Julius Nyerere

Il Socialismo africano è un movimento cangiante nella forma e nell'applicazione, che da un lato mutua le sue caratteristiche dalla fase pre-coloniale dei Paesi africani, dall'altro si pone come la migliore alternativa politica per i PVS che, nel periodo della guerra fredda, intendevano porsi in una posizione intermedia e alternativa al blocco sovietico e a quello occidentale. In questo lavoro si è cercato di delineare un percorso storico- politico che principia dal secondo dopo guerra, e che illustra le principali caratteristiche del socialismo africano attraverso le sue figure preminenti per dimostrare come, in realtà, non ci sia omogeneità tra socialismo africano e socialismo scientifico di stampo europeo, liberamente interpretato e opportunamente adattato al 'caso africano' dai suoi leader-teorici.

O pensamento socialista exerceu grande influência no continente africano durante o período das descolonizações, se colocando como contraponto ideal ao capitalismo que predominava nas potências coloniais. A questão posta, entretanto, era "qual socialismo?", visto que as diversas lideranças políticas africanas daquele momento colocavam esse conceito em disputa, teorizando sobre qual seria o "modelo socialista" ideal para o contexto africano. Entre essas lideranças estavam o tanzaniano Julius Nyerere e o ganense Kwame Nkrumah. Através dos livros Ujamaa-Essayson Socialism, publicado em 1968 pelo primeiro, e Class Struggle in Africa, publicado em 1970 pelo segundo, eles foram representativos de um momento desse debate. Enquanto Nyerere utilizou-se de seu livro para lançar um projeto socialista em seu país que buscava negar o marxismo-leninismo e se fundamentava nas sociedades tradicionais africanas, Nkrumah apelava justamente para uma grande revolução socialista internacional, fundamentada no modelo marxista de "luta de classes", como resposta ao Golpe de Estado que havia sofrido em 1966.

This study stages an analysis of religious politics in Dar es Salaam and Tanzania from below. At its heart is an original account of Muslim political mobilisation in Tanzania that foregrounds the everyday lives of urban actors in Kariakoo, a super-dense market district at the centre of Dar es Salaam.

Under British colonial rule, Kariakoo was Dar es Salaam‟s principal African residential neighbourhood; the beating heart of the city's lively cultural scene and the cradle of Tanganyika‟s African nationalist movement. Today, Kariakoo has grown into one of the most important commercial districts in the East African region. In 2012 and 2013, it was also the site of episodes of Muslim mobilisation which led to clashes with state police and armed forces.

Drawing on rich data derived from fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in the neighbourhood, I ask what the everyday life of Kariakoo reveals about religious politics in Tanzania. More specifically, I use it to investigate the intersections between Muslim mobilisation, informal livelihood practices developed by urban users in response to escalating conditions of economic precarity, and popular discontent concerning entrenched inequalities and uneven development along religious lines.

By drawing together several innovative research trajectories in the fields of religious and urban studies, I am able to hold together the notions of the religious and the urban in a manner that spotlights just how integral religion is to Kariakoo as an urban ecology. The subsequent discussion reveals the remarkable dynamism of Muslim social practices and modes of affiliation when considered as numbering among the everyday livelihood practices that are employed by urban users in Kariakoo.

This study brings a more nuanced explanatory frame to bear on the contemporary realities of Muslim activism and religious politics in Tanzania and beyond than those that prevail in much academic and media commentary.

