελλοντικής μεθοδολογίας, οι οποίες επρόκειτο να μεταποιηθούν σε ερευνητικά εργαλεία του πεδίου της ανθρωπολογίας, ιδίως ύστερα από τη δεκαετία του 1980. Το «φιλοσοφικό ημερολόγιο» ενός θεωρητικού ανθρώπου, που σαγηνεύεται από τη ζωτικότητα και τη δυναμική της εθνογραφικής διαδικασίας, αντιπαραβάλλεται προς το στεγνό επιστημονικό πνεύμα που κυριαρχεί στο πρώτο μισό του 20ού αιώνα. Η ομολογία ζωής-επιστήμης στο πρόσωπο του Λεβί-Στρως αποκαλύπτει τη δυνατότητα ενός εθνογράφου, ο οποίος μπορεί να μεταπηδά από τη θεωρία στην ποίηση και αντιστρόφως, κινούμενος στις διαφορετικές πτυχές του ίδιου συμφραζόμενου που ερευνά.

ΛΕΞΕΙΣ ΚΛΕΙΔΙΑ: εθνογραφία, μεθοδολογία, ταξίδια, ιδιοσυγκρασία, ανθρωπολογία, φιλοσοφία, εθνολογία, πολιτισμικός δομισμός, τοπίο, δυτικός πολιτισμός.

«Μισώ τα ταξίδια και τους εξερευνητές· και παρ' όλα αυτά ετοιμάζομαι να διηγηθώ τις περιπέτειές μου».

Δημοσιευμένο στο: Εθνολογία 16 (2013-2016) [2017] 7-24.

Descriptions of magic and sorcery in exotic societies provided by early anthropologists at the beginning of the 20th century generated the attention of psychologists and psychoanalysts. The most famous among them, Sigmund Freud, associated magical thinking and animistic beliefs with mental disorders. The father of psychoanalysis also inspired the anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss to compare verbal magic performed by shamans with abreaction techniques. The paper analyses various critical opinions reviewing both Freud and Lévi-Strauss' theories, and their adequacy for studying Romanian folk verbal magic.

Brazilian anthropologist Eduardo Viveiros de Castro presents an ambitious philosophical project to bridge the conceptual space between anthropology and philosophy. It is a project that seeks to use ethnographic data to inform and challenge modernist dualisms in Western metaphysics.

This paper will discuss the article “effectiveness of symbols” from the book Structural Anthropology by Claude Lévi-Strauss. In this article Lévi-Strauss argues that he found a primitive counterpart of a psychoanalytic intervention. He goes on the compare the two treatments which he thinks that both have the same essence that is the manipulation of symbols in order to help the person in pain to find a language in which s/he can express the bodily pains which s/he finds alien to his/her system. The healing mechanism in the tribal song is what is called the symbolic function. Then the paper will delve into the Freudian understanding of symbols since it is the originating point of the psychoanalytic practice. An author who made a paradigm shift in the understanding of the unconscious, Melanie Klein also talks about symbolism which refers to the earlier works of Freud. Another influential figure in psychoanalysis, Jacques Lacan also talks about the symbols in his idiosyncratic way namely the symbolic order which can be traced back to discussion of the symbols in the later work of Freud. Influences of this delineation of unconscious effects Lacan to a great extent which results in an introduction of a whole different understanding of the unconscious. This paper compares and contrasts the three different conceptions of symbols with references to other authors.

Reliefs of figures on Göbekli Tepe pillar D43, are spaced in a universally standard peripheral sequence according to some of their typological attributes, and with their eyes on a standard axial grid. The same archetypal structure is expressed in all art worldwide, including painted San figures in South Africa. The gulf of time and space between the two works and cultures demonstrated in this article, confirms that the core content, ‘syntax’, and ‘grammar’ of art are universal. All artists and cultures express archetypal structure subconsciously, while on a conscious level we appropriate archetypes only by styling.

