Sasanian Iran

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The Last Empire of Iran is an exhaustive political and military history of the Sasanian state (AD 220s – 651). I wrote this book for several reasons. There are very few narrative histories of late-antique Iran. Excluding Rawlinson’s Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy, published in 1870, we have had to rely on only two works: Christensen’s L’Iran sous les Sassanides (1936) and Daryaee’s Sasanian Persia (2008). So it seemed to me that there was more than enough room for a new attempt to tell the story, at least for the sake of variety. The study of Late Antiquity is also unfairly dominated by the history of the Mediterranean world and the late Roman Empire. Those topics are obviously interesting on their own merits; but they are only a part of the whole scene of Late Antiquity, and if that period is to be properly and fully understood, we cannot neglect the history of the empire that repeatedly humiliated and eventually subjugated most of the Mediterranean world, and which cast such a long shadow over the Islamic world. The dominance of the Roman Empire in late-antique history is answered by a near total neglect of the peoples of the Inner Asia, and I wanted to remedy this neglect. Those peoples (Kushans, the Kidarite and Hephthalite Huns, Tuoba, Rouran, Turks…) had political, military, and commercial goals which made deep impressions on the Iranian and Romans states alike. Their history deserves to be told, and they ought to be portrayed as something other than demons, forces of nature, or an inexplicable succession of barbarians. Something similar may be said for China, which also had important relations with Iran, and so I was eager to situate the Sasanian state within the whole history of late-antique Eurasia. Finally, the history of Sasanian Iran poses a singular historiographical problem which I could not resist attempting to resolve. The problem is that hardly any contemporary Iranian sources have survived; and so historians have usually relied on contemporary Roman historians and posthumous universal histories written in Arabic from the Islamic era which purport to recycle Sasanian material. Neither group of sources is entirely trustworthy. But instead of trying to reconcile antithetical traditions, I set out to emphasise contemporary Armenian and Syriac sources, and to approach hostile and triumphalist Roman and Arabic accounts with scepticism. But I have not simply rehearsed in my own words what I found in my sources. Rigorous analysis still leaves dark patches and mysterious lacunae, and I enjoyed trying to fill them in with all the modern scholarship available to me and my own inferences. I hope that others may learn something new, and continue telling and retelling the story.

This multivolume work will present a political and military history of the Sasanian Empire in Late Antiquity (220s to 651 AD). The handbook will take the form of a narrative and situate Sasanian Iran within its proper context as a continental power between Rome and the world of the steppe nomad. The author will emphasise key elements of Sasanian foreign policy that forced the Roman Empire to recognise its equality and explain Sasanian policy vis-à-vis of the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Arabian Peninsula also. The book will show that the Sasanian Empire was far more diplomatically astute and militarily capable than is usually assumed, and that it had remarkable regenerative power when faced with both internal turmoil and external threats. Although literary histories are essential to the task, this book will bring together a great deal of archaeological and sigillographic data which have only recently come to light.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

Abstract:
Sasanian Empire can be seen as one of the most significant periods of political history. This dynasty abtain a special place not only in politics, but also in the history of art and architecture and study the art of this period,  can reveal dark corners of history and art of ancient Iran. . The art of this period can be known from the early centuries AD, when the  Fartedaran family owned  feudal state and after the extinction of the family until 9 and 10 th century,  can also study the  factors affecting the art, In other words, Sassanid art covers nearly a millennium. One of the most prominent of these arts, art reliefs on the mountains and rocks, which in the course, entirely have been at the service of the Sassanian dynasty of kings and their ideologies, Having a better understanding of the art, not only can help us in the style of art, but also in the history of this period. Relief Darabgerd I, a perfect example of this carvings and there is much disagreement on the identity of the people in it and it also the date of carving. In this paper, we present the geographical location and the size of the reliefs, and continue to investigate and describe the effect as well as the ideas presented by the expert researchers in this subject, and at the conclusion, after analyzing all the data, it is known to belong to ShapurI, that has been carved after the victory of ShapuI over Roman Emperors in 244 AD.

Keywords: Darabgerd I, Shapur I, Artaxerxes, reliefs, the Sassanids.

Historically, the rise of Islam led to the establishment of certain women’s rights during Mohammad’s lifetime, however, those rulings soon declined following his death. Eventually, during the first half of the second century AH or the early Abbasid period (132-656 AH) when the Muslim societies were expanding to become the largest empire of the time, most of the Islamic laws or figh were developed. The image of the Muslim woman became increasingly similar to that of the civilized cultures of the ancient world and resembled less the early Muslim community of Medina. Modern scholarship confirms the unique contribution of Iranian culture and creeds to the numerous aspects of newborn Islamic civilization. I attempt to answer the question that if so, what parts of the Islamic point of view and jurisprudence on women might imitate Sasanian/Zoroastrian tradition? The unique situation of Mesopotamia as the heartland of the Islamic Empire intensified the impact of Iranian culture over the entire empire. My investigation in this thesis confirms the cultural continuity of the Zoroastrian/Sasanian matrimonial customs through Muslim jurisprudence in its early stages. Despite the differences between Zoroastrianism and Islamic understanding regarding the meaning and purpose of marriage and wifehood, many Zoroastrian traditions were adopted by Islamic Family Law, except for the clearly affirmed or prohibited cases in the Quran.

