Machiavellianism

Monarchia della verità indaga una componente ideologica fondamentale della Controriforma: l’ossessione ecclesiastica per la 'veritas', concepita nella versione dogmatica di 'doctrina' e ortodossia in opposizione alla formulazione umanistica della 'veritas' come ricerca. Da Poggio Bracciolini a Montaigne, gli umanisti esprimono un concetto di 'religio' coincidente con la ricerca stessa della verità, rinunciando a definizioni esclusive o dogmatiche e astenendosi da difese di carattere polemico o controversistico. I teologi adottano invece il concetto dogmatico di 'doctrina', identificando la 'veritas' nell’ortodossia e favorendo il formarsi di un clima di oscurantismo clericale e di generale intolleranza nei confronti dell’autonomia umanistica, dell’individualismo religioso e del libero pensiero, con Valla, Erasmo e Machiavelli in testa.
In questo libro l’autore prende in esame il primato normativo della verità nella Chiesa del Cinquecento e del primo Seicento con lo scopo di illustrare modelli culturali e pedagogici della Controriforma e rilevarne i miti: cronotassi pontificia, agiografia e culto delle reliquie, concetto eroico del documento, didattica figurativa, giurisdizione curiale, temporalismo papale. Tuttavia, la sopravvivenza della tradizione umanistica e il suo confrontarsi dialetticamente con le culture dogmatiche di Riforma e Controriforma si evidenziano in momenti significativi della storia culturale e religiosa della prima età moderna: in particolare, nel dibattito europeo 'de puniendis haereticis' originato dal tragico rogo di Michele Serveto, nel ricorso all’elemento storico in sede di polemica confessionale, nei processi di Bruno e Galilei e nelle discussioni sulla 'libertas investigandi', nel nicodemismo di artisti, scienziati e anticlericali cristiani, infine nella ripresa – specialmente in Olanda e nelle aree della diaspora sociniana – del pacifismo erasmiano e dell’utopismo di Thomas More, associati alla critica del Valla e all’irenismo di Sebastiano Castellione. Un esempio insigne è la proposta irenica di Jakob Arminius, calvinista di cultura umanistica, formulata a Leida nel 1605 con l’intento di superare i contrasti tra cristiani e realizzare la pacificazione sociale e religiosa.

Evolutionary theories concerning the origins of human intelligence suggest that cultural transmission might be biased toward social over non-social information. This was tested by passing social and non-social information along multiple chains of participants. Experiment 1 found that gossip, defined as information about intense third-party social relationships, was transmitted with siginificantly greater accuracy and in significantly greater quantity than equivalent non-social information concerning individual behaviour or the physical environment. Experiment 2 replicated this finding controlling for narrative coherence, and additionally found that information concerning everyday nongossip social interactions was transmitted just as well as the intense gossip interactions. It was therefore concluded that human cultural transmission is biased toward information concerning social interactions over equivalent non-social information. In seeking to investigate the social nature of memory, Bartlett (1932) formulated the 'transmission chain method', in which material, typically a text, is passed through a chain of participants, in a manner similar to the children's game 'Chinese whispers' or 'broken telephone'. The first participant reads the material, and is later asked to recall it. The resultant recall is then given to the second participant to reproduce, whose recall is in turn given to the third, and so on along the chain. Using this method, Bartlett demonstrated that traditional folk tales were transmitted more fully than a range of other stimuli, such as a newspaper report, a description of a scene and a scientific text. In the following two decades, a series of transmission chain studies were published in the

Leadership is one of the most important concepts in business administration. In this study, Transformational Leadership and Authentic Leadership theories are discussed together. Pseudo Transformational Leadership and Authentic Transformational Leadership styles are derived from these two theories. The main issue of this research is to find the tools in order to differentiate the Pseudo and Authentic Transformational Leadership styles. The sample used in the analysis (N=396) was taken from managers and staff of these managers in public organizations and schools which are in transformation period. The results of the study indicate that Machiavellianism degrees, Self-Disclosure and Feed Back levels of these managers can be used in order to forecast their Pseudo and Authentic Transformational Leadership behaviours. Although these two leadership behaviours are both included under Transformational Leadership, it can be said that Pseudo Transformational Leaders have lower Individualized Consideration and Idealized Influence than the Authentic Transformational Leaders do. Relationships between Machiavellianism, Self Disclosure and Feed Back (dimensions of Johari Window Model), Transformational Leadership, Authentic Leadership, Transactional Leadership and components of these leadership theories are also discussed in this study. This is the first study exploring the Pseudo and Authentic Transformational Leadership and researching the forecasting methods to differentiate the leadership styles. Thus, it is essential for the Turkish literature in organizational behaviour.