Where and when
Göbekli Tepe formal reliefs are emblematic of a transition to Neolithic in Mid-eastern Turkey, near Sanliurfa and Harran, involving advanced hunting (ropes and nets), prestige agriculture (ovis, bos, and buccrania pendants), and mixed economy (textiles and obsidian trade). Dating of pillar 43 in enclosure D, is within a succession of recycled structures from BC 9500 to 8000, in the Younger Dryas thaw..

What is art
In the dominant archaeological paradigm, art supposedly illustrates and popularises conventionalised beliefs and rituals, spread by heritage, and adapted
during diffusion. If so, art should have mainly conscious meanings, diverging along ‘evolutionary’ cultural branches. The historic paradigm does not recognise archetypes. Ouzman (1998) noted that “repeated patterns suggest that individual artistic inspiration was subject to some more widespread cognitive system.” Alison Wylie proposed to “intertwine different strands of mutually supportive evidence, and use one strand to cover a gap in another... cumulative weight of disparate, multidimensional evidence and data can be rationally decisive... intertwined cable-like arguments are more appropriate in rock art research and archaeology, than chain-like arguments that fall down if one link is weak.” (Wylie, 1989; 2002, citing Bernstein and Geertz)...

Despite the limited core content, variations are near infinite. Attribute frequency variance is about 3%, in culturally mixed batches of 80 or more artworks. All masters, and most novice artists, express mindprint.
Some artworks express two adjacent, mirrored and interlocking mindprints with similar, but never identical features. Test results indicate a collective, universal, subconscious, compulsive, rigorous, and thus archetypal structure in visual expression. The structure is also expressed in myth, ritual, culture, perception, and aspects of nature, such as chemistry and reflexology. Differences between rock art and art are technical and stylistic. Some styling is diffused, camouflaging prior typological counterparts. No art is the origin of art or culture, all are untaught, and thus perpetually original. Anthropology and art history should accept archetype as the subconscious ‘programme’ in all cultures. Elusive cultural elements such as aesthetics, beauty, and inspiration, are universal, robust, definable, static yet varied, subconscious yet accessible.

Página 1 de 4 'Símbolo' e 'eficácia simbólica' em Lévi-Strauss -Carlos Robalo (CRIA/ISCTE-IUL) "Os símbolos são mais reais do que aquilo que simbolizam, o que significa e determina o conteúdo dos significados" -Lévi-Strauss, Introdução, em Marcel Mauss, 1950, Sociologie et Anthropologie Para chegar à noção de símbolo, Lévi-Strauss vale-se, para além do legado de Freud, da linguística estrutural, mas ultrapassando os pressupostos de Saussure. Assim, em "O Feiticeiro e a sua Magia" 1 , o autor comparou a prática xamanista à psicanálise, considerando que ambas realizam abreações (a primeira, com o próprio xamã e, a segunda, com o paciente). O pensamento patológico -afirmatransborda de significante, enquanto que o pensamento normal anda sempre em busca de mais significado. Para Lévi-Strauss, o significante e o significado raramente estão ajustados um ao outro para a formação perfeita do signo. Neste aspecto, o autor parece contrariar o formalismo saussuriano, impondo os seus pressupostos de dinamismo e de necessidade de mediação. Na cura xamânica, o paciente surge com um excesso de significante que se opõe/correlaciona com um excesso de significado por parte do xamã; o papel de mediador cabe ao grupo, que tem um papel determinante para a eficácia simbólica. Com esta 'explosão' do conceito tradicional de signo, Lévi-Strauss começa a insinuar o símbolo. PLAYTIME, J. Tati . 12 Idem 13 O Olhar Distanciado [1983] 1986:172

Il s'agit d'un travail de M2 rendu pour valider le cours de master "Approches anthropologiques" donné par Julien Bonhomme à l'ENS Ulm en 2016-2017. Ce texte consiste en un compte rendu du livre "Repenser l'anthropologie" de Edmund Leach, et s'intéresse particulièrement aux critiques que Leach fait porter sur le fonctionnalisme anglais, comme sur le structuralisme lévi-straussien - anticipant par là très singulièrement les remarques de Bourdieu dans "La parenté comme représentation et comme volonté". Ce texte de Leach est fondamental dans le raisonnement du chapitre 3 "Sauvages, Barbares, Civilisés" de l'Anti-Oedipe de Deleuze et Guattari.