In modern studies and in the process of archeological investigations, various objectives are considered; including, in regard with the study of constructions, sometime problems such as styles, architectural characteristics, economic conditions, the power of ruling government, the rate of interests and tendencies of people toward religion, etc, could be understood much better. The Sassanids dynasty is among the historical periods of Iran, when attention to Zoroastrian religion and sensitivity to religious matters and events were considered the most important affairs of the kings and the study of the history of this period partly reveals the reasons for the religious attitudes of the kings. Accordingly, the writer of this article titled:" Archeological study and dispersion analysis of Chahar taq es in Sassanids era in the west and southwest of Fars province" has investigated it in three chapters of archeological studies in the winter 2011, and spring and summer of 2012 In this study, the writer manages to recognize 18 Chahar taq es between the cities of Baladeh, Farashband and Firoozabad. A present article seeks to study the chronological succession of one of the most tacit and outstanding Chahar taq es in this region, that is, Rohini Chahar taq. [Milad Vandaee, Roya Tajbakhsh and Gholam reza Maghsoudi. Sassanid fire temple Discovered in Ardašīr Khore, Pars. J Am Sci 2013;9(3s):105-114]. (ISSN: 1545-1003). http://www.jofamericanscience.org. 16

The paper analyzes material on Persians and their beliefs as presented in the 7-th century universal history “The Book of the Main Points, of The History of the Temporal World” by the East Syriac monk John bar Penkaye.
The first part deals with so-called Zurvan myth in Syriac literature: its documentation, perception, sources, interpretations, and significance for the students of the religious landscape of Sasanian Iran. When Syriac authors write about Persian beliefs, it is usually the myth of Zurvan that they retell: a story how certain Zurvan engendered two sons, Ohrmazd and Ahriman, who created the world, the former -- all that is good and beautiful, and the latter -- all that is malign. Does this story that we find in Syriac sources reflect the actual religious practices of Sasanian Iran; can it be regarded as an example of the intercommunal relationship; how is it related to Theodore of Mopsuestia's lost tractate "Contra Magos": do they share a common source, or the tractate itself is the source? These and related questions are discussed in the first part of the paper.
The second part presents excerpts from the History on Cyrus II and Shapur II.

Практически все великие державы Древности, как восточные, так и западные, стремились обезопасить свои границы путем возведения пограничных оборонительных линий. В этом отношении не стал исключением и сасанидский Иран. На границах Сасанидской империи в разное время, но в основном — в период наивысшего могущества царства Сасанидов (IV—VI вв.) были возведены мощные фортификационные системы, по своим масштабам превосходившие многие из более известных аналогичных сооружений, созданных в античном мире. К ним относятся Стена арабов, Гурганская стена, Стена Таммиша, Джар-и Кулбад, Дербентская фортификационная система и укрепления в Дарьяльском ущелье.
***
Almost all the great ancient both Eastern and Western powers sought to secure their borders by erecting border defensive lines. In this respect, Sassanian Iran was no exception. On the borders of the Sassanid Empire at different times, but mainly during the period of the highest power of the Sasanid kingdom (4th—6th centuries CE), strong fortification systems were erected. In scale, they surpassed many of the more famous similar structures created in the Classical world. These included the Wall of the Arabs, the Wall of Gorgan, the Wall of Tammishe, Jar-i Kulbad, the Darband fortification system, and the Darial Gorge.

""The book is devoted to the source study of the geofraphical information about the Persia contained in Ammianus Marcellinus' "Res Gestae" (Amm. Marc. XXIII. 6. 10-74).
The main outlines:
1. For Ammianus Marcellinus the notion "Persia" meant whole Asia to the east from the Roman mesopotamian frontier (even including Sera≈China).
2. The main geographical source for Ammianus was “Geography” of Ptolemy. But Ammianus didn't use the proper work of Ptolemy but its short and inexact Latin remake. Obviously, Ammianus also used the schematic geographical maps (like Tabula Peutengeriana) made on the basis of Ptolemy’s data.
3. Ammianus does not describe geography of real Persia, but compiles his "Persian" digression on the basis of classical literary tradition and, probably, cartographical sources.""

Gauging the importance of religion to the exercise of political will in the Sasanian world requires enormous care.  It is all too easy to take the Great Kings at their word as they championed the doctrines of Zoroastrianism in their political pronouncements, especially as some of them also persecuted Christianity.  Whether or not such sentiments were genuine, a closer analysis of the evidence suggests a more pragmatic royal use of religion.  The political realities on the ground were more often the deciding factor in how the kings related to the religious sectors of Sasanian society.  This state of affairs sometimes set the kings against the Zoroastrian clerics, whose agendas were not always in alignment, and it explains why Christian persecutions were usually motivated more by politics than doctrine.  Moreover, this dynamic also explains the prominence of the Christian church in the later Sasanian period as kings employed it as a base of support, much as they had the Zoroastrian hierarchy.

In 540 CE, the Persian king Chusro I invaded the Roman Near East, thus ending an era of mostly peaceful relations between Rome and Iran. In this paper I try to take a closer look at the motives and actions of the Persian king, the great antagonist of the emperor Justinian.