Key Words: Transformational Leadership, Authentic Leadership, Machiavellianism, Self Disclosure, Feed Back

The 'Dark Triad' refers to three socially-aversive personalities, namely, Machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy. Previous research shows both how such behaviours can be both counter-productive and advantageous. However, there is little on how the Dark Triad is linked to specific workplace behaviours. This article fills this gap by looking at the relationship between measures of the Dark Triad and self-assessments of leadership, management, team working and influencing behaviours, as well as with 360 degree assessments of such behaviours. It identifies particular behaviours that are used by each of the three personality types, along with 360 degree assessments of such behaviours. Given that the Dark Triad exists and that it has implications for the workplace behaviours, organisations have to deal with such behaviours. The article ends by considering the practical implications of the research findings, including issues around selection and placement, team composition and training and development. Finally, it suggests areas for further research.

The aim of this research is to examine the relationship between locus of control and Machiavellianism. The research was carried out with the participation of 248 bank employees in Adana and Kahramanmaras. Participants of the study were easily identified through sampling. SPSS 21.0 program was used in the analysis of the data obtained. The Mach IV scale was used for Machiavellianism. The original of the scale consists of 20 items. Güney and Mandacı (2009) and Oyman (2004) stated that 10 of the 20 expressions of the scale consisted of non-Machiavellian values and the other 10 were composed of Machiavellian values, and that non-Machiavellian expressions were developed by Christie and Geis in 1970. The research was conducted only to determine Machiavellian values. For this reason, 10 items were used in the study aiming to reveal Machiavellian values. The locus of control scale developed by Rotter (1966) was adapted to Turkish by Dağ (1991) and was revised by Dağ (2002) and a scale consisting of 47 items was used. In the examinations on the validity of the locus of control scale, "personal control (18 statements)", "believing in chance (11 statements)", "meaninglessness of trying (10 statements)", "fatalism (3 statements)" and "unfair world belief (5 expressions)” was found to be composed of 5 sub-factors. Scales are structured with Five Likert. According to results of the research it was seen that there was a significant relationship between participants locus of control perception levels and Machiavellianism.

This research examined the hypothesis that the concept of power is mentally associated with different goals for individuals with a communal versus an exchange relationship orientation (M. S. Clark & J. Mills, 1979). It was predicted that communals associate power with social-responsibility goals, whereas exchangers link power with self-interest goals. Thus, when power is activated, distinct goals should be ignited for communals and exchangers. Power was primed unobtrusively using semantic cues in Study 1 and using naturally occurring, environmental cues in Studies 2 and 3. Across studies, power-primed communals responded in socially responsible ways, whereas power-primed exchangers acted more in line with their self-interests. These power-goal effects occurred nonconsciously. Overall, the data support taking a Person x Situation approach-one that allows for moderators such as relationship orientation-to understand power's positive and negative effects.

The present study tests whether aggression and prosocial behavior can coexist as part of a socially functional and adaptive profile among early adolescents. Using a person-centered approach, the study examined early adolescents' likelihood of being classified into profiles involving aggressive and prosocial behavior, social status (popular, liked, cool), machiavellianism, and both affective and cognitive components of empathy (empathic concern and perspective taking, respectively).  Participants were 1170 early adolescents (10-12 years of age; 52% male) from four schools in metropolitan Santiago, Chile. Through latent profile analysis, three profiles emerged (normative-low aggressive, high prosocial-low aggressive, and high aggressive-high popular status). Both empathic concern and perspective taking were higher in the high prosocial-low aggressive profile, whereas the high aggressive-high popular status profile had the lowest scores on both empathy components as well as machiavellianism. No profile emerged where aggressive and prosocial behaviors were found to co-exist, or to be significantly above the mean. The results underscore that aggressive behavior is highly contextual and likely culturally specific, and that the study of behavioral profiles should consider social status as well as socio-emotional adjustment indicators. These complex associations should be taken into consideration when planning prevention and intervention efforts to reduce aggression or school bullying and to promote positive peer relationships.