Buildings say much more about us that we ever knew. Structural analysis reveals the universal repertoire in our subconscious behaviour. The structure also says more about culture and nature than we ever knew, but had glimpsed in nature. We imprint a natural, abstract structure of five layers, including sixteen characters in sequence, on an axial grid, in all our complex artefacts. The same structure appears in the periodic table, and in reflexology points in our hands, eyes, teeth and ears. A similar structure informs biochemistry and DNA. The archetypal expression in our works, or 'cultural record', is now readable, with significant implications for cultural crafts, and for the human sciences of art history, archaeology, anthropology, philosophy, psychology, sociology and communication science. The formerly 'invisible' layers of our perception and expression, or human code, offer the opportunity to integrate the conscious and subconscious halves of crafts, sciences, and culture. Our works re-express nature, and our place in it. Culture does not 'come from' any of our media, but from archetype, the potential that enables nature to express self-replicating and mutating energy. Our re-expression of archetypal structure could be named stoneprint, the human code. The core content of any old or new culture is as predictable as chemistry, as readable as the periodic table, as translatable as language, as visible as art, as varied as mythology, and as recyclable as building material. We all build, draw, talk, trade, count, strategise, pray and fight the same. Stoneprint reveals the size and shape of the blinkers in our conscious perception and assumptions. The stoneprint structure lifts the 'beam' of self-deception from our works, and from our supposedly scientific eyes. We will continue designing art and buildings by intuition, but we will never see or study our works with half our brains again. Archetypal structure enables natural and cultural expression. Five layers of cultural structure Every complex artwork, artefact, building site, geoglyph, pyramid field, or city, expresses five interrelated levels of subconscious structure.

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"Sono due essenzialmente le ragioni che hanno ispirato la nascita di questo incontro: la prima è connessa alla sede che lo accoglie, il Museo Preistorico Etnografico “Luigi Pigorini”, la cui doppia natura giustifica le due branche di specialisti chiamati a partecipare; la seconda deriva invece da una più profonda e immediata esigenza di confronto fra due discipline - l’antropologia e l’archeologia - che, pur affondando le radici nel medesimo humus intellettuale del positivismo ottocentesco, cui si devono luoghi di cultura quale quello che ci ospita, nel corso del Novecento sono andate progressivamente differenziandosi per indagare ciascuna in modo autonomo quella matrice che le accomuna, l’essere umano.
Con la presente iniziativa si spera di creare una piattaforma condivisa di confronto, contenutistica e metodologica, per quelle tematiche che scandiscono, anche nel comune sentire, la vita umana dalla nascita alla morte (...). Di fronte a una massa di dati e di informazioni sempre più articolata appare indispensabile che l’archeologo sia affiancato nelle fasi interpretative del suo lavoro di ricerca dall’antropologo, così come potrebbe essere auspicabile anche l’esatto contrario, laddove un antropologo abbia la necessità di confrontarsi con una realtà contemporanea e voglia adottare per il suo esame alcuni dei metodi caratteristici della ricerca archeologica. Perché questo accada sembra oggi imprescindibile un sereno ma critico confronto metodologico, che contribuisca al perfezionamento e al potenziamento degli strumenti euristici propri di entrambe le discipline e, al contempo, crei i presupposti per una loro sempre maggiore e proficua convergenza."
Recensione del Volume del Prof. Daniele Manacorda su Archeo febbraio 2012: http://www.archeo.it/book/dalla-nascita-alla-morte-antropologia-e-archeologia-a-confronto-atti-del-i-congresso-internazionale-di-studi-in-onore-di-claude-levi-strauss

PONGO A SU DISPOSICIÓN 50 DESCARGAS GRATUITAS EN: http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/K6zny2XwNjZIuj4eGTZ5/full
The long shared history and traditions of Spain and Mexico have given rise to similar stereotypes and folkloric figures. These relationships are often explained through myths that take the form of historical accounts. Here we will discuss some of these discourses to try to understand the relationship between two iconic figures that define similar customs and share a single name in Europe and America: El charro.