ÖZET: Bu çalışma, klasik tarihyazımının son büyük temsilcisi Prokopios’un yapıtlarında Perslerin temsil edilişinin problemlerini tartışarak, geç antik tarihyazımının tarihi alanına bir katkı yapmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu çalışmanın temel sorunsallarından biri ise, Persleri temsil ediş şekliyle ve yarattığı (veya yeniden - ürettiği) “öteki” ile Prokopios’un antik tarihçilerden farkını sorgulamaktır. İlk önce, Prokopios’un çalışmalarındaki Perslerin bir halk ve bir toplum olarak ne şekilde temsil edildiği tartışılmıştır. Prokopios’un saikinin bir etnograf olmaktan ziyade, politik antropolojiye yakın olduğunu varsayılmıştır, çünkü sonuçta müverrih Pers emperyal yapısını siyasi, askeri ve dinsel ritüeller ile gelenekler üzerinden anlamaya çalışılmıştır. Perslerin temsilleri, Prokopios’un metinlerindeki başka halkların temsilleriyle de mukayese edilmiştir. Savaşların Tarihi yapıtında, Pers imparatorları merkezi bir role sahiptirler. I. Firuz  ( hük. 438–457), I. Kubâd (r. 488–531) ama özellikle kendi çağdaşı olduğu için I. Hüsrev (hük. 531-579) gibi Pers imparatorlarının, temsilleri, daha geç dönem Bizans tarihçiliği (özellikle de Agathias), Süryani ve Arap tarihçileri ile birlikte, mukayeseler yapılarak tartışılmıştır. Bu tartışmalarda şu soruya cevap vermeye çalışılmıştır: "Prokopios ne oranda klasik tarihçiliğin Persleri temsil ederken kullandığı modelleri yeniden- üretmiştir?" Prokopios’un klasik yazarlardan despotizm konusunda ayrılmaktadır. Zira Perslerdeki hukuka bağlılığa ve özellikle Sâsânî imparatorlarının saygısına güçlü bir vurgu yapar. Bu sebepten dolayı, Prokopios’un Persleri tasvirinde bir karakteristik unsur olarak "despotizm" yer almamakla birlikte, Persler saldırgan ve yayılmacı bir karatkteristikle tasvir edilmiştir. Bir müverrih, bir halkı ele alırken ötekileştirici bir söylem kullanabileceği gibi; buna alternatif olarak yabancı halkın adetlerini kendi halkının adetleriyle karşılaştırabileceği ve modelleştirilen halkın adetlerini üstün bulacağı bir model de yaratabilir. Prokopios ise anlatısında kendi toplumu açısından ayna işlevi görecek modeller de yaratmıştır.(Theoderik’in adil karakteri, Pers hükümdarlarının yasaya sıkı bağlılığı gibi.) Bu hususlar mukayeseli bir yöntemle, antik literatürü ve daha geç Bizans ve Doğu literatürünü de içerecek şekilde tartışılmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler : Prokopios, Geç Antikite, Bizans İmparatorluğu, Persler, Sasaniler, Tarihyazımının Tarihi, Geç Roma Kültür Tarihi.

ABSTRACT: This study aims to make a contribution to the field of the history of late antique historiography by discussing the problems of the representation of the Persians in the works of Procopius, the last great representative of classical historiography. One of the main problematics of this study is to question the difference of Procopius from the ancient historians in the way he represents the Persians and the "other" he creates (or reproduces). Firstly, the representation of the Persians as a people and a society in Procopius' work is discussed. It is hypothesised that Procopius' motives were closer to political anthropology than to ethnography, since the author ultimately sought to understand the Persian imperial structure through political, military and religious rituals and customs. Representations of Persia have also been compared with those of other peoples in Procopius' texts. In the History of the Wars, the Sassanid emperors play a central role. The representations of Sassanid emperors such as Peros I  ( r. 438–457), Kavad I (r. 488–531) but especially his contemporary Khosrow I (r. 531-579) are discussed in comparison with later Byzantine historiography (especially Agathias), Syriac and Arab historians. In these discussions, the following question was tried to be answered: "To what extent did Procopius reproduce the models used by classical historiography to represent Persia?" Procopius differs from the classical authors on the issue of despotism. For he strongly emphasises the adherence to law in Persia and especially the respect of the Sassanid emperors. For this reason, Prokopios' description of the Persians does not include "despotism" as a characteristic element, but the Persians are depicted with an aggressive and expansionist characteristic. An historian can use a marginalising discourse when dealing with a people; alternatively, he can create a model in which he can compare the customs of a foreign people with the customs of his own people and find the customs of the people being modelled superior. Procopius, on the other hand, created models in his narrative that would serve as a mirror for his own society (Theoderic's just character, the strict adherence of Persian rulers to the law, etc.). These issues are discussed in a comparative manner, including ancient literature and later Byzantine and Eastern literature.

Keywords : Procopius, Late Antiquity, Byzantine Empire, Persians, Sassanids, History of Historiography, Late Roman Cultural History.

ABSZTRAKT: A tanulmány célja, hogy hozzájáruljon a késő antik történetírás megértéséhez azáltal, hogy megvizsgálja Prokopiosz perzsákról alkotott ábrázolását, valamint a klasszikus történetírókhoz képest eltérő megközelítését. A politikai antropológiát a néprajz helyett a politikai antropológiára helyezve a hangsúlyt, az elemzés megvizsgálja Prokopiosz perzsa társadalom ábrázolását, és azt állítja, hogy indítékai a perzsa birodalmi struktúra politikai, katonai és vallási rituálékon keresztül történő megértésében gyökereznek. A tanulmány megvizsgálja Prokopiosz ábrázolását a szasszanida császárokról, köztük I. Perosról, I. Kavadról és I. Khosrowról, és összehasonlítja a későbbi bizánci történetírással, szíriai és arab beszámolókkal. A vizsgált központi kérdés az, hogy Prokopiosz milyen mértékben replikálta a klasszikus történetírás modelljeit Perzsia ábrázolásában. A klasszikus szerzőktől való figyelemre méltó eltérés abban mutatkozik meg, hogy Prokopiosz a perzsák jogkövető magatartását hangsúlyozza, ahelyett, hogy despotikusnak jellemezné őket. A tanulmány elmélyül Prokopiosz elbeszélői választásaiban, kiemelve, hogy olyan modelleket alkotott, amelyek saját társadalmának tükörképeként szolgálnak. Például Theoderik igazságos jellemét szembeállítja a perzsa uralkodók törvényekhez való szigorú ragaszkodásával. Ez az összehasonlító elemzés kiterjed az ókori irodalomra és a későbbi bizánci és keleti irodalmi hagyományokra is, megvizsgálva, hogy Prokopiosz hogyan konstruál kulturális összehasonlításokat és hogyan értékeli a szokásokat. E vizsgálat révén a tanulmány rávilágít Prokopiosz egyedülálló perspektívájára és hozzájárulására a Perzsia történetírásban való ábrázolásáról szóló diskurzushoz.