African states have been seen to struggle with the implementation of democracy, both before and after they adopted multiparty electoral systems, from the 1990s onwards. Many states continued to be dominated by a single party and opposition parties have found it difficult to establish themselves as regime parties dominate the political competition. The neo-patrimonial literature, as the most widely used framework for analysing African politics, explains this in terms of a misuse of state power and corrupt electoral practises favouring the ruling parties. This thesis argues that African politics cannot be adequately understood using a neo-patrimonial framework, because this framework discounts the possibility of African political thought and the development of a political organisation in Africa as a basis for democracy and public good politics. In the case of Tanzania it is argued that the continued electoral success of CCM (Chama Cha Mapinduzi) cannot be explained either by the misuse of state power or corrupt election practices, and that the explanation lies in the capacity of CCM to use a legitimacy narrative to build a political organisation and the continued mobilisation of the party and the electorate on the basis of ‘public good politics’ founded on the ideas of the independence movement. It analyses the way in which the regime built legitimacy and popular support between 1961 and 1985 and how the regime party used this legacy of legitimacy to control the transition to a multi party system. It demonstrates that the continued high levels of electoral support for the regime party CCM rested on a successful legitimacy narrative developed during the multi-party era and linked to the ideology of the independence movement rather than the factors indicated by the Neo-patrimonial literature. Contrary to the argument of neo-patrimonial approaches, which posits a pessimistic view of the capacity of African states to evolve into democracies, this thesis argues that the case of Tanzania indicates that a form of African public good politics and the building of a political community can be a foundation for the development of democratic government.

Sömürgeciliğin son dönemleri hatta belki de son dönemi Afrika kıtasında yoğun olarak yaĢanmıĢtır. Sömürgeci devletlerin hem ekonomik hem de kültürel araçlar vasıtasıyla girdikleri bu kıta, genel anlamda dağınık ve ilkel kabilelerden oluĢtuğu için oldukça rahat görünse de ardı ardına yaĢanan ulusal kurtuluĢ hareketlerine sahne olmuĢtur. Sömürgeci Batının kullandığı araçların da etkisiyle ortaya çıkan milliyetçilik, bağımsız ve adil bir düzende yaĢama amacıyla birleĢerek bir varolma mücadelesi haline gelmiĢtir. Daha sonraları "Afrika milliyetçiliği" adını alacak bu tepki ortak bir takım ilkelere bağlı olmasına rağmen süreç içerisinde farklı anlamlara da gelmeye baĢlamıĢtır. Temel problemi "kalkınma yolu arayıĢı" olan milliyetçi tepkinin farklı sonuçları kıtada gerçek anlamda sağlanmaya çalıĢılan bir birliğin de önünde bir engel haline gelmiĢtir. Milliyetçilikle birlikte kıtada etkisi gösteren sosyalizm ise sınırlı bir coğrafyada etkili olmasına rağmen düĢünsel anlamda geniĢ bir etki yaratmıĢ ve akılda kalan hemen hemen tüm liderleri niteleyen bir sıfat olagelmiĢtir. Sosyalizm denilince akla ilk gelen Ģeyin SSCB olması çeĢitli soru iĢaretlerini de içinde barındırmakla birlikte milliyetçi bir temelde yükselen sosyalizm algısında SSCB de bu tartıĢmaların içine dahil olmuĢtur.

Since the 2000s, Tanzania has witnessed the return in the public sphere of a reconfigured version of Ujamaa as a set of moral principles embodied in the figure of the first president of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. The persisting traces of Nyerere and Ujamaa are not so evident in actual political practices or economic policies, but rather in collective debates about politics and morality—in short, in contemporary imaginaries of the nation. Contributing to a long-standing discussion of the moral stature of Tanzania’s “father of the nation,” the article explores how and why a shared historical memory of Nyerere is being built or contested to define, mediate, and construct Tanzanian conceptions of morality, belonging, and citizenship in the polis today.

At the time Tanzania achieved independence in 1961 it was flourishing both economically and politically. Julius Nyerere, as father of the nation and president, set the country on an egalitarian development path aimed at eliminating ignorance, poverty and disease. While virtually all newly independent African states embarked on modernisation, there were a handful that embraced socialist objectives.. Tanzania's 'African socialism' combined traditional familial values with the objective of building a modern economy and polity. This chapter considers the agrarian idealism of the original developmental vision, traces the subsequent trajectory of change, and poses eh question of how and why the original agrarian development aims were side-lined in Tanzania

this, the assumption of ideally monolingual societies and so on -the chapters in this book will engage at length with these language-ideological assumptions. These assumptions obscured several critical processes in the reality of sociolinguistic life: that not 'language' but 'register' is the 'stuff', so to speak, of language in society; that language is only to a certain extend 'makeable', that as soon as a language is distributed throughout a large number of users it will tend to explode into numerous new sub-varieties, and so forth. Above all, the language-ideological fundamentals of language planning tend to obscure the duty of researchers to actually see and interpret what goes on -how real language is used by real people in real social environments.