Claude Lévi-Strauss
Anthropologie structurale zéro
Edité et préfacé par Vincent Debaene


Marqués par l'expérience de l'exil, les textes de ce volume témoignent d'un moment à la fois biographique et historique au cours duquel, comme nombre d'artistes et savants juifs européens, Claude Lévi-Strauss est réfugié à New York. Ecrits entre 1941 et 1947, les dix-sept chapitres de ce livre restituent à la fois une réflexion politique qu'il n'a pas encore délaissée et une préhistoire de l'anthropologie structurale.

Research in English for Legal Purposes (ELP) has expanded in the past 30 years, in parallel with the increasing attractiveness of transnational legal education. The present paper aims at observing how ELP research has dealt with the issue of globalisation of law studies, considering that legal taxonomies remain largely national. The analysis expands on the application of Anthropological Structures of the Imaginary (ASI) theory (Durand 1969) to a language policy context to describe the positioning of ELP researchers and law experts in relation to each other. Focusing on the notion of posture, an the analysis of images in a corpus of 68 ELP research papers suggests that the theme of obscurity lies at the heart of ELP research discourse. Power-related images fall into the four broad categories of animality, depression, the fall and the labyrinth. The contribution of ASI theory to the study of the micropolitics of ELP thus appears to be two-fold. ASI theory sheds light on the metadiscourse on power that runs through ELP research and that helps understand agents' positioning. ASI theory applied to ELP research eventually sheds light on the aporia (Glanert, 2005) Legal English researchers and law experts are faced with in an English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) context.

Antik Dönem (yazının içeriği gereği Bronz Çağ ve sonrası olarak anlaşılmalıdır) din sistemlerinin incelenmesi için belirgin bir coğrafi alana odaklanılmalıdır. Kültürel üretim açısından çekirdek olan bu coğrafya Ege ve Doğu Akdeniz, Kıta Yunanistan, Anadolu, Mezopotamya, Levant ve Mısır'dan oluşur (yazıda bundan sonra bütüncül bir yaklaşım gereği Doğu Akdeniz olarak anlaşılmalıdır). Bronz Çağ ve sonrasında Doğu Akdeniz'de dinsel açıdan plüralist bir anlayış ve tapınım söz konusu olmuştur (Bellah 2017: 266-287, 382-399). İnsan, kendi görünümünde (zaman zaman büyük oranda kendi görünümünde) ancak fiziksel ve ilahi güçleri kendisinden çok fazla olduğunu düşündüğü "aşkın" tanrıları zihninde yaratmıştır. Söz konusu bu zihinsel tasarımlar yüzyıllar ve binyıllar içerisinde sistematik düzenli bir yapıya dönüşmüştür. Bu sistematik düzenli yapı din olarak adlandırılmıştır. Din, dinsel kurumlar, rahipler ve tüm dinsel faaliyet kadrosu, dinsel mimari ve süslemeleri (figüratif ve bezeme) sosyo-kültürel tarihin (aynı zamanda reelpolitik, ideolojik ve ekonomipolitik tarihin) günümüzde de devam eden çok önemli bir unsuru olmuştur. Buradaki en önemli soru şudur: İnsan neden kendi tasarımı (zihinsel inşa süreçleri) ve kendi görünümünde (antropomorfik, bkz. Burkert 2003: 182-189) olan tanrı anlayışını, kendi yansımasını tanrı-lar haline getirmiştir? Bir diğer ifadeyle insan neden kendi yansımasını göksel iktidara (eril) taşımıştır? Çünkü din ve dinsel sistemler belirgin bir yapıya (düzenli bir toplumsal yapı ve aşkın bir iktidar) kavuştukları andan itibaren toplumsal kültür, sosyal hiyararşi ve devlet organizasyonları açısından en baskın iktidar yapılarından biri olmuşlardır (Bellah 2017: 266-287). Bu yapılar ayrıca insanın iç dünyası, dünyayı algılayış refleksleri ve inanç/tapınım bazında ise egemen ve sürekli olanıdır. Dinsel öğeler bu keskin dogmatik karakterlerini aşkın bir düşünce olmalarından alırlar. İnsan kendine dönük içkin zihin yapısında aşkın bir tanrısal tasarım yapabilmiştir. Kolektif bilişsel iletişim bu tasarımı güçlendirmiş ve sistematik bir büyük kümeye (çok fazla sayıda altkümeye sahip) dönüştürerek ritüelleri ve tapınım modellerini üretmiştir (Freud 2012: 51-148; Barnard 2016: 71-92). İnsanın bu bilişsel yeteneği günümüzü bile biçimlendirmiş olan bir özelliktir. Yönetim modelleri, toplumsallaşma ve üretim modelleri sürekli değişmiş ve gelişmiş ama dinsel düşünce ve yönetme sistematiği hem hep aynı kalmış hem de kendini besleme çemberinden dolayı sürekli güçlenmiştir.