Kulcsszavak : Procopius, késő ókor, Bizánci Birodalom, perzsák, szasszanidák, történetírás-történetírás, késő római kultúrtörténet.

АБСТРАКТ: Цель данного исследования - внести вклад в понимание позднеантичной историографии, изучив представление Прокопия о персах и отличительные особенности его подхода по сравнению с классическими историками. Подчеркивая политическую антропологию над этнографией, анализ тщательно изучает изображение Прокопием персидского общества, предполагая, что его мотивы были основаны на постижении персидской имперской структуры через политические, военные и религиозные ритуалы. В исследовании рассматривается изображение Прокопием сасанидских императоров, включая Пероса I, Кавада I и Хосрова I, и сравнивается с более поздней византийской историографией, сирийскими и арабскими рассказами. Главный вопрос, который рассматривается, - это степень, в которой Прокопий повторяет классические модели историографии в представлении Персии. Заметное отклонение от классических авторов выявлено в том, что Прокопий подчеркивает приверженность персов закону, а не характеризует их как деспотичных. Исследование посвящено выбору повествования Прокопием, подчеркивая создание им моделей, которые служат зеркалом для его собственного общества. Например, он противопоставляет справедливый характер Теодерика и строгое следование персидских правителей закону.  Этот сравнительный анализ распространяется на античную литературу и более поздние византийские и восточные литературные традиции, исследуя, как Прокопий строит культурные сравнения и оценивает обычаи. Благодаря этому исследование проливает свет на уникальную перспективу и вклад Прокопия в дискурс о представлении Персии в историографии.

Ключевые слова : Прокопий, поздняя античность, Византийская империя, персы, Сасаниды, история историографии, позднеримская история культуры.

ÖZET: Bu çalışmada, Sâsânî İmparatorluğu’nda kölelere dair hukukî düzenlemeler, M.S. VII. yüzyılın ilk yarısında hazırlanmış olan Mâtîkân ê Hazâr Dâtastân adlı hukuk külliyatı temelinde incelenecektir. Sâsânî Özel Hukuku alanında köle statüsünün nesep yoluyla intikali, iştirak halinde aile mülkiyetine tabi olan kölelerin durumu, köle üzerinde iştirak halinde mülkiyet tesisi, köle satımına dair hususlar, kölelerin istihkak dâvâsı konusunu teşkil etmeleri, köle tahsisi ve ariyeti, kölelerin rehnedilmesi, köle sahibinin borcunun köleye etkisi, kölelere tanınan zilyetlik ve sınırlı mülkiyet hakkı, dastkart adlı malikâneye bağlı köleler sorunu ile kölelerin azat edilmesi konuları incelenecek, ayrıca Ceza Hukuku, Usûl Hukuku ve Dinî Hukuka dair hükümler de değerlendirilecektir. Bu düzenlemeler, tarihsel bağlamında ele alınarak, Akdeniz havzasında M.S. III. yüzyıldan itibaren Geç Roma İmparatorluğu’ndaki Colonatus kurumuyla serfliğin tesis edilmesi ve bu sürecin İran’a muhtemel etkileri üzerinde durulacak, M.S. VII. yüzyılda Sâsânî Hukukunun Anadolu, Ortadoğu ve Mısır’daki kısa dönemli Sâsânî fütûhâtı neticesinde ne şekilde ihraç edildiği ve bu değişimin kölelik yönünden ne tür sonuçlar doğurduğu tartışılacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Sâsânî Hukuku, Dastkart, Geç Roma Colonatus Kurumu, Kölelik, Serflik.

ABSTRACT : In this study, legal regulations regarding the slaves in the Sāsānian Empire will be examined on the basis of Mâtîkân ê Hazâr Dâtastân, a legal corpus that was compiled in the first half of the 7th century A.D. In the field of Sāsānian private law, questions such as the transition of slaves’ status by lineage, the position of slaves that were subject to the joint-family property and joint-property, the issues relating the contracts for sale of slaves, the cases based on peremptory claims that were related to the slaves, the assignment of slaves as a result of a commodity contract, the impacts of the slave owner’s debts to slaves, the pledge of slaves, the possessory and limited property rights of slaves, the problem of the slaves that were bound to the manor (dastkart) and the manumission of the slaves will be examined. The matters concerning the criminal law, the procedural law and the ecclesiastical law will also be evaluated. These regulations will be addressed in the historical context by emphasizing the establishment of serfdom in the Mediterranean basin by the institution of Late Roman Colonate onwards the 3rd century A.D., and the probable impacts of this process in Iran. The way that the Sāsānian law was imported as a result of the Sāsānian conquests in Asia Minor, the Middle East and Egypt in the 7th century A.D. and its consequences with regards to slavery will be discussed.

Keywords : Sasanian Law, Dastkart, Late Roman Colonate, Slavery, Serfdom.