This article reflects on Julius K. Nyerere's four necessary ingredients for development: people, land, good policies and good leadership. The concepts of land and policies are understood broadly: ,":hereas land includes all natural resources, policies embrace constitutions, party manifestos, acts ofparliament, government white papers and blue prints, and other similar legal and guiding documents. Defining development as the net value that humans add to life, the article argues that in the past half-century, Africa has hadplenty ofpeople and land, but little ofgood policies and good leadership. The needfor Africa to stand on its ownfeet andproduce real development is emphasized and proposed as something within reach by 2050, if Africa provides for itselfgood policies and good leaders. The article concludes with an appreciation of the confidence with which generations of Africans in the 1950s, 19605 and 1970s leapt into the uncertainties of political independence, something that is compared to a boy who, at initiation in traditional Africa, assumed manhood and embraced its rights and duties. Current generations ofAfricans need a similar confidence, the conclusion says, in order to assume responsibility for the continent's development. All that is needed are policies and leaders that can help turn Africa's abundant human and natural wealth into real value that is added to life.

This chapter attempts to go beyond the controversy surrounding Nyerere’s charisma as a ‘successful’ political nation-builder who nonetheless is deemed to have ‘failed’ to achieve his national economic welfare objectives. As the founding father of the nation, was Nyerere an idealistic agrarian fundamentalist or a pragmatist who saw agriculture as the starting point and foundation for future national development?
Following a review of the Nyerere agrarian-based blueprint for national development and the obstacles encountered in its implementation, this chapter considers what has evolved in place of Nyerere’s vision - the unforeseen reality of 21st century Tanzania. Illustration of the contradictory nature of today’s rural Tanzania will be provided by an examination of the development trajectory of Katoro-Buseresere, an agrarian-cum-sprawling multi-purpose urbanizing settlement in northwestern Tanzania, which reflects the Nyerere legacy and recent unpredicted economic and political trends in the country.

The death of Julius Nyerere, African independence leader and longtime dictator of Tanzania, evoked a flood of encomiums worldwide. The praise is misplaced. Nyerere's approach devastated much of postcolonial Africa (Forbes, 1999). How does a leader wreck a country's economy yet die a national hero? Julius Nyerere's inefficient leadership dried Tanzania of funds, but his personality was irresistible {Newsweek, 25 October, 1999). An avowed socialist, Nyerere never deviated from his humanist path. He was not a doctrinaire, he always sought the pragmatic option that favoured his people. He made original contribution to progressive dialectics with his concept of ujamaa, ... as the basis for equitable economic production and distribution.... With the idea of ujamaa, he popularised the idiom of self-reliance and non-exploitative development [The Guardian (Lagos, Nigeria), 15 October, 1999). The contrast is extraordinary between the easy international generalizations that Nyerere had not served his people well and the profoundly different judgment of Tanzanians themselves...What are Tanzanians responding to that the international commentators are ignoring? The short answer is that Tanzanians have no doubt that for over forty years, they had in their midst a leader of unquestionable integrity, who, whatever his policy errors, was profoundly committed to their welfare (Pratt, 1999: 138).

African form of socialism was highly respected wherever you see Africans before the world turned into a village through advanced technology and globalization. This was an African society where cultural values made selfishness, individualism, oppression and injustice unthinkable. African socialism was appreciated so much because of its affinity with the genuine concern for the well-being of everyone in the society. In spite of the dynamism of African socialism, some of the effects of colonialism and globalization have bastardized its prized values. Julius Nyerere was one of the prominent outspoken scholars that tried to form a structure on which African socialism can stand and functional everywhere in Africa. The socio-political realities in Africa of today makes his version of African socialism less desirable and utopic.