Mathematical anthropology has as its raison d’être formally expressing models, ideas, and concepts developed by anthropologists so as to extend our understanding of human societies. When addressing cultural systems, the mathematical content of mathematical anthropology depends on which of two possible ways culture is understood to be constituted. One way considers culture to consist mainly of socially learned and transmitted behaviors, and the other way considers culture to be composed of shared idea systems that provide the framework through which behavior is formulated and articulated. The first way leads to statistical modeling of behavior patterns measured over an aggregate and to quantitative and descriptive accounts of the ​cultural system revealed through patterns of behavior. The second way involves mathematical representations aimed at working out the structural organization and generative logic of cultural idea systems. Mathematical anthropology, as it is considered here, relates to culture in this latter sense, and thus involves using mathematical representations as a way to express and work out the structural implications of the concepts forming the cultural idea systems making up the cultural milieu of a group.

Archetypal and spatial analysis of several rock paintings in the Matobo range near Bulawayo in Zimbabwe, are among the 500 rock artworks, visual artefacts and ‘fine’ artworks worldwide that revealed the subconscious structure of visual expression, or visual ‘grammar’, in all cultures.
The new method of archetypal art analysis isolates sixteen clusters of typological features of recurrent character types in art. Initial tests failed to trace where various rock art motifs may have come from, or how they may have been developed or diffused. Instead, visual, spatial and statistical testing revealed that the sixteen types appear in all art, of all cultures and ages. One or another of their typical features always appears in the same sequence (Furter 2014). Moreover, their eyes are always spaced on an exact axial grid, named mindprint. The entire triple-level structure is subconscious and thus archetypal, or a kind of cultural ‘DNA’.

This paper engages Lévi-Strauss’ notion of implicit myth with data drawn from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Shimla. Shimla is located in the Indian Himalayas and today exists in an obvious relationship with its past, when it was known as Simla, the summer capital of British India. Christ Church Cathedral stands at the heart of both colonial Simla and postcolonial Shimla (both literally and metaphorically). The implicit mythology of this sacred place forms the centre of this paper through acting as a sort of key myth around which the rest of the discussion spirals.  The paper explores the way that places in Shimla become sacred and why it is that these places are often associated with stability and peace, despite bearing traces of violent change. I will argue that central to uncovering this mystery is the concept of implicit mythology, which has the potential to unlock many of the mysteries posed by postcolonial anthropology.

and sorcery Streszczenie: Relacje łączące antropologię kulturową Claudeʼa Lévi-Straussa z psychoanalizą Jacquesa Lacana nie doczekały się do tej pory w literaturze antropologicznej właściwej krytyki. Tymczasem opublikowane w 1949 prace poinformowanego psychoanalitycznie Lévi-Straussa odegrały kluczową rolę w Lacanowskim "powrocie do Freuda" w duchu językoznawstwa strukturalnego. Dokładniejsze badanie tych tekstów, jak również centralnych koncepcji antropologii strukturalnej i psychoanalizy lacanowskiej, uwzględniające nie tylko historyczny rozwój tych ostatnich, ale także ich etnograficzne i kliniczne źródła, rodzi zasadnicze pytania o falsyfikowalność, spójność, moc wyjaśniającą oraz prawdopodobieństwo strukturalistycznych hipotez. Kierunek inspiracji był określony i prowadził zawsze od strukturalizmu antropologicznego do psychoanalitycznego, przy czym ten pierwszy często formowany był w oparciu o nieuzasadnione analogie, faktograficzne nieścisłości i nadmierne generalizacje, a ten drugi dodatkowo o manipulacje obecne zarówno w pismach Freuda, jak i Lacana. Słowa kluczowe: strukturalizm; antropologia strukturalna; psychoanaliza; psychoanaliza lacanowska; "powrót do Freuda".