ABSZTRAKT : Ebben a tanulmányban a Sāsāniai Birodalomban a rabszolgákra vonatkozó jogi szabályozást vizsgáljuk a Mâtîkân ê Hazâr Dâtastân alapján, amely egy olyan jogi korpusz, amelyet az i. sz. 7. század első felében állítottak össze. A sāsāniai magánjog területén olyan kérdések, mint a rabszolgák státuszának származás szerinti átmenete, a közös családi vagyon és a közös tulajdon alá tartozó rabszolgák helyzete, a rabszolgák adásvételi szerződéseivel kapcsolatos kérdések, a rabszolgákkal kapcsolatos peres követeléseken alapuló ügyek, a rabszolgák áruvásárlási szerződésből eredő engedményezése, a rabszolgatartó rabszolgákkal szembeni tartozásainak hatásai, a rabszolgák zálogjogának, a rabszolgák birtokos és korlátozott tulajdonjogának, a birtokhoz (dastkart) kötött rabszolgák problémájának és a rabszolgák manumifikációjának vizsgálata. A büntetőjoggal, az eljárásjoggal és az egyházjoggal kapcsolatos kérdések is értékelésre kerülnek. Ezeket a szabályozásokat történelmi kontextusban tárgyaljuk, kiemelve a jobbágyságnak a Földközi-tenger medencéjében a késő római kolonátus intézménye által a Kr. u. 3. századtól kezdődően történő meghonosodását, valamint e folyamat valószínűsíthető iráni hatásait. Szó lesz arról, hogy a sāsāniai jog a Kr. u. 7. században a sāsāniai hódítások eredményeként Kis-Ázsiában, a Közel-Keleten és Egyiptomban importálódott, valamint annak a rabszolgasággal kapcsolatos következményeiről.

Kulcsszavak : szaszáni jog, Dastkart, késő római gyarmat, rabszolgaság, jobbágyság.

АБСТРАКТ: В данном исследовании правовые нормы, касающиеся рабов в Сасанской империи, рассматриваются на основе "Матыкан к Хазар Датастан" - свода законов, составленного в первой половине VII века н.э. В области сасанидского частного права рассматриваются такие вопросы, как переход статуса рабов по родословной, положение рабов, находившихся в совместной семейной и совместной собственности, вопросы, связанные с договорами купли-продажи рабов, дела, основанные на императивных исках, связанных с рабами, уступка рабов в результате товарного договора, последствия долгов рабовладельца перед рабами, залог рабов, вещные и ограниченные вещные права рабов, проблема рабов, привязанных к поместью (дасткарт), а также вопросы, связанные с отпущением рабов на волю. Также будут рассмотрены вопросы, касающиеся уголовного, процессуального и церковного права. Эти положения будут рассмотрены в историческом контексте с акцентом на установление крепостного права в Средиземноморском бассейне в результате учреждения позднеримского колоната начиная с III века н. э., а также на вероятные последствия этого процесса в Иране. Будет рассмотрен способ импорта сасанидского права в результате сасанидских завоеваний в Малой Азии, на Ближнем Востоке и в Египте в VII в. н. э. и его последствия в отношении рабства.

Ключевые слова: сасанидское право, дасткарт, позднеримская колония, рабство, крепостное право.

ÖZET: Bizans ve Sâsânî İmparatorlukları arasında akdedilen barış antlaşmalarındaki iktisâdî hükümlerin değerlendirilmesi, bu savaşların arkasında yatan, ticâret yollarının kontrolünden kaynaklı iktisâdî sebeplerin de anlaşılmasını sağlayacak mahiyettedir. 562 yılında akdedilen Dara Antlaşmasının tam metni günümüze ulaştığından, antlaşma metni temelinde inceleme yapılabilmesi mümkündür. Antlaşmanın başlıca iktisadî hükümleri, devletlerarası ticaretin sadece belirli şehirlerle sınırlandırılması, elçilere ve diplomatik heyetlere verilen ticâret izni, her iki devletin tabiyetindeki Arap tüccarların ve tüm diğer tüccarların da Nisibis ve Dara üzerinden mutabık olunan ticari yolları takip etmeleri ve yeni ticari yollar denememeleridir. Bu hükümler, eski antlaşmalar ve yasal düzenlemeler temelinde tetkik edileceği gibi, Iustinianus döneminde yeni ticâret yolları tesis etme çabası, Bizans İmparatorluğunda ipekli dokuma sektörünün teşekkülü gibi girişimler, Sâsânîlerin İpek Yolu’nun ana ticârî güzergâhlarını kontrolünde tutmasının yarattığı sorunlar göz önüne alınarak tarihsel bağlamda değerlendirilecektir. Bu çalışmada, ticari ilişkilerin eski durumuna geri döndürülerek restore edilmesi çabasının Bizans-Sâsânî savaşlarının bir bir boyutunu teşkil etme ihtimali de tartışılacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Bizans-Sâsânî Savaşları, Bizans-Sâsânî İktisâdî ve Ticârî İlişkileri.

ABSTRACT: An evaluation of the economic clauses of the peace treaties that were concluded between Byzantine and Sāssānid Empires, can make us understand the underlying economic factors that was based on controlling the trade routes. Since we have the full text of the treaty of Dara that was concluded between the Byzantine and Sāssānid Empires in 562 AD, it is possible to make a research based on this text. The main economic clauses in the treaty contains the limitation of the interstate commerce by certain cities, the permission to trade of the ambassadors and the diplomatic envoys, and the constraint of the Arabian merchants and all other merchants that are subjects of either state for trying new trade routes and their enforcement to follow the agreed trade routes by Nisibis and Dara. These clauses will be examined on the basis of older treaties and legal regulations,  on the historical context of the effort to establish new trade routes and the attemp to establish the silk weaving industry in Justinian’s times and regarding the problems caused by the Persians' controlling of the main trade routes of the Silk Road. In this work, the possibility of the restoration effort of the commercial relations to its previous state as one of the aspects of the Byzantine-Sāssānid wars, will also be discussed.