Author's note (16/10/99): Nyerere is no more with us. The fulsome tribute paid to him almost universally shows the giant of a man that Nyerere was. On his 75 th birthday two years ago, I wrote a piece which was published in the local newspaper Observer. Rereading it today, I feel the best tribute one can pay is to be able to say behind his back what we said in front of him. I cannot do any better than reproduce it. I would not even want to change the tense because although Nyerere is no more, the Mwalimu in him -his ideas and the struggle for equality, humanity, justice and dignity that he stood for -lives on. Mwalimu did not die. His struggle and ideas in defence of the Oppressed live on.]

Since its rise to a prominent position as a key approach to understanding and explaining African politics, governance, and political economy, a number of critiques have been published on neopatrimonialism and its perspective
on African politics. This essay contributes to the emerging criticism of the neopatrimonial approach by addressing one of the key arguments of the theory concerning the intrinsic nature of African politics, its cultural underpinnings, and the ideas which form the basis of democracy and politics for the common
good in Africa. Although the underpinnings and ideational basis exist and are central to the dynamics of African politics, the neopatrimonial approach has treated them as nonexistent. In its discussion, this essay also describes the
sources and vital influence of African ideas on democracy and the common in African states.

This special edition seeks to re-instill the consciousness of the Kingdom of God by encouraging all Africans (men and women of good will) to be sons and daughters of light; to build the reign of God in our society, through our commitment to Christ’s commands (Jn 13,34-35); through our witness of life (Acts 1,8) and in keeping with the beatitudes (Mt 5,3-12).

The Place of Memory, Memory as Place Indian Ocean Studies-predominantly the purview of historical and literary inquiry-is only beginning to probe questions of ontology, political mentalities, and sensory ethnography. Carving out the space of trade, navigational networks and their ensuing literary connections, has opened up the possibilities to ask questions about the affective contours of oceanic exchanges. Tracing the histories of commodities such as pepper, nutmeg, cloves, pearls, and cloth, alongside the itinerant histories of human migrations across oceanic connectivities stages the challenge of reconstituting the archive. For those whose lives have been profoundly disrupted, sometimes destroyed, by the vagaries and violence of the region's social histories, the archive of the disappeared, the archive of the unseen, become increasingly persuasive arenas of query. The question of affective tonalities, of the relationships between the human and the non-human, between people and the landscapes that shape their pasts and futures, necessitates an interdisciplinary and experimental approach to the writing of the Indian Ocean sensorium. That space of the emotions where desire for the good life, of forced dispersals through slavery and indentured servitude, of immigration and assimilation, of nationalism and expulsion, produce powerful ontological spheres whose traces are inchoate, intimate, and invisible (see Jeychandran

This paper reexamines Ujamaa, Nyerere’s economic and social policy, by studying the speeches and works of Julius Nyerere, who served as the First President of the state of Tanzania from 1961 until 1985. Tanzanian independence from and immersion in Cold War politics led to questions about how to construct Tanzanian society and government. Nyerere became the most well-known spokesperson for these new ideologies. Building on ideas of pan-Africanism, Nyerere and his supporters sought to create a nation that defied the boundaries that had been set by colonial regimes and which were, they argued, indigenous to an Africa that preceded colonial intervention. Nyerere’s vision of Afrocentric thought has in the past been considered “African socialism.” Scholars, however, have seen it otherwise, and have turned toward an examination of pre-colonial Africa to argue that pre-colonial African societies also showed many elements of capitalism.
Rather than looking towards pre-colonial African societies to see how socialist they were (or were not), this paper suggests that Nyerere’s own work reveals the influence of socialist thought derived from outside Africa. While other scholars claim Ujamaa failed, because many African societies were inherently capitalist, I suggest that Ujamaa failed because of its isolationist mentality in a globalized world. Socialism, then, becomes not only Afrocentric, but much more broadly humanist ideology.