An extract from Furter, Edmond 2016: Stoneprint, the human code in art, buildings and cities (Four Equators Media, 368 pages, 130 illustrations, ISBN 978-0-620-69862-7).

At Great Zimbabwe, the king’s hilltop labyrinth of dry stone-walled enclosures sits on a steep natural cliff, adding to the intimidating impression of seclusion, royalty, secret metallurgy, and rain magic. This enhanced hilltop, and the great enclosure, or valley temple, or queen’s yard, are the best African examples of what Iron Age archaeologists label ‘prestige walling’. The sequence of archetypes in the Great Zimbabwe landscape is...

Extensive damage by early treasure hunters, including the Rhodesian Ruins Treasure Exploration Company concession held by Cecil Rhodes, former South African prime minister and temporary owner of ‘Rhodesia’, leaves the position of the queen’s hut uncertain. Type 11 Virgo lay somewhere in her inner yard, probably indicated by her opposite, type 4 Pisces, as the main entrance (here marked in error on a damaged part of the guard shield wall; thus the ‘womb’ should be a little east of the vi11 label). The sequence of archetypes in the Great Zimbabwe queen’s yard is...

Zimbabwean soapstone bird slabs resemble some versions of the Egyptian Horus falcon. They also resemble Babylonian boundary stone icons of a bird on a staff; and at least two Ice Age image: the Lascaux cave healer’s shaft (engraved in two caves). These cultures had no cultural contact. Iconic images are sustained by compulsive expression of archetypal structure, sometimes supported by imposition, example, imitation, diffusion or migration. Stoneprint analyses revealed this type of bird icon as a spring marker (see images below)...

At first glance, mathematical representation of cultural constructs is an oxymoron for those who consider culture to express primarily the humanistic side of what it means to be human and thus to have little to do with the scientific, objective framework associated with mathematics and mathematical modeling. However, mathematical representation begins with cultural constructs as they have been elicited through rigorous ethnographic fieldwork and uses mathematical reasoning to extend anthropological reasoning as a way to elaborate on our understanding of what constitutes cultural knowledge. Mathematical representations need to delineate the “principles that may be presumed to be at work at their source” (Lounsbury 1964:351) in the form of “ generative models which reproduce … the logic” (Bourdieu 1990[1980]:92) that accounts for “how the​ cultural constructs are generated” (Schneider 1968:7), and thereby enables us to  “uncover the conceptual structures that inform our subjects’ acts” (Geertz 1973:27). Mathematical representation does not become an end in and of itself, but instead “Mathematical models are used … because there are ethnographic advantages for doing so” (Hage and Harary1983a:68).

The goal of the paper is to show how the generative logic approach to kinship terminology structures sheds light on the basis for the skewing that characterizes the Crow-Omaha terminologies. The generative logic of the Omaha terminology of the Thonga-Ronga of southern Africa is examined in detail and the skewing in this terminology is found to occur as a consequence of having a set of male generating terms for the male kin terms, but only female self for the female kin terms. This contrasts sharply with the Omaha terminology of the Fox Indians for which the skewing is the result of a deleting the cross-cousin kin terms from an Iroquois terminology. The results obtained here underscore the need to consider the skewing associated with the Crow-Omaha terminologies from the perspective of the generative logic of kinship terminologies.