Keywords: Byzantine-Sasanian Wars, Byzantine-Sasanian Economic and Commercial Relations.

ABSZTRAKT: A Bizánci és a Sāssānid Birodalom között megkötött békeszerződések gazdasági záradékainak értékelése segíthet megérteni a mögöttes gazdasági tényezőket, amelyek a kereskedelmi útvonalak ellenőrzésén alapultak. Mivel rendelkezésünkre áll a Bizánci és a Sāssānid Birodalom között Kr. u. 562-ben kötött dárai szerződés teljes szövege, lehetőség van arra, hogy a szöveg alapján kutatást végezzünk. A szerződés főbb gazdasági záradékai tartalmazzák az államközi kereskedelem korlátozását bizonyos városok által, a követek és diplomáciai követek kereskedelmének engedélyezését, valamint az arab kereskedők és minden más, bármelyik állam alattvalójának számító kereskedő korlátozását új kereskedelmi útvonalak kipróbálására, és a Nisibis és Dara által megállapított kereskedelmi útvonalak követésére való kényszerítését. Ezeket a záradékokat a régebbi szerződések és jogi szabályozások alapján, az új kereskedelmi útvonalak létrehozására irányuló törekvések és a selyemszövőipar létrehozására tett kísérletek történelmi kontextusában vizsgáljuk meg Jusztiniánusz idejében, valamint a Selyemút fő kereskedelmi útvonalainak perzsák általi ellenőrzése által okozott problémák tekintetében. Ebben a munkában a kereskedelmi kapcsolatok korábbi állapotának helyreállítására irányuló erőfeszítések lehetőségét, mint a bizánci-sāssānid háborúk egyik szempontját is tárgyaljuk.

Kulcsszavak: Bizánci-szaszanida háborúk, bizánci-szaszanida gazdasági és kereskedelmi kapcsolatok.

АБСТРАКТ: Оценка экономических положений мирных договоров, заключенных между Византийской и Сасанидской империями, может помочь нам понять экономические факторы, которые лежали в основе контроля над торговыми путями. Поскольку у нас есть полный текст Дарийского договора, заключенного между Византийской и Сасанидской империями в 562 году н. э., можно провести исследование на основе этого текста. Основные экономические пункты договора содержат ограничение межгосударственной торговли определенными городами, разрешение на торговлю послам и дипломатическим посланникам, а также ограничение арабских купцов и всех других купцов, подданных обоих государств, на новые торговые пути и их принуждение следовать согласованным торговым маршрутам Нисибиса и Дары. Эти положения будут рассмотрены на основе более древних договоров и правовых норм, в историческом контексте попыток установления новых торговых путей и создания шелкоткацкой промышленности во времена Юстиниана, а также в связи с проблемами, вызванными контролем персов над основными торговыми путями Шелкового пути. В этой работе также будет обсуждаться возможность восстановления торговых отношений до прежнего состояния как один из аспектов византийско-сасанидских войн.

Ключевые слова: Византийско-сасанидские войны, византийско-сасанидские экономические и торговые отношения.

The shahs of the early Sasanian dynasty faced the challenge of establishing their
legitimacy as the rulers of an imperial polity after rising to power through military
insurrection. The early shahs of the dynasty sought to locate themselves within the
religious, mythic, and historical context to link themselves to the glorious rulers and
dynasties of Iranian myth and history, while simultaneously espousing Mazdean virtue.
Through the concepts of Ērānšahr and Farr, the notion of the territorial unity of the
Mazda-worshiping peoples prescribed in the Avesta and the divinely-bestowed glory of
rulers, respectively, the motivations that underlaid Sasanian statecraft during the first four
generations of the dynasty are contextualized.
The idea of Ērānšahr as a sacrosanct territorial delimitation of the homelands of
the Mazdean peoples was first employed to validate and legitimize the rebellion of the
Sasanians against the Parthian Aškānīān dynasty. After the civil war that established
Ardašīr I as šāhanšāh, the defense of Ērānšahr as both a tangible expanse of territory and
a religious concept was used to justify punitive and retaliatory military action in the west
against the Roman Empire, as well as to acquire the Central Asian holdings of the
Kushan Empire. The claim to the sole possession of Farr was similarly employed to
justify first rebellion, and then conflicts with the Kushan Empire, whose own rulers
claimed Farr from Mazdean divinities.
Establishing the religious, mythic, and historical contexts to which the early
Sasanian dynasts were subject illuminates the motivations for imperial policy and allows
the scrutiny of those policies and actions to transcend the biases inherent in non-Iranian
sources for the period. Furthermore, privileging autochthonous sculptural, epigraphic,and numismatic productions produces an innovative analysis of early Sasanian statecraft
cognizant of, and rooted within, Iranian cultural paradigms.

Abstract

The Khaganate (or Qaghanate) of the Türk, centered in the Central Eurasian steppes, was one of the hegemonic powers in Eurasia during the second half of the 6th and the first part of the 7th centuries C.E., exerting suzerainty over large parts of the Eurasian continent. The constituent hallmark of the empire of the Türk was the principle of collective sovereignty, vesting legitimate rule over the Türkic realm in the Ashinas lineage. This tradition – like other ideological as well as structural key features of their polity – the Türk inherited from their various predecessors in the steppes, notably the Xiongnu and the Rouran. Türk rule had a long-lasting impact on imperial ideologies and structures of governance in Eurasia down to the time of the Mongol Empire. Like the pax Mongolica in the 13th century, the unification of territories under Türk rule, from Manchuria in the east to Crimea in the west, resulted in a considerable increase of trans-cultural economic and diplomatic exchanges across Eurasia.