Friedrich Meineckes Die Idee der Staatsräson in der neueren Geschichte (1924), das als sein Hauptwerk gelten kann, vielfach übersetzt wurde und mit einem Kapitel über Niccolò Machiavelli beginnt, prägte das Machiavelli-Bild im Deutschland des 20. Jahrhunderts in hohem Maße. 1 Seit den 1940er Jahren wurde es in seiner Breitenwirkung allerdings übertroffen von Gerhard Ritters schmalem Buch Machtstaat und Utopie (1940), das ebenfalls mit Machiavelli beginnt; binnen kurzem wurde es neu aufgelegt und nach dem Krieg in überarbeiteter Form unter dem Titel Die Dämonie der Macht gedruckt. 2 Vermutlich noch breiter rezipiert wurde Meineckes ebenfalls schmales Buch Die deutsche Katastrophe. Betrachtungen und Erinnerungen. Das Manuskript war schon im Oktober 1945-Meinecke wurde gerade 83 Jahre alt und schrieb in Einsamkeit und ohne Zugang zu Quellen-so gut wie abgeschlossen und erschien im August 1946 (der Druck hatte sich wegen Verhandlungen um Verlag und Druckerlaubnis verzögert); bis 1951 wurde das Buch in fünf weiteren Sprachen publiziert. Neben seinen Erinnerungen an die Jahre 1901-1919, die 1949 erschienen, war Die deutsche Katastrophe das letzte Buch, das Meinecke neu veröffentlichte. 3 Es wurde damals vielfach besprochen und erhielt einen bedeutenden Platz in späteren Forschungen über Meinecke selbst und in solchen über die Geschichte der deutschen Geschichtsschreibung. 4 Ein Kapitel, das in seinem Zentrum steht-das siebte von 15 Kapiteln-trägt den Titel "Der Massenmachiavellismus".

The Adaptation of the Short Dark Triad Personality Measure – Psychometric Properties of a German Sample

This paper was published as and please cite this article as:  Malesza, M., Ostaszewski, P., Büchner, S., & Kaczmarek, M.C. (2017). The Adaptation of the Short Dark Triad Personality Measure – Psychometric Properties of a German Sample. Current Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-017-9662-0

Available at: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12144-017-9662-0

Machiavellianism and emotional manipulation has not been investigated in friendships. The current studies investigated Machiavellianism, emotional manipulation, and six friendship functions in women's same-sex friendships. For study 1, women (N = 221) completed the Mach IV, emotional manipulation measure (with reference to their own behaviour and their friend's behaviour), mood worsening and use of inauthentic displays from the managing emotions of others scale, and the friendship functions measure. Machiavellianism predicted the self-perceived ability to employ emotional manipulation towards a same-sex friend and perceiving their friend to use emotional manipulation towards them. Machiavellianism predicted lower scores on all six friendship functions. For study 2, women (N = 186) completed the Mach IV, the modified emotional manipulation measure (with reference to their own behaviour and their friend's behaviour), and the friendship functions measure. Women high on Machiavellianism reported using emotional manipulation more frequently towards their same-sex friend and perceived their same-sex friend to frequently use emotional manipulation towards them. Machiavellianism predicted lower scores on five of the friendship functions. These studies demonstrated that women higher on Machiavellianism employ emotional manipulation in their same-sex friendships. Women with higher Machiavellianism scores also perceived that they themselves were manipulated by their friend.

This article explores the ways in which Gramsci's engagement with Machiavelli and The Prince in particular result in three significant developments in the Prison Notebooks. First, I analyze how the 'heroic fury' of Gramsci's lifelong interest in Machiavelli's thought develops, during the composition of his carceral writings, into a novel approach to the reading of The Prince, giving rise to the famous notion of the 'modern Prince'. Second, I argue that the modern Prince should not be regarded merely as a distinctive (individual or collective) figure, but rather, should be understood as a dramatic development that unfolds throughout 'the discourse itself' of the Prison Notebooks, particularly in the crucial phase of reorganisation in the 'special notebooks' composed from 1932 onwards. Third and finally, I suggest that the combination of the two preceding themes is decisive for understanding the modern Prince as a distinctive form of political organization. Rather than equated with a generic conception of the '(communist) political party', this notion was developed as a part of Gramsci's larger argument regarding the necessity for anti-Fascist political forces in Italy in the early 1930s to grow into an antagonistic collective body guided by principles of 'living philology'.

This article is based on the master's thesis of the first author directed by the second. The study was supported by a Western Kentucky University graduate research grant to the first author. We sincerely thank all reviewers and the editor for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it was banished from France. Soon thereafter, Rousseau fled to Geneva, where he saw the book burned in public. At the same time, many of his contemporaries, such as Kant, considered Rousseau to be “the Newton of the moral world,” as he was the first philosopher to draw attention to the basic dignity of human nature. The Social Contract has never ceased to be read in the 250 years since it was written. Rousseau's “Social Contract”: An Introduction offers a thorough and systematic tour of this notoriously paradoxical and challenging text. David Lay Williams offers readers a chapter-by-chapter reading of the Social Contract, squarely confronting these interpretive obstacles, leaving no stones unturned. The conclusion connects Rousseau's text both to his important influences and those who took inspiration and sometimes exception to his arguments. The book also features a special extended appendix dedicated to outlining his famous conception of the general will, which has been the object of controversy since the Social Contract's publication.