This article examines how women getting by in Kampala, take up registers of gender and sexuality in a contemporary hybrid democratic-authoritarian state with compulsory heterosexuality. Sections 145-146 of Uganda's fourth Constitution (1995-present) include language dating to the British colonial administration of the Uganda Protectorate (1950), which criminalizes "carnal knowledge of any person against the order of nature." This has been regularly used by the Uganda Police Force, since the contemporary politicization of homosexuality in the early 2000s, to justify the harassment, incarceration, and torture of those who are identified as "homosexual." In addition to the economic precarity most Ugandans already face, transgender women seeking social services are often instructed by Non Governmental Organization (NGO) social workers that "security begins with you" and are encouraged to manage the way they performatively index their gender and sexuality. Drawing from interviews and participant observations in Kampala, Uganda from volunteer work at the NGO, Sexual Minorities Uganda (2015-2016), I find that transgender women use various registers of gender and sexuality that do not fully conform with the norms for performativity inside the queer community and must reconcile their insecurity through privatized social services, security, and market activities that determine the insecurity of their daily life.

Este artigo examina como as mulheres que moram em Kampala, adotam registros de gênero e sexualidade, em um Estado híbrido contemporâneo, democrático-autoritário, onde a heterossexualidade é obrigatória. As seções 145–146 da quarta Constituição de Uganda (1995–presente) incluem linguagem que data da época colonial britânica, a administração do Protetorado de Uganda (1950), que criminaliza “o conhecimento carnal de qualquer pessoa contra a ordem da natureza.” Isto tem sido regularmente utilizado pela Polícia de Uganda, desde a politização contemporânea da homossexualidade no início dos anos 2000, para justi!car o assédio, o encarceramento e a tortura daqueles que são identi!cados como “homossexuais.” Além da precariedade econômica que a maioria dos ugandenses já enfrentam, as mulheres transgêneros que procuram serviços sociais são freqüentemente instruídas pelos trabalhadores sociais de Organizações Não Governamentais (ONG) que “a segurança começa com você” e são incentivados a gerenciar a forma como elas indexam performativamente seu gênero e sexualidade. Extraído de entrevistas e observações dos participantes em Kampala, Uganda, do trabalho voluntário na ONG Sexual Minorias Uganda (2015–2016), descrevo como as mulheres transgêneros usam vários registros de gênero e sexualidade que não estam em conformidade com as normas de performatividade dentro do comunidade queer e devem reconciliar sua insegurança através de serviços sociais privatizados, segurança e atividades de mercado que determinam a insegurança de sua vida diária.

Este artículo examina cómo las mujeres que se desenvuelven en Kampala adoptan registros de género y sexualidad en un estado híbrido democrático-autoritario contemporáneo que impone una heterosexualidad obligatoria. Los artículos 145-146 de la cuarta Constitución de Uganda (1995–actualidad) incluyen un lenguaje que data de la administración colonial británica del Protectorado de Uganda (1950), el cual penaliza el “conocimiento carnal de cualquier persona contra el orden de la naturaleza.” Esto ha sido utilizado regularmente por la Policía de Uganda desde la politización contemporánea de la homosexualidad a principios de la década de 2000, con el !n de justi!car el acoso, el encarcelamiento y la tortura de quienes son identi!cados como “homosexuales.” Además de la precariedad económica, a la que ya se enfrentan la mayoría de los ugandeses, a las mujeres transexuales que buscan servicios sociales se les indica por parte de las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONG) que “la seguridad empieza por ti,” y se les anima a administrar el modo en el que performan su género y su sexualidad. A partir de entrevistas y observaciones de participantes en Kampala, Uganda, durante trabajo voluntario en la ONG “Minorías Sexuales de Uganda” (2015–2016), descubro que las mujeres transgénero utilizan varios registros de género y sexualidad que no se ajustan totalmente a las normas de performatividad dentro de la comunidad queer, y que deben conciliar su inseguridad a través de servicios sociales privatizados, la seguridad y las actividades del mercado que determinan la inseguridad de su vida cotidiana.