Keywords: mid-6th–mid-8th centuries CE ; Chinese Empire; Eurasia; imperialism and conquest; nomads; steppe

Title: Cities and Mint Centers Founded by Sasanians.
Sasanians played a critical role in urbanization of Persia and greater Iran.
Many of these cities (more than 100) were built for economic reasons and mintage of coins required to improve trade, military payments and local and civic markets.

Current paper consists of two main parts. In the first part the author discusses arms and armor presented in the Kizil Caves depictions, suggesting a datation of the two well-known caves, namely so-called Maya Cave and Cave of the Painter. In the second part of this paper the author discusses a helmet found in Iran and currently held in the David Collection, Copenhagen. On the basis of a detailed comparative analysis, the author puts forward a thesis of correlation between the lamellar and spangen pear-shape helmets dating the objects to late 6th - beginning of the 7th CE. Specifically, it is suggested that the David Collection helmet is a later evolution of such forms that was known in the late-Sasanian period.

This article presents a detailed reconsideration of the well-established and canonized theory of “Sasanian iconoclasm” postulated by Mary Boyce in 1975. The Sasanians did not develop any prohibition against anthropomorphic representations of the gods, and in the surviving Zoroastrian literature and inscriptions there is no evidence of either theological disputes over idols or of a deliberate eradication of them by the Persian kings. Sasanian cult was aniconic, but the historical and archaeological evidence clearly demonstrates that Sasanian visual culture was anything but iconoclastic. It seems that the Persian iconoclastic identity was constructed in the early Sasanian period as a response to the challenges posed by Christianity. By joining the common monotheistic discourse against idolatry, the Zoroastrian clergy adopted the conventions of the world in which they lived. Attacks against “idols” and “idolatry” should be understood in the context of internal and external polemical discourse against beliefs deemed to be erroneous by the Zoroastrian priesthood.

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This article analyzes how Zoroastrian holy sites as celebrated in the Avesta or elaborated in later, related traditions, emerged as important architectural and ritual centers in late antiquity. Instead of ancient foundations whose details were lost in the depths of time, this paper argues that some of the holiest sanctuaries of the Zoroastrian religion, including Ādur Gušnasp, Ādur Farnbāg, Ādur Burzēn-Mihr, Ādur Karkōy and Lake Kayānsīh, emerged no earlier than the Arsacid era, and were actively manipulated and augmented by the Sasanian dynasty. These 'Avestan' sites of memory emerged at locales with no previous Achaemenid monumental construction, but did benefit from beautiful and dramatic natural features. In late antiquity these natural features, usually mountains or lakes, took on the names and significance of the sacred geography of as found in the Avesta. The Sasanian dynasty in particular built grand monumental complexes as its sovereigns sought to take control of these ancient Iranian traditions.

The book gives and overview of various features and elements of Protobulgarian culture(s) that could be related to the vast heritage of Sasanian Iran. The focus falls on architecture - monuments as the Madara horseman, palaces, fire temples, building techniques, but also on metalwork. The overal conclusion is that the Protobulgarian elite's tastes and views were heavily influenced by Sasanian Iran during the long period when they inhabited the Ciscaucasus area and were neighbours of this empire.

Recently published silver plate from al-Ṣabāḥ Collection, of unknown provenance, has been firmly attributed as Sasanian. In fact, technically, it is related to the Sasanian silverwork however aesthetic examination allows to raise the doubts whether it is genuine. The plate must be compared not only with central-Sasanian artworks but all ancient ‘Oriental silver’, including pieces attributed as Hephtalite or Sogdian. The design of the plate does not have any relation with any of the known examples of late antique oriental toreutics. Central scene of heroic combat with powerful beast or beasts has never been surrounded with the ring containing other hunting scenes is unknown as well. The disbalanced decorum is even more clear when we remind that the central scene shows hunting on foot and the marginal ones – mounted. The details of fixed aesthetic elements – position of personages, beasts, weapons do not belong to Sasanian canon. The unique nature of the plate might result from many factors but the combination of unknown provenance and lack of relation to legitimate Sasanian canon require utmost cautiousness towards the object.

Offers an analysis of the sources, campaign and battle of Melitene AD 576 together with analysis of the armies and tactics of the East Roman Empire and Sasanian Iran.  Offers also criticism of the methodology employed in the analysis of the sources and shows how one can interpret the sources by using the military doctrine of both sides to clarify the text.

Ереван «Воскан Ереванци» 2016 УДК 94(479.25) ББК 63.3(5Арм) А 360 Печатается по решению Ученого совета Ереванского Государственного университета языков и социальных наук им. В. Брюсова Издание выходит в рамках Программы «Центр перспективных исследований и инициатив» Государственного комитета по науке при Министерстве образования и науки РА Айвазян Армен А 360 Армяно-персидская война 449-451 гг. Kампании и сражения / А. Айвазян. -Eр.: Воскан Ереванци, 2016. -516 с.+илл.