This study aimed to develop a valid and reliable measurement tool to enhance ethical evaluation literature. The tool consists of two subscales named 'Bases of ethical evaluation', and 'Grounds of ethical evaluation'. In order to determine the factor structure of the scales, both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were applied. The results revealed that Ethical Evaluation Questionnaire is a valid and reliable scale. The results presented that there was a positive correlation between the factors and the total 'Bases of ethical evaluation' scale. Similarly, there was a positive correlation between the factors and the total 'Grounds of ethical evaluation' scale. Since the Ethical Evaluation Questionnaire is a valid and reliable scale, it can be generalized for the other professions. The instrument is developed with respect to Islam religion in Turkish culture. However, scholars and managers can use the instrument for different cultures and religions. While there have been many studies examining ethical decision-making with different factors, intentions for examining religiosity as an underlying reason for ethical evaluation has been inadequate. So, studying Muslims in Turkey, this study is supposed to contribute to the literature related to ethical ideology and religiosity with regard to Islamic perspective.

A teoria política de Nicolau Maquiavel é atravessada por uma preocupação constante e inflexível: a questão militar. Os problemas sobre as relações de governo são acompanhados lado a lado pelas considerações sobre a necessidade política da formação e da organização de exércitos nacionais. A teoria militar maquiaveliana, diluída no conjunto de suas obras, se revela como um aspecto imprescindível para a manutenção das ordenações estatais e para a conservação do vivere civile. O êxito das instituições políticas é dependente da capacidade de coordenação e plena absorção das estruturas direcionadas para o exercício da guerra: a arte militar e a arte política, no âmago do pensamento de Maquiavel, criam laços de uma articulação incindível. O relacionamento adequado com o aparato marcial é uma condição para a sobrevivência dos Estados. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário do trabalho aqui apresentado é o de delinear e o de expor em que medida as concepções bélicas de Maquiavel são pensadas e alicerçadas no núcleo de argumentos políticos. Por um lado, buscaremos ilustrar a função exercida pela arte da guerra no interior da dinâmica estatal, avaliando os requisitos necessários para a fusão de guerra e política, além de dedicarmos uma atenção particular às implicações desse papel nos governos republicanos e principescos. Por outro, pretenderemos expor o modo por meio do qual as interpretações de cunho técnico sobre as disposições militares defendidas pelo Secretário florentino foram fortemente guiadas por questões governamentais.

Hobbes, it will analyze Machiavelli's confounding concept of liberty, its meaning, expression and attainment through the dual analysis of states and the populace. Hobbesian absolute monarchy is suitable for the conservation and utilization of his orderly " negative liberty " with the sole goal of securing peace and security for its subjects. Machiavelli's advocacy for the republic, as the only " free " form of government that provides the best political conditions for the exercise of freedom, is undermined and contradicted by his own account of human nature. This paper argues that Hobbes provides a more plausible definition of freedom, thus his argument for absolute monarchy is more consistent and convincing when juxtaposed to Machiavelli's account of republic, while both depart from the same pragmatic vision of human nature. This paper reveals Machiavelli's true intentions behind his advocacy for the deliberative assembly, the instrumental implementation of which promises the mobilization of support and resources for the state's imperial expansion. Machiavelli is less concerned with liberty for its sake, he is more captivated with its role in pursuing the end goals of state's expansion and maximization of state's power. This paper will conclude by illuminating the ambiguity of Machiavelli's perplexed inclinations towards " liberty of necessity " and " liberty of choice " for the states, thus unveiling the incompatibility of security and liberty as a dilemma in contemporary international politics.

In five studies (total N = 1,300) we developed and validated a Polish version of the Dirty Dozen measure (DTDD-P) that measures the three traits of the Dark Triad, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism. We detail the presence and stability of a bifactor structure of the 12 items and present evidence for good internal consistency and test–retest reliability. We examine the nomological network surrounding the Dark Triad and show that both the Dark Triad total score and the subscales have acceptable validity. We also present evidence on the Dark Triad and moral behavior. Dark Triad predicts utilitarian moral choice (e.g., approval for sacrificing somebody’s life for the sake of saving others) and this link is mediated by low empathic concern. In total, our results suggest that the Polish Dirty Dozen—Parszywa Dwunastka—is valid, stable, and useful for the study of lingering puzzles in the literature.

