Parallel Governance Structures

This paper illustrates the existing public transport policy framework at Federal, Regional, State, District and Council levels. It highlights specific policies which need to be taken into account at each level, as some remarkable improvements and integration are implemented on the public transport system in Penang. The useful information as found in this paper will subsequently be used to improve a policy-based assessment framework, which in turn serves to assess the performance of Penang public transport policy. This policy framework will attempt to repudiate the overarching need to come up with a final strategy, to assist in the delivery of policy objectives at all levels of the government. In order for the state’s urban public transport to be improved, it must have the support of the public, the politicians, and co-operation from all agencies including the Federal government itself.

India’s Northeastern states have presented a complex challenge to the Indian Union for over half a century, with continuous pushes for independence, autonomy and secession by a number of violent non-state actors and paramilitary groups. Few groups have achieved as prolonged and successful a challenge to the Indian Union as the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muvaih. The research seeks to re-orient perspectives of the insurgent group through an alternative to the ‘state-insurgent’ lens much of the academia and policy has focused on. This research views the organization and its offshoot groups as a fledgling attempt at forging new borders and maintaining a push for an independent and ethnically protected Nagaland. The nation-building project the National Socialist Council fought so hard for may be on its last limbs today, but much can be learned from its decades long push for a Nagamese nation and wider support for independence in India’s northeastern periphery.

Abstract The global policy discourse and the war on terror tend to ignore the wide variety of roles and agendas of non-state armed groups (NSAGs), viewing them primarily as threats to security, negative for peace and as important spoilers that can undermine successful peace building. They tend to be closely linked with other forms of transnational threats such as international terrorism, crime, narcotics, human trafficking, and the illicit trade in small arms.

This chapter surveys the new institutional economics, a rapidly growing literature combining economics, law, organization theory, political science, sociology and anthropology to understand social, political and commercial institutions. This literature tries to explain what institutions are, how they arise, what purposes they serve, how they change and how they may be reformed. Following convention, I distinguish between the institutional environment (the background constraints, or 'rules of the game', that guide individuals' behavior) and institutional arrangements (specific guidelines designed by trading partners to facilitate particular exchanges). In both cases, the discussion here focuses on applications, evidence and policy implications. JEL classification: D23, D72, L22, L42, O17

Öz: Bu makale, başlangıçta dinî bir grup olarak ortaya çıkan, ancak önce kamusal alanda örgütlenen ve zamanla siyasal alanda hegemonik bir güç haline gelen Gülenist cemaatin örgütsel yapıya dönüşümünü sosyolojik açıdan çözümlemeyi amaçlamıştır. Modern dünyada dinî gruplar yeni görünüm, işlev ve temsillerle faaliyetlerini çeşitlendirmektedir. Kamusal alan, yeni dinî grupların ve hareketlerin piyasa modeli içerisinde rekabet etmelerine imkân vermektedir. Ancak sivil demokratik alanın daraldığı dönemlerde illegal örgütlenme stratejilerini benimseyen dinî yapılar, demokratikleşme süreçlerinde bu özelliklerini hegemonik bir araca dönüştürebilmektedirler. Nur geleneğine dayalı cemaat kalıpları içinde ortaya çıkan Gülenist hareket, başlangıcından itibaren sosyal organizasyonlar içinde ve bürokratik yapılarda örgütlenme yolunu seçmiştir. Hareket içi söyleminde dinî nosyonu kullanan yapının, grup dışına yönelik söyleminde sivil sosyal araçları ve bürokratik kritik mekanizmaları bir hegemonik araç olarak seçmesi, toplumsal düzeyde çok boyutlu etkilere yol açmıştır. Uluslararası boyutlu küresel bir ağ yapısına taşınan yapının sosyoloji literatürüne darbeyle ilişkili bir sürecin aktörü olarak yerleşmesi, temel ayırt edici bir farklılık olarak kodlanmıştır.