Self-reliance was a cornerstone of Ujamaa socialism – the ideology of Tanzania from 1967 till the mid-1980s. In the post-Cold-War period socialist ideology was actually abandoned, together with the really valuable concept of self-reliance. As most African countries, Tanzania is crucially dependent on foreign aid. We argue that aid can play a positive part for Tanzania and countries like it, but only if it promotes their self-development which, in its turn, is possible only if a nation is or strives to become self-reliant. However, in contemporary Tanzania the culture of self-reliance has almost disappeared since national ideology has changed, and many people rely on foreign aid and national government, not on their own hard work. At the same time, the union of foreign donors and corrupt national bureaucracy results in Tanzania in aid without development that, as in the case of aid for mosquito bed nets, cannot promote self-reliance and, hence, socio-economic progress.
Keywords: Aid, civil society, development, self-reliance, state, Tanzania

... such stagings coalesce around former histories, current allegiances, and future possibilities, accentuating the ... stagings of imagined community are the struggles to link former political histories with ... both public-sphere narratives and concrete experiences of quotidian life that do ...

Online access: https://books.openedition.org/africae/643. This edited volume is about the rekindled investment in the figure of the first president Julius K. Nyerere in contemporary Tanzania. It explores how Nyerere is remembered by Tanzanians from different levels of society, in what ways and for what purposes. Looking into what Nyerere means and stands for today, it provides insight into the media, the political arena, poetry, the education sector, or street-corner talks. The main argument of this book is that Nyerere has become a widely shared political metaphor used to debate and contest conceptions of the Tanzanian nation and Tanzanian-ness. The state-citizens relationship, the moral standards for the exercise of power, and the contours of national sentiment are under scrutiny when the figure of Nyerere is mobilized today.

ghosts is a childhood memoir of the first decade of Tanzanian socialism. Written by a Tanzanian Asian, ghosts is a book of mourning, of lost lives, forgotten revolutions, and disrupted childhoods. ghosts is a journey into the junctures between memory and history, between remembering and forgetting. It is a poetic excavation that disentangles the fractious history of Asians in Tanzania and their relationship to the possibilities of African citizenship. Through snapshots of a revolutionary youth lived under African socialism, Joseph explores the condition of decoloniality and its residual undercurrents; of living through the process of decolonization while still bearing the mentalities of the colonized. ghosts straddles the space between East Africa and South Asia; between Swahili and English; between the struggle to assimilate in the newly independent socialist state, and the tensions of a multi-racial African society. ghosts is an elegy to a lost era of socialist dreaming, and an unofficial accounting of a period in Tanzanian history little written about. It offers insights into the everyday banalities of the first decades of decolonization and its utopian socialist hopes. Amongst its pages are Instagram vignettes of tragic-comic episodes-- a minor history of peripheral lives lived, through which Joseph’s love for Dar-es-salaam, her home, emerges.

The shame that accompanies the forced migrations propels ghosts. The silence that accompanies such an experience, now a widely experienced global condition, is inarticulable. The violence, the shock, the trauma, the mental illness that accompanies such an experience, largely remains unaccounted for. The 1970s was a distinctive period, where vast numbers of people were displaced around the world. Cambodia under Pol Pot, Uganda under Idi Amin, the boat people of the Vietnam War, and the forced dispersals of Asians from East Africa are part of these cultural histories of migrations. ghosts offers glimpses into that blurry era, when the phrase “Asians kicked out of Africa” was casually used. ghosts is a footnote to today’s grim scenarios of mass deportations and the escalating policies of forced migrations.