In the three decades since the definitive decisions regarding duty to warn and protect, several cases have shaped psychiatric practice. In this article we present a tragic case that we postulate may have a significant effect on psychiatric practice in Canada. A psychiatric patient murdered a relative some 50 days after the patient left the hospital. On the day before his release, the patient's status was changed from involuntary to voluntary. We argue that this case may result in a reversal of current mental health and social policy, whereby psychiatrists will be less willing to release difficult and potentially dangerous patients. To provide context to the case, we review some concepts of the literature and recent legal cases pertaining to the release of such patients.

An emerging stream of work on money can be found in
the management and organizational behavior literature;
however, individuals’ attitude toward money (whether
loving or hating it) is a relatively new concept to wait
to be explored by scholars. Generally, growing body
of literature has to researches investigating the positive
side of money. Nevertheless, in this study we aim to
explain not only positive, but also negative side of money
differentiating individuals very much and very little
fond of money and investigate the relationship between
love of money, machiavellian personality and unethical
behavior of individuals. Focusing individuals’ passion for
money or wealth, we also purpose to illuminate the issue
whether individual groups being very much and very little
fond of money represent different level of machiavellian
personality and unethical behavior. In addition, we
investigate how differentiates unethical behavior in terms
of individual’s machiavellianism level. Demographic
variables are also within the scope of this research, so
individuals’ attitudes toward money, machiavellian
personality and unethical behavior are explained in terms
of demographic characteristics. Therefore, we gathered
data from 360 MBA students and conducted hierarchical
regression as well as ordinal logistic regression analyses
in order to verify our hypotheses. Results indicated that
machiavellianism was partially mediated the relationship
between love of money and unethical behavior.
Implication showed that individuals being very much fond
of money were 5,87 times likely to represent upper level
machiavellian personality than individuals being very little
fond of money. Furthermore, individuals being very much
fond of money were 3.58 times likely to exhibit upper
level unethical behavior than individuals being very little
fond of money. Higher degree machiavellian individuals
2.28 times likely to exhibit upper level unethical
behavior than lower degree machiavellian individuals.
Moreover, the evidence from the research represents that
individuals not receiving ethics lesson were 2.05 times
likely to exhibit upper level machiavellian personality
than individuals receiving ethics lesson. Also, it can be
comment males are 2.38 times likely to represent upper
level unethical behavior than females.

Hormis les cercles philosophiques et ceux de sciences humaines, peu de gens le savent, mais la pensée de Machiavel et l'image que ce dernier renvoie ont été fortement revues et modifiées, exagérées et perverties même, depuis sa mort. Le mot  « machiavélique » ne vient pas de Machiavel comme nous sommes nombreux à le croire ; il faut en fait plutôt parler de « machiavélien ». La plus grande difficulté fut de réussir à diviser l'héritage de la pensée de Machiavel en trois phases distinctes (même si celles-ci ont coexisté à des degrés différents) : la première phase où sa pensée est jugée comme étant hérétique et antireligieuse ; la deuxième phase où l’écrivain florentin est considéré comme un tyran sans pitié ; et la troisième phase - après la Seconde Guerre mondiale - où l’on essaie enfin de comprendre sa pensée objectivement.

This paper was written for my European History class on the Renaissance & Reformation. Having read Nicolo Machiavelli's The Prince, the professor asked us to write a commentary describing how Machiavelli's work is still relevant today. Thus, I wrote this in a satirical fashion, discussing why and how one modern leader is an ideal Machiavellian ruler.

Disclaimer: This is just satire, I understand that due to shifting values, some of what Machiavelli advocated is today  decried by the international community. However, I hope you find it sardonic as I do.

The tyrant terrifies his subjects. Spying balefully on the world from his strongly fortified palace, as sensitive to approaching prey or predators as a spider delicately balanced at the centre of a web, he dominates the life of all around him. He takes credit for the achievements of nobler men who spend their substance on civic projects, like great churches and other fine buildings. Entertaining the ambassadors of foreign powers at his own table, he makes decisions that affect the well-being of all of his subjects without consulting anyone except his favourites. He turns his entire state into a machine for his own profit and that of a few friends. And he does not shrink from robbing wealthy men of their possessions or pure young women of their virtue.

Among the Dark Triad of personality, both narcissism and psychopathy have been linked to impulsivity. What remains unclear is the pattern of associations that the Dark Triad have with functional and dysfunctional types of impulsivity. Using both student (N = 142) and adult samples (N = 329), we investigated the association of the Dark Triad variables with Dickman's measures of functional and dysfunctional impulsivity. Based on regression analyses, psychopathy was most closely associated with dysfunctional impulsivity whereas narcissism was associated with functional impulsivity. It appears that narcissistic impulsivity involves venturesome social engagement whereas psychopathic impulsivity stems from poor self-regulation. As expected, Machiavellianism had no consistent association with either type of impulsivity. In short, the Dark Triad members show a coherent pattern of relations with impulsivity.