The article discusses a helmet found in 1968 in a mountainous village of Yarysh-Mardy situated on the river Argun in the north-eastern Caucasus. The helmet was often associated with the Golden Horde period, which according to the author seems highly unlikely. On the basis of a detailed comparative analysis, the author puts forward a thesis of dating the object to either the late-Sasanid or early-Islamic period, i.e. to late 6th - beginning of 8th c. AD. Specifically, it is suggested that the appearance of the helmet in the Caucasus may be attributed to the time of Byzantine-Sasanid conflicts taking place at the turn of 6th and 7th c. AD.
Additionally, the article argues that in the late Sasanid period a new sub-type of helmets came into existence, namely the ones with straight spangs and ones with spiky rivets. Furthermore, it is proposed that  the Yarysh-Mardy helmet bears certain correspondences to similar finds from Groningen and Bremen.

The Sasanids were interested in Arabia from the very beginning of their reign in Iran, and it was already the founder of the new dynasty Ardashir I Pabagan who attempted to establish Persian military and political influence in the Arabian Peninsula. In this regard, the purpose of the article is a historical reconstruction of the events connected with the conquest of the eastern and southern parts of the Arabian Peninsula by Ardashir I. The main sources are the “Book of Long Narratives” by Dinawari, “The History of the Prophets and Kings” by Tabarī, the anonymous “Desire to Know the History of Persians and Arabs” and “The Dictionary of Countries” by Yakut. Additional but important information is contained in the inscription of the shahanshah Shapur I on the Ka’bah-i Zardusht, the Sabean inscription Sh 31, and the rock relief of the Shahanshah Warahran II. We know almost nothing about their chronology, but judging by the context in which these events are described in the relevant sources, they presumably can be dated back to the first half of the reign of Ardashir Pabagan. At the same time, a more thorough analysis of the sources and taking into account the events that occurred later, during the reign of Shapur II and Khosrow I, allow us to consider the Arabian campaigns of Ardashir Pabagan as the first stage of the long struggle of the Sasanids for hegemony over the entire eastern and southern part of the Arabian Peninsula from southern Iraq to Yemen inclusive.

The equestrian figures on the relief of Salmās have been commonly identified as Ardašīr I (r. 224-242) and his son, Šāpur I (r. 242-272). The paper is an attempt of novel identification of the sovereigns depicted on the relief, based on iconography and the analyze of literary sources.

The article describes the role of the members of the Parthian Mehrān played from the second half of the 5th century on Sasanian courts. It must be assumed that the Sasnaian kings ruled their country with the help of Parthian aristocracy. The reforms of the 6th century could  not be directed against status of the Parthian noblemen in Iran because neither Kawād nor Xusrō could not carry them without assistance of Parthian wuzurgān.

This article analyzes the scene of the Sasanian king combating a lion in two rock reliefs. Most Sasanian Bas-reliefs belong to the first 150 years of the dynasty and most are located in modern Fars province. The reliefs typically depict the king’s investiture by a deity (who is usually Ahurā Mazdā, but, in some reliefs, Mithra or Anāhitā), the king with courtiers, the king with his family, the king at war, the king’s triumph over his enemies, and the king fighting and hunting wild animals. Two of the bas-reliefs of the king killing animals show him killing lions. One is located at Sar Mašhad and the other, less-known, is kept in the Haft-Tanān Museum, Shiraz, and was discovered at the foothills of Pahnu (Pahnā) Mount in Dārāb. In the ancient Near East, the lion symbolized power, courage, and ferociousness: whoever could confront it successfully was regarded as powerful and brave; consequently, many kings have been portrayed fighting lions (and other wild animals) during this period.
Key words: Bas-relief, Sasanian, Lion, King as Hunter, Sar Mašhad, Haft-Tanān

The helmet depicted on the capital at Ṭāq-e Bostān is the main evidence for employment of lamellar helmets by the Sasanian warriors. It seems that the decorated helmets of the kind were the marks of high status and were adopted by the Iranian warriors from the steppe peoples, most likely after recovery of control over the territories formerly conquered by the Hephtalites. Steppe nomads popularized this form of military gear throughout Eurasia. Another depictions which seem related to the personage on the capital at Ṭāq-e Bostān are representations on the reverses of the coins of Xusrō II, sometimes named as “Anāhitā” type. Similarity between the coinage and the capital allows to identify the personages as the same. This excludes the goddess as possible portrayed personage. Similarly possibility to identify the personage as Vərəθraγna-Bahrām should be refuted due to connection with Bahrām Čōbīn. If the emissions of the coins with the personage in the lamellar helmet were to commemorate the revenge over the murderers of Emperor Maurice than mentioning the name of Bahrām in positive context would be inappropriate. The most likely solution seems existence of secular system of allegories in Sasanian art which would allow transition of various meanings without the refrence to the yazatas.

"Abstract
In modern studies and in the process of archeological investigations, various objectives are considered; including, in regard with the study of constructions, sometime problems such as styles, architectural characteristics, economic conditions, the power of ruling government, the rate of interests and tendencies of people toward religion, etc, could be understood much better. The Sassanids dynasty is among the historical periods of Iran, when attention to Zoroastrian religion and sensitivity to religious matters and events were considered the most important affairs of the kings and the study of the history of this period partly reveals the reasons for the religious attitudes of the kings.
Accordingly, the writer of this article titled:”Archeological study and dispersion analysis of Chahar taq es in Sassanids era in the west and southwest of Fars province” has investigated it in three chapters of archeological studies in the winter 2011, and spring and summer of 2012 In this study, the writer manages to recognize 18 Chahar taq es between the cities of Baladeh, Farashband and Firoozabad. A present article seeks to study the chronological succession of one of the most tacit and outstanding Chahar taq es in this region, that is, Rohini(Anahita) Chahar taq.
Keywords: Chahar taq , Atashkadeh(Fire-Temple), Anahita, Farashband, Zoroastrian Religion, Sassanids"