In 1991 Somaliland, a territory in the northwest of Somalia, declared its independence from the troubled south and, after rejecting international assistance, embarked on a project of creating a state on its own. For all pretences, Somaliland is a separate entity from its southern neighbour, and is often referred to as the ‘model’ of state formation in Africa as its success in creating a liberal democracy is unparalleled. Although as yet to be recognised, many lessons can be drawn from Somaliland’s experience and success that can both comment on and inform current state-building practices. Drawing on local capabilities and capacities, those leading the creation of Somaliland formulated and established a system of governance inclusive of both traditional and modern (Western) practices and structures. It is this hybrid system that is both deviant and the key to success: in including traditional governance in the central government Somaliland deviates from the normative state-building blueprint, yet it is this deviation that is lauded as the key to success. This paper will examine the impacts of Somaliland’s rejection of international assistance in its state formation project, and will also examine its self-led, self-socialised project of creating a modern democratic state. In addition, this paper will comment on deficiencies in international intervention and state-building projects in failed, collapsed and fragile states, as well as deficiencies in normative frameworks or blueprints concerning state-building and how to be a successful or acceptable state.

The reconstruction of stable political order after violent conflict is a central concern of peacebuilding theory and practice. While much of the literature on this subject is based on cases where there has been state collapse or international intervention, this article draws on a case study from India’s northeast, where a long-standing separatist insurgency has given way to a stable and protracted ceasefire. Drawing on fieldwork from Ukhrul district in the India–Myanmar border, the article studies the parallel military structures and civilian governance institutions and the nature of their interaction. In doing so, it evaluates the consequences of the ceasefire political equilibrium in terms of the larger project of conflict resolution and a permanent political resolution.

A suitable correlation can be made to represent the simulated distillation of heavy oils starting from thennoaravimetric measurements. This method is applicable to hydrocarbons having an initial boiling point equal or greater than 200°C.The simulated thermogravimetric distillation fit was obtained from experiments with the standard compounds obtained from ASTM D-2887-83 (Boiling range distribution of petroleum fractions by gas chromatography). This method is simple, fast and without problems when applied to heavy feedstocksThe data were used in the determination of average boiling temperatures of products from thermal cracking and thermal hydrocracking. It was also possible to quantify coke yieldsAverage relative molecular masses of products from the above processes correlated well with the average boiling point temperatures. It indicates that, with respect to the hydrocarbon types, thermal cracking is not selective in comparison with thermal hydrocrackingThe equation applied to find the average boiling temperature is following: T = (1/al) (Ttg-a2). T is the boiling temperature, al and a2 are the correction factors, Ttg is the thermogravimetric temperature.

Transitions to democracy are most often considered the outcome of historical modernization processes. Socio-economic changes, such as increases in per capita GNP, education levels, urbanization and communication, have traditionally been found to be correlates or 'requisites' of democratic reform. However, transition times and the number of reform steps have not been studied comprehensively. Here we show that historically, transitions to democracy have mainly occurred through rapid leaps rather than slow and incremental transition steps, with a median time from autocracy to democracy of 2.4 years, and overnight in the reverse direction. Our results show that autocracy and democracy have acted as peaks in an evolutionary landscape of possible modes of institutional arrangements. Only scarcely have there been slow incremental transitions. We discuss our results in relation to the application of phylogenetic comparative methods in cultural evolution and point out that the evolving unit in this system is the institutional arrangement, not the individual country which is instead better regarded as the 'host' for the political system.

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This paper presents a digital implementation of a new and simple control technique for single-phase Hybrid Active Power Filter (HAPF). The main control consists of an accurate estimation technique used to extract harmonic current generated by nonlinear loads. The estimation of harmonic current is done by using multiple units of an Adaptive Notch Filter (ANF) linked together in parallel structure; each unit is used to estimate a specified harmonic component. The frequency estimation is then carried out based on the output of these units. Therefore, the sum of these harmonic components will be the reference signal for the active power filter to generate the appropriate compensation signal. A laboratory prototype model of the HAPF was developed and its control strategy was implemented digitally in TMS320F2808. The theoretical expectations were verified and demonstrated experimentally.