In the article, I try to refute an old and widespread superstition according to which the new political philosophy created by Niccolo Machiavelli breaks with classical political philosophy by taking a novel position toward the political; that is, that classics were idle "idealists" while Machiavelli is a cold-blooded "realist". To do that, I compare the most explicit part of The Prince (chapters XIV-XIX) with the end of the fifth book of Aristotle's Politics and attempt to show that in the most pivotal chapters of his most famous work, the Florentine, in fact, often borrows Aristotle's advice on how to preserve a tyrannical rule.

Explaining the philosophy of Machiavelli on the example of street racing: power, deception, realist behaviour, realist ethics, violence. The article was first published on Drivetribe. The article is a part of the book "Introduction to Academic Driving" (Ost Neer, KPD, 2019).

Despite their distinctive theoretical roots, the literatures on three socially aversive personalities-narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy-have become so expansive that the distinctions have become muddied. As a result, some observers concluded that the three variables are interchangeable in normal samples (e.g., McHoskey, Worzel, & Syzarto, 1998). Disputing that allegation, Paulhus and Williams (2002) coined the term Dark Triad to encourage researchers to study the three traits in tandem: Only then can their distinctiveness be clarified. If studied alone, any observed correlates may actually reflect overlap with one of the other Dark Triad members. Although research on the triad has continued to expand (for a review, see Furnham, Richards, & Paulhus, 2013), some researchers may have been deterred by the combined length of the available measures. Consider the popular questionnaire measures of psychopathy.

Here are some notes for an intensive discussion of Machiavelli's Discourses on Livy. By systematically working through multiple sections of this particular work, the goal is to appreciate the breadth and diversity of Machiavelli's political theory beyond the narrower perspective of The Prince.

Intensifying economic and political inequality poses a dangerous threat to the liberty of democratic citizens. Mounting evidence suggests that economic power, not popular will, determines public policy, and that elections consistently fail to keep public officials accountable to the people. John P. McCormick confronts this dire situation through a dramatic reinterpretation of Niccolò Machiavelli’s political thought. Highlighting previously neglected democratic strains in Machiavelli’s major writings, McCormick excavates institutions through which the common people of ancient, medieval, and Renaissance republics constrained the power of wealthy citizens and public magistrates, and he imagines how such institutions might be revived today. *Machiavellian Democracy* fundamentally reassesses one of the central figures in the Western political canon and decisively intervenes into current debates over institutional design and democratic reform. Inspired by Machiavelli’s thoughts on economic class, political accountability and popular empowerment, McCormick proposes a citizen body that excludes socioeconomic and political elites and grants randomly selected common people significant veto, legislative, and censure authority within government and over public officials.

Why Machiavelli’s iron rules are as timely and important today as five centuries ago?

Why Machiavelli?
Nobody else has dealt with the political and moral requirements of leadership with such brutal clarity as Machiavelli. Machiavelli s thoughts about the proper use of power have always fascinated the greatest thinkers. My Italian edition of The Prince has a long introduction by Hegel, a great fan of Machiavelli; since the book s publication,
virtually every major political philosopher has felt it necessary to write something on Machiavelli. Such obsessive attention bespeaks a passionate debate about Machiavelli’s meaning and his standing. Forty years ago. Sir Isaiah Berlin counted twenty different interpretations, ranging from Machiavelli - the Antichrist, to Machiavelli - the tortured
humanist. This will surely surprise most of those who read The Prince in school, since few great books are as clearly and unambiguously written, but the debate continues. It would also surprise Machiavelli, because most of his work is intended for men and women of action, above all for leaders: leaders of religions, leaders of armies and of states, whether monarchical or republican, dictatorial or democratic. He spent most of
his time in combat, on the battlefield or in the courtroom or the legislative chamber. He did not expect or desire to be carried off to scholarly libraries. He much preferred the company of military commanders, captains of industry, and men of the state, and they have
reciprocated his esteem. During the Italian campaign of the Second World War, the commanders of both armies - General Mark Clark of the United States and Field Marshal Albert Kesselring of Nazi Germany - declared Machiavelli’s Tuscan estate in Sant’Andrea in Percussina off limits to their troops. Neither one wanted to be responsible for any damage to the historic site.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Pensamiento Contemporáneo.