Religion, magic, ritual, myth, emblematic systems and art, all subconsciously express the same archetypal structure in different media. Identical visual ‘episodes’ and ‘grammar’ appear in apparently different cultures, and apparently different ‘developmental’ eras worldwide. This paper demonstrates cultural structure by revealing the standard visual typology, its sequence and the axial ocular grid between the eyes of typological characters, in six artworks that other authors used in different interpretations in a previous edition of EXPRESSION. The new method raises the core content of culture to conscious appreciation.

Azfar Moin's The Millennial Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam prompts a consideration not only of the histories of Islam and early modern connected histories of Central and South Asia, but also of current debates about local and global history-writing. Moin's work intersects with a strand of comparative world history—following Victor Lieberman's Strange Parallels—but also engages strands of historical anthropology, bringing to light a range of compelling stakes for global historians, historians of South Asia, and scholars of nationalism alike. Though Moin's work pushes the boundaries of connected histories centered on South Asia, his focus on a trans-regional millennial science avoids questions of the local within new global histories.

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Structural anthropology puzzles even the most persistent reader. Despite Levi-Strauss's regular explications, fundamental questions remain unanswered. In response, an exegetical industry has grown up around Levi-Strauss, partly to aid the clarification of obscure areas in his thought, partly to situate structural anthropology within a familiar context. This article is concerned with the scientific status of structural anthropology, especially as such a question bears on the issue of falsifiability: Are structural claims falsifiable? And how?

Colonizers usually transfer their cultural styling to subjects, as demonstrated in names and the styling of myths, rituals, fashion, art, architecture and language. However all colonized people already had similar cultural media, with structurally identical content. The study of diffusion is thus problematic: which elements are original, imposed, borrowed, transformed, or locally ‘invented’ and developed? Which meanings are novel, unique, or structural (such as grammar and geometry)? Which illustrate other media (myth, ritual, healing), or are unique to visual art? Which arise from technique, stylization, individual ‘signatures’, or social conventions? Style and its development are easy to demonstrate, but the other questions of meaning, contexts and acculturation in art and architecture are abstract and arguable. Structural analysis of art and building sites now enables the isolation of cultural archetypes, or recurrent stock characters, by categorically visible attributes, and their fixed sequence, and the exact spacing of their eyes. This abstract structure is directly measurable, and comparable, indicating compulsive, universal, subconscious expression of archetype by artists and architects, including colonizers and colonized.

Il est difficile de comprendre la religion grecque, parce que nous ne partageons pas le même Dasein, la même expérience de l'être ou la même âme. La fureur, l'emportement, la fulgurance et la démence même, font partie des attributs divins. Comme chez les dieux scandinaves et particulièrement Odin/Wotan. Les dieux grecs ont une âme farouche, belliqueuse, retorse. Ils habitent un monde de démesure et de terreur, peuplé de monstres et d'horreurs insanes. Nous avons du mal de là où nous sommes, à saisir cette sauvagerie. Non la Grèce antique n'est pas que le lieu d'invention de la démocratie et de la pensée rationnelle. D'abord il faut bien le dire pour que les choses soient claires, la civilisation ne peut pas être revendiquée comme une exclusivité appartenant à une origine particulière. Elle est un bien, un patrimoine commun et indivisible de l'humanité (We Are One). Dans l'enclos de la cité grecque antique, la sauvagerie n'est pas chose étrangère ; elle n'est pas rejetée au dehors, exclue de l'être-un communautaire. Certes il y a des lois et des règles, mais elles ne sont pas érigées en barricades, contre la menace d'intrusion d'une sauvagerie censée venir de l'extérieur. Du moins ce que nous percevons nous comme sauvagerie, ce qui nous apparaît tel dans l'emportement, l'ensauvagement dionysien, cet aspect du dieu qui n'est pourtant pas si singulier dans le panthéon grec, nous ne le comprenons pas. Quelle compréhension les conquistadors du Mexique auraient bien pu avoir face à l'horreur des sacrifices humains organisés en masse par les Aztèques ? Comment approcher de cette réalité étrangère, en dehors du cercle « sacré », cercle de sauvegarde et de maintien de l'ordre, de la bonne santé mentale comme physique, tracé par notre civilisation ?