In Tanzania, the Ujamaa-bashing of the 1980s was prejudicial to the iconic image of the wise Mwalimu that enthusiastic leftist intellectuals propagated abroad and the Tanzanian state diffused in the country. Yet, since his death on October, 14 1999, the relegation of Julius Nyerere from the political landscape has been suddenly inverted. Nyerere is now constituted as a trope through which the Tanzanian nation is constantly remembered, narrated and revivified.Every 14th October, now a public holiday (Nyerere Day), official ceremonies are held nationally to commemorate the death of the first President of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. In the main cities of the country, local, regional and national politicians from across the political spectrum pay tribute to Nyerere in hagiographic speeches praising his personal qualities and highlighting the moral values upon which he built his political vision and the nation’s destiny. That same day, the media is instrumental in propagating a laudatory official memory of Nyerere as special TV and radio programmes as well as extensive supplements in the national newspapers recall his personal trajectory, moral convictions and political choices; broadcast or reprint archives of his speeches and interviews; discuss his political philosophy and legacy; and applaud his role and influence in nation-building to better brandish him as an acclaimed symbol of humility, integrity and incorruptibility in the face of today’s corrupt economic and political elite.

Three decades ago Julius Nyerere (1990) wrote Challenge to the South. In response to the legacy of colonialism, Nyerere challenged the nations of the Global South to advance their development and to free their people. These concerns are as relevant today as they were in the 1990s. Established for the United Nations Decade of Education Sustainable Development in 2005, there are now over 175 Regional Centres of Expertise (RCEs) on Education for sustainable Development (ESD). This paper offers a case study of RCEs worldwide with a particular focus on challenges, and responses, including a focus on the select Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of poverty and health. Further, an account is given of RCEs which have attended to the recognition of Indigenous and traditional ways of knowing.

The democratic experiment that was Kenya's 2007 elections ushered in disaster. Yet, Kenya provided salient lessons on democracy that other African countries must take seriously. In this article, originally published shortly after the events, the author argues that the 2007/8 post election violence in Kenya manifested a failure of institutions, not necessarily 'tribalism' as many rushed to conclude. A strong democracy, anchored on radical belief in human equality and protected by strong institutions that are enshrined in good constitutions, could have prevented the Kenyan disaster. Since these were lacking at the time, people were left with no recourse to a regulated process for resolution when they judged the electoral process unfair. After the Kenyan experience, there is hardly any reason why another country in Africa should find itself in similar circumstances.

The death of Julius Nyerere in 1999 has renewed interest in the history of the socialist experiment in Tanzania and its relevance for the future of the developmetalist project in Africa. Positions on the issue have been polarized, with some commentaries based on reasoned, empirical research and analysis and others, essentially speculative, assuming a pattern that has been described as "African bashing".

En el presente artículo nos interesa abordar el pensamiento y hacer político de quien fuera el primer presidente de la República libre de Tanzania: Juluis Kambarage Nyerere. A partir de ello, analizaremos el impacto que el paradigma cepalino-dependentista y la pedagogía freiriana tuvieron en la praxis de Nyerere, impacto que nos permite identificar vínculos entre nuestra América y África en sentido „sur-sur‟. Tomaremos a los fines del artículo aportes provenientes de los Estudios Eidéticos.

Dar es Salaam is exceptional in East Africa for having a record of relatively little ethnic tension, and remaining tranquil and true to its name, the 'harbour of peace'. This paper explores the interface between ethnic and national identities in Tanzania's capital city, focusing on its ethnic foundations and their malleability with regard to nationalism, asking how nationalist identities were negotiated vis-à-vis existing local ethnic identities. How willing were ethnic groups that were indigenous to the locality to 'share' the city, its land, and amenities with newcomer compatriots, given that the city was almost as new as the nation-state? How did their modus operandi affect nation-building?

«Aéroport international Nyerere». «Rue Nyerere». «Café Internet Nyerere». «Casino Julius Nyerere». «Vente de pièces détachées Nyerere». Cette caricature de 2005 du dessinateur tanzanien Nathan Mpangala, qui se moque de l’avalanche d’enseignes au nom du premier président de la République unie de Tanzanie, illustre avec ironie l’engouement national qui a pris forme autour de la  gure de Julius Kambarage Nyerere après son décès en octobre 1999. En quelques années, le souvenir du père de la nation s’est incarné dans des lieux de mémoires bâtis, pictographiques ou écrits. Il a gagné en visibilité à partir des deuxièmes élections multipartites de 2005....