RESUMEN:
En la presente investigación se trabajará en torno a la relación entre religión y política en Nicolás Maquiavelo. En su obra, encontramos que la religión tiene una doble función para el autor: por un lado, una función privada; por el otro, una función pública. Como expresión de lo anterior, se analizará la figura bíblica del rey David a partir de sus textos políticos (El príncipe y Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio), y particularmente, el breve discurso Exhortación a la penitencia. Este último discurso ha sido poco trabajado en sus argumentos teórico-políticos y las consecuencias que se desprenden sobre pensar la relación entre religión y política en el autor.
En esta investigación, sostendré que en Exhortación a la penitencia, y en particular, desde el análisis de la persona de David, se abre el campo de conocimiento sobre la relación entre religión y política en la obra maquiaveliana. En ese sentido, la pregunta que se abordará es ¿qué nos puede enseñar la figura de David sobre la relación entre religión y política en Maquiavelo?

antimachiavellismo. -Tra il giudizio che si legge nell'Apologia ad Carolum V del cardinale Reginald Pole (→), che nel 1539 definiva il Principe un libro «scritto dal dito di Satana» e il suo autore un «nemico del genere umano», e quello attribuito nella seconda metà del Novecento da Isaiah Berlin (ma senza un preciso riferimento testuale) al logico e filosofo Bertrand Russell, secondo il quale l'opuscolo machiavelliano «is a handbook for gangsters», corrono poco più di quattrocento anni, nel corso dei quali s'è radicata una tradizione di pensiero -definita convenzionalmente a. -che risulta caratterizzata, pur nella varietà delle sue manifestazioni storiche, da un'aperta, profonda e persistente ostilità nei confronti di M. e soprattutto degli insegnamenti, teorici e pratici, che si ricaverebbero dalle sue opere (a partire dalla più famosa, ma anche da quella considerata più pericolosa e subdola, appunto il Principe); insegnamenti tutti nel segno dell'empietà e di un cinismo senza speranze, di un'assoluta indifferenza al dettato dell'etica e ai precetti della religione cristiana, di un materialismo e di un ateismo manifesti, che hanno finito per rendere il Segretario fiorentino un personaggio sinistro e maledetto agli occhi di vasti settori della cultura e della politica, sino a farlo diventare l'oggetto di condanne senza appello, di messe al bando e di campagne d'odio. L'a. non rappresenta una corrente unitaria e omogenea, dal momento che ha assunto manifestazioni intellettuali molteplici (alcune culturalmente degne di nota ed elaborate, altre dozzinali e triviali), specifiche coloriture nazionali e religiose (l'a. francese è stato diverso da quello inglese, l'a. cattolico non del tutto assimilabile a quello protestante), forme espressive anch'esse differenti (dal trattato erudito al libello deliberatamente diffamatorio, dalla contestazione d'autore alla reprimenda o denuncia anonima) ed è stato influenzato o alimentato da circostanze e costellazioni storiche molto diverse (la pubblicistica antimachiavelliana è stata variamente

El tema de las conjuras aparece con frecuencia en las obras de Maquiavelo. Incluso le ha dedicado un capítulo en sus famosos Discursos (III, 6). Aún así las historias sobre conspiraciones e intrigas recorren de forma continua las páginas de Historias de Florencia como sus escritos de naturaleza diplomático-cancillerescos. Se habla difusamente sobre tramas y maquinaciones tanto en el Príncipe (XIX) como en sus textos histórico- políticos menores. A diferencia de otros pensadores, a partir de Salustio, Maquiavelo no se limitó a la descripción de las conjuras particulares. Sobre esta particular y extrema forma de lucha política ha ofrecido una auténtica y verdadera teoría o fenomenología, algo nunca antes logrado por otros pensadores. Ha clasificado las conjuras, ha identificado sus diversas variantes históricas, ha echado luz sobre la dimensión técnico-operativa, ha ilustrado las fases y las modalidades de su desarrollo, las motivaciones ideales, las justificaciones del orden material y las matrices sociológicas. Sobre todo ha ofrecido una clave de lectura eminentemente histórico-política, cuando durante mucho tiempo las interpretaciones se han limitado a razonar sobre la psicología individual de los conspiradores.
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The theme of the conspiracies is frequently used in the works of Machiavelli. Moreover, he dedicated one of the most famous chapters of the Discourses (III, 6). But also,  stories of intrigue and conspiracy continually run through in the Florentine Histories as in his diplomatic-chancery writings. Looking at the predominant literature, its been spoken inaccurately of political plots and machinations in the Prince (XIX) as in his minor historical-political texts. Unlike other classical authors, from Sallustio onwards, Machiavelli did not limit himself to describing single conspiracies. For this particular and extreme form of struggle Machiavelli has offered a true theory or phenomenology, something that other thinkers had never achieved. He classified the conspiracies, identified the various historical variations, has shed light on the technical-operational dimension, illustrated the phases and the methods of development, the ideal motivations, the material justifications and the sociological matrices. Above all, he has offered key of interpretation, eminently historical and political. This deserves to be highlighted because, for a long time these interpretations were limited to the psychological reasons of the conspirators.

