Jesuit Architecture, Art and History

True principles vol 3 no 5 none of his houses have survived. In retrospect it seem astonishing that so much time and so much effort, not to mention so much skill and personal commitment, were spent on buildings that have vanished into thin air, and are commemorated only in photographsa fate which our 'architecture minister', Margaret Hodge, believes is a adequate for historic buildings.

1. Hacia un corpus de arquitectura jesuítica. Bases actuales y líneas de trabajo futuro, por M.ª Isabel Álvaro Zamora y Javier Ibáñez Fernández 

2. La ratio aedificiorum di un'istituzione globale tra autorità centrale e infinità del territorio, por Richard Bösel 

3. Episodi emergenti dell'architetture gesuitica in Italia, por Richard Bösel 

4. La provincia di Sicilia, por Marco Rosario Nobile 

5. Le architetture della Compagnia di Gesù in Sardegna (XVI-XVIII secolo), por Emanuela Garofalo 

6. L'architecture jésuite en France: état de la question et perspectives de recherches, por Alexandre Gady y Pascal Julien 

7. Étienne Martellange: un architecte de la Compagnie de Jésus en France au XVIIe siècle, por Adriana Sénard 

8. The architecture of the jesuits in the Southern low Countries. A state of the art, por Joris Snaet y Krista de Jonge 

9. Jesuits architecture in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1564-1772, por Andrzej Betlej 

10. La arquitectura jesuítica en Castilla. Estado de la cuestión, por Alfonso Rodríguez G. de Ceballos 

11. La arquitectura jesuítica en Andalucía. Estado de la cuestión, por Alfredo J. Morales 

12. La arquitectura jesuítica en Valencia. Estado de la cuestión, por Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer 

13. La arquitectura jesuítica en Aragón. Estado de la cuestión, por Javier Ibáñez Fernández y Jesús Criado Mainar 

14. De historias globales y locales: una aproximación a la historiografía de la arquitectura de los jesuitas en Hispanoamérica, por Luisa Elena Alcalá 

15. Arquitectura de los jesuitas en Portugal y en las regiones de influencia portuguesa, por Paulo Varela Gomes y Rui Lobo 

16. Arquitectura jesuita en Filipinas y China, por Pedro Luengo

En este texto se presenta el estado de la cuestión del arquitecto jesuita español Antonio Forcada, de cuya trayectoria se conocen escasos datos. Antonio Forcada nació en la localidad de Nuez de Ebro (Zaragoza) el 22 de marzo de 1701. Ingresó en la Compañía de Jesús el 12 de septiembre de 1735 como coadjutor temporal lo que le permitiría desarrollar su oficio de arquitecto, aprendido fuera del seno del Instituto. Los catálogos brevis del Archivo General de los Jesuitas de Roma afirman que en 1737 Forcada residía en el colegio de Onteniente (Valencia), donde se encargó de levantar la nueva iglesia; en 1740 en Gandía (Valencia), lugar en el que no consta su intervención como arquitecto; y entre 1741 y 1743 estaba trabajando en la fábrica del colegio de Tarazona (Zaragoza). Ésta sería su última edificación en tierras españolas, pues en 1743 fuedestinado a América llevándose  consigo una serie de planos de colegios de la Provincia de Aragón de la Compañía de Jesús, entre otros. Forcada llegó a Buenos Aires en julio de 1745 y cuatro años después, el 5 de octubre de 1749, realizó sus últimos votos en Córdoba. Se estableció en esta localidad durante seis años, aunque antes había permanecido en Santa Fe. Después viajó a las misiones guaraníes donde ejerció su actividad profesional sin descanso, hasta su fallecimiento en la misión de San Ignacio Miní el 30 de junio de 1767.

Across Europe, the parish church has stood for centuries at the centre of local communities; it was the focal point of its religious life, the rituals performed there marked the stages of life from the cradle to the grave. Nonetheless the church itself artistically and architecturally stood apart from the parish community. It was often the largest and only stone-built building in a village; it was legally distinct being subject to canon law, as well as consecrated for the celebration of religious rites. The buildings associated with the ‘cure of souls’ were sacred sites or holy places, where humanity interacted with the divine.

In spite of the importance of the parish church, these buildings have generally not received the same attention from historians as non-parochial places of worship. This collection of essays redresses this balance and reflects on the parish church across a number of confessions – Catholic, Lutheran, Reformed and Anti-Trinitarian – during the early modern period. Rather than providing a series of case studies of individual buildings, each essay looks at the evolution of parish churches in response to religious reform as well as confessional change and upheaval. They examine aspects of their design and construction; furnishings and material culture; liturgy and the use of the parish church. While these essays range widely across Europe, the volume also considers how religious provision and the parish church were translated into a global context with colonial and commercial expansion in the Americas and Asia. This interdisciplinary volume seeks to identify what was distinctive about the parish church for the congregations that gathered in them for worship and for communities across the early modern world.