This paper examines the state-building project in Kazakhstan since independence in 1991. It argues that both civic and ethno-nationalistic tendencies in state-building can be identified but that it is not any particular trajectory of nationalism in Kazakhstan that is of significance so much as the tensions between two very different trajectories. We argue that, at least to date, the government has succeeded in managing these tensions quite effectively both at the policy level and in its relations with different ethnic groups and neighbouring states. Whether Kazakhstan can continue to manage these tensions in the post-Nazarbayev era is one of the most significant questions facing the country.

The appalling state in which a significant proportion of the world's population lives has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. Trusteeship presupposes a relationship in which a natural person or a legal person is responsible for the well-being of persons who are incapable of acting for themselves. This article explores what is at stake in resurrecting trusteeship in a society of states that is constituted in part by the fundamental juridical equality of its members. An examination of the procedural ethics of trusteeship, prevailing beliefs about independence in international society, and the type of association in which trusteeship might be morally sustainable informs the conclusion that the resurrection of trusteeship necessarily entails the death of the principle of universal equality among states.

The reconstruction of stable political order after violent conflict is a central concern of peacebuilding theory and practice. While much of the literature on this subject is based on cases where there has been state collapse or international intervention, this paper draws on a case study from India's northeast , where a long-standing separatist insurgency has given way to a stable and protracted ceasefire. Drawing on fieldwork from Ukhrul district in the India-Myanmar border, the paper studies the parallel military structures and civilian governance institutions and the nature of their interaction. In doing so, it evaluates the consequences of the ceasefire political equilibrium in terms of the larger project of conflict resolution and a permanent political resolution. 1. Introduction At first glance, Ukhrul appears to be just another one of the 707 administrative districts in India. With a population of 184,000 (2011 census) and territory of 4,544 sq km 1 , it is governed under the modular structure of India's district level administration. But when talking of the government in Ukhrul, there is often confusion about who is being referred to. Alongside the formal institutions of the Indian government, is the 'people's government', who, in the words of one respondent 'run everything here'. In the heart of Ukhrul town, not far from the administrative offices of the Indian central government and the state government of Manipur is the regional office of the Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland/Nagalim (GPRN), run by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah), which also contains a prison cell where offenders can be detained. As one of the GPRN's Kilonsers (ministers) described it, 'We collect the taxes to feed armed cadres and run the administration. We run the people's government'. 2 The reconstruction of stable political order in divided societies in the aftermath of violent conflict is a central concern for peacebuilding theory and practice. It is a particularly challenging problem in cases where there is no clear monopoly of violence, and where there are a multiplicity of contending sources of authority. Much of the relevant recent literature that addresses this issue is based on case studies where formal governance mechanisms collapsed, and where there was a heavy international presence. In contrast, the numerous conflicts that take place outside this limelight, such as those in the northeast of India have much to contribute to the understanding of this topic, but remain under-studied. Although they bear a different set of axioms, policy parameters and historical baggage, the problems that they set out to explain are mutually recognisable: the chronic dysfunctionalities of the post-colonial state, the challenges in establishing functional and legitimate governance institutions, and the relationship between the formal and informal sources of authority. The 1997 ceasefire between the Indian government and Naga separatist insurgents of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) [NSCN-IM] brought a prolonged pause to a four decade long violent conflict (Kolås 2011). Although the ceasefire has endured and has proven to be effective in bringing down levels of violence, it has not as of yet translated into a final political resolution of the conflict. In these circumstances of indefinitely extended ambiguity, both sides have established competing civilian governance mechanisms, which has as a result created a duplicate set of state institutions in the same territory. Alongside two sets of militaries, both sides aspire to provide a range of welfare, security, and representation mechanisms, and people can to some extent choose which authority to approach for functions such as dispute resolution or criminal justice.