Two experiments, one conducted with American college students and one with Israeli pilots and their instructors, explored the predictive power of reputation-based assessments versus the stated "name of the game" (Wall Street Game vs. Community Game) in determining players' responses in an N-move Prisoner's Dilemma. The results of these studies showed that the relevant labeling manipulations exerted far greater impact on the players' choice to cooperate versus defect--both in the first round and overall--than anticipated by the individuals who had predicted their behavior. Reputation-based prediction, by contrast, failed to discriminate cooperators from defectors. A supplementary questionnaire study showed the generality of the relevant short-coming in naïve psychology. The implications of these findings, and the potential contribution of the present methodology to the classic pedagogical strategy of the demonstration experiment, are discussed.

Research in the organizational sciences has tended to portray prosocial behavior as an unqualified positive outcome that should be encouraged in organizations. However, only recently, have researchers begun to acknowledge prosocial behaviors that help maintain an organization’s positive image in ways that violate ethical norms (e.g., misrepresenting or exaggerating the truth, concealing damaging information about the firm). Recent scandals, including Volkswagen’s emissions scandal and Penn State’s child sex abuse scandal, point to the need for research on the individual factors and situational conditions that shape the emergence of these unethical pro-organizational behaviors (UPB). Drawing on trait activation theory, we argue that the ‘‘dark’’ trait of Machiavellianism should make individuals more willing to engage in UPB. Further, we argue that this willingness will be augmented when Machiavellians hold bottomline-mentality climate perceptions (BLMCPs), or the perception that ethical standards matter less than organizational performance. Using data from 170 U.S. employees, results suggested that Machiavellians are more willing to engage in UPB, but that BLMCPs may not affect their motivation to engage in UPB. We discuss the study’s theoretical and practical implications, as well as avenues for research.

is article analyzes Spinoza's unique version of the theological-political problem, which he sought to address in his classic treatise. By elucidating Spinoza's relation to his main interlocutors-Maimonides, Machiavelli, and Hobbes-the article extrapolates Spinoza's concepts of religion and politics. According to Spinoza, religion and politics are the two most basic human responses to the instability of human existence and fortune. Religion connects phenomena by omens that it then interprets and stabilizes by means of ritual, whereas politics seeks causal connections culled from experience in order to create political structures that would provide peace and security. Politics is more rational than religion in its mode of connecting events, but it is still not a science in the sense that metaphysics is. Contrary to the common reading of Spinoza, it is argued here that his concept of politics cannot be deduced from his 'Ethics' and that the 'eological-Political Treatise' provides a model of political reasoning for conditions of relative ignorance. Metaphysics deduces causal connections from the essence of things, but due to the incompleteness of human knowledge there is no escaping the need for politics as an empirical resource for conducting our lives in relative ignorance regarding the interconnectedness of phenomena. is duality of the human response to the contingencies of fortune explains the ongoing need for a political theology.

(in Dutch for the magazine Amphora) In this popularizing publication I argue that Machiavelli must be seen as a fourth maître du soupçon. On the basis of the Lacanian interpretation by Grahame Lock and Michel Plon I try to show that Machiavelli tried to show up the political consequences on human nature.

Studies on reactions to psychological stress suggest a strong association between personality traits and coping
style. Despite of the many studies on this topic, there is a lack research that has examined whether the different
social aversive personality traits are associated with different coping preferences. A personality framework
dedicated specifically to the socially aversive traits is the Dark Triad Personality referring to Machiavellianism,
psychopathy, and narcissism. Therefore, the current study was aimed at examining the association between
Dark Triad personalities and coping strategies. Two hundred individuals (82 men) completed the short Dark
Triad questionnaire and two different self-report coping scales (CISS,WCQ). Correlation and multiple regression
analyses showed that the way how narcissists cope with psychological distress appear to be clearly distinct from
the coping preferences associated with Machiavellianism and psychopathy. More specifically, Machiavellianism
and psychopathy were negatively associated with task-oriented coping and positively with the emotionaloriented
coping process suggesting a more emotional reaction to stress. In contrast, narcissism was found to be
associated with task oriented and emotionally controlled coping.