Bu makale, başlangıçta dinî bir grup olarak ortaya çıkan, ancak önce kamusal alanda örgütlenen ve zamanla siyasal alanda hegemonik bir güç haline gelen Gülenist cemaatin örgütsel yapıya dönüşümünü sosyolojik açıdan çözümlemeyi amaçlamıştır. Modern dünyada dinî gruplar yeni görünüm, işlev ve temsillerle faaliyetlerini çeşitlendirmektedir. Kamusal alan, yeni dinî grupların ve hareketlerin piyasa modeli içerisinde rekabet etmelerine imkân vermektedir. Ancak sivil demokratik alanın daraldığı dönemlerde illegal örgütlenme stratejilerini benimseyen dinî yapılar, demokratikleşme süreçlerinde bu özelliklerini hegemonik bir araca dönüştürebilmektedirler. Nur geleneğine dayalı cemaat kalıpları içinde ortaya çıkan Gülenist hareket, başlangıcından itibaren sosyal organizasyonlar içinde ve bürokratik yapılarda örgütlenme yolunu seçmiştir. Hareket içi söyleminde dinî nosyonu kullanan yapının, grup dışına yönelik söyleminde sivil sosyal araçları ve bürokratik kritik mekanizmaları bir hegemonik araç olarak seçmesi, toplumsal düzeyde çok boyutlu etkilere yol açmıştır. Uluslararası boyutlu küresel bir ağ yapısına taşınan yapının sosyoloji literatürüne darbeyle ilişkili bir sürecin aktörü olarak yerleşmesi, temel ayırt edici bir farklılık olarak kodlanmıştır.

Bu makale, başlangıçta dinî bir grup olarak ortaya çıkan, ancak önce kamusal alanda örgütlenen ve zamanla siyasal alanda hegemonik bir güç haline gelen Gülenist cemaatin örgütsel yapıya dönüşümünü sosyolojik açıdan çözümlemeyi amaçlamıştır. Modern dünyada dinî gruplar yeni görünüm, işlev ve temsillerle faaliyetlerini çeşitlendirmektedir. Kamusal alan, yeni dinî grupların ve hareketlerin piyasa modeli içerisinde rekabet etmelerine imkân vermektedir. Ancak sivil demokratik alanın daraldığı dönemlerde illegal örgütlenme stratejilerini benimseyen dinî yapılar, demokratikleşme süreçlerinde bu özelliklerini hegemonik bir araca dönüştürebilmektedirler. Nur geleneğine dayalı cemaat kalıpları içinde ortaya çıkan Gülenist hareket, başlangıcından itibaren sosyal organizasyonlar içinde ve bürokratik yapılarda örgütlenme yolunu seçmiştir. Hareket içi söyleminde dinî nosyonu kullanan yapının, grup dışına yönelik söyleminde sivil sosyal araçları ve bürokratik kritik mekanizmaları bir hegemonik araç olarak seçmesi, toplumsal düzeyde çok boyutlu etkilere yol açmıştır. Uluslararası boyutlu küresel bir ağ yapısına taşınan yapının sosyoloji literatürüne darbeyle ilişkili bir sürecin aktörü olarak yerleşmesi, temel ayırt edici bir farklılık olarak kodlanmıştır.

Transitions to democracy are most often considered the outcome of historical modernization processes. Socio-economic changes, such as increases in per capita GNP, education levels, urbanization and communication, have traditionally been found to be correlates or 'requisites' of democratic reform. However, transition times and the number of reform steps have not been studied comprehensively. Here we show that historically, transitions to democracy have mainly occurred through rapid leaps rather than slow and incremental transition steps, with a median time from autocracy to democracy of 2.4 years, and overnight in the reverse direction. Our results show that autocracy and democracy have acted as peaks in an evolutionary landscape of possible modes of institutional arrangements. Only scarcely have there been slow incremental transitions. We discuss our results in relation to the application of phylogenetic comparative methods in cultural evolution and point out that the evolving unit in this system is the institutional arrangement, not the individual country which is instead better regarded as the 'host' for the political system.

This paper presents a digital implementation of a new and simple control technique for single-phase Hybrid Active Power Filter (HAPF). The main control consists of an accurate estimation technique used to extract harmonic current generated by nonlinear loads. The estimation of harmonic current is done by using multiple units of an Adaptive Notch Filter (ANF) linked together in parallel structure; each unit is used to estimate a specified harmonic component. The frequency estimation is then carried out based on the output of these units. Therefore, the sum of these harmonic components will be the reference signal for the active power filter to generate the appropriate compensation signal. A laboratory prototype model of the HAPF was developed and its control strategy was implemented digitally in TMS320F2808. The theoretical expectations were verified and demonstrated experimentally.