Contents:
The early modern parish church: an introduction
Andrew Spicer
Patrician and episcopal rivalry for the Milanese parish church: San Nazaro in Brolo during French and Spanish rule,
Philippa Woodcock
Exploring the features and challenges of the urban parish church in the southern Low Countries. The case of 16th-century Ghent
Anne-Laure Van Bruaene
The Counter Reformation and the parish church in western Brittany (France) 1500-1700
Elizabeth Tingle
The body of the faithful: Joseph Furttenbach’s 1649 Lutheran Church plans
Emily Fisher Gray
Staging the Eucharist, adiaphora, and shaping Lutheran identities in the Transylvanian parish church
Evelin Wetter
Parish temples of Geneva and the Swiss Romande
Andrew Spicer
'Which of them do belong to the parish or not’. The changing rural parish in the Dutch Republic after the Reformation
Arjan Nobel
Unitarian parish churches in early modern Transylvania
Maria Crăciun
Heaven on earth: churches in early modern Hispanic America
Andrew Redden
Franciscans and the parish in early modern Brazil
Ivan Cavalcanti Filho
Parish churches, colonisation and conversion in Portuguese Goa
Mallica Kumbera Landrus
Dutch churches in Asia
Andrew Spicer
'To build up the walls of Jerusalem’: Anglican churches in 17th-century Virginia
Carl Lounsbury
Parish churches in the early modern world - afterword
Beat Kümin

A génese dos primeiros modelos de templos surgidos logo antes ou na sequência imediata das resoluções do Concílio de Trento (1545-1563), de concepção já adequada a uma liturgia e culto reformados, constituem uma das questões mais importantes da história da arquitectura do período moderno. A situação portuguesa não é excepção e constitui, aliás, um caso de estudo de particular interesse e relevância mesmo a nível europeu, pelo impacto produzido no seu espaço continental e ultramarino. Em discussão estará o papel da Companhia de Jesus no surgimento precoce de um modelo de raiz nacional, periférico em relação à realidade artística itálica, e a importação de formas e linguagens deste contexto e o seu reflexo na formação de um italianismo português igualmente de grande fortuna na nossa arquitectura religiosa.

Tekst govori o povijesti izgradnje i opremanja župne crkve Imena Marijina u osječkom Donjem gradu u 18. stoljeću na temelju arhivskih, kartografskih, grafičkih i drugih izvora. Istraživanjima se pokazalo da je današnja građevina podignuta tijekom dviju građevinskih kampanja na mjestu starije crkve iz 1714. Sjeverni dio, zvonik s korom, podignut je između 1758. i 1763., a potom je 1768. – 1775. uslijedilo podizanje broda i svetišta. Stilsko rješenje arhitekture crkve, ponajprije zvonika i zapadnog pročelja, povezuje se s mogućim uzorima u baroknoj arhitekturi Italije i Srednje Europe, a opremanje s djelokrugom umjetnika-obrtnika koji su sredinom i u drugoj polovini 18. stoljeća radili u Osijeku. U tekstu se donosi niz imena raznih umjetnika koji su radili za donjogradsku crkvu koji se do sada u literaturi nisu vezali uz ovu građevinu (graditelj Joseph Hatzinger, kipari Georg Egger i Joseph Erdt, stolari Heinrich Kessler i Thomas Firtler, slikar Franciscus Antonius Witz).

En este volumen se recogen las Actas del Simposio Internacional La Compañía de Jesús y las artes. Nuevas perspectivas de investigación, celebrado en la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la Universidad de Zaragoza los días 19 y 20 de diciembre de 2013, vinculado con el Proyecto I+D Corpus de Arquitectura Jesuítica II; un proyecto interuniversitario e internacional, dirigido desde el Departamento de Historia del Arte de la Universidad de Zaragoza. En este encuentro quedó patente el renovado interés por el estudio del arte de los jesuitas y se expusieron las vías de investigación que se están desarrollando en diferentes universidades nacionales y extranjeras, presentadas tanto por prestigiosos estudiosos sobre el tema, cuanto por jóvenes investigadores, que explicaron sus trabajos, intercambiaron conocimientos, debatieron hipótesis, plantearon sus propuestas metodológicas y relataron la variada problemática surgida en cada investigación, con una discusión y debate en los que pudieron participar todos los asistentes. Todo ello se ofrece ahora al público en general –y a la comunidad científica en particular– en este volumen.

1.- Los Jesuitas y las artes. Nuevas investigaciones, nuevas visiones, por María Isabel Álvaro Zamora y Javier Ibáñez Fernández
2.- La arquitectura jesuítica en Aragón: primeras fundaciones. Objetivos y metodología de trabajo, por Naike Mendoza Maeztu
3.- El colegio de la Compañía de Jesús de Tarazona (Zaragoza): metodología de trabajo y fuentes para su estudio, por Rebeca Carretero Calvo
4.- La Compañía de Jesús en Navarra y las artes. Estado de la cuestión y fuentes para la investigación, por María Josefa Tarifa Castilla
5.- El Colegio de la Compañía de Jesús de Segovia. Fuentes y metodología de estudio, por Cristina García Oviedo
6.- El colegio de la Compañía de Jesús de Soria. Fuentes y metodología, por Fernando del Ser Pérez
7.- La Casa de Administración del Colegio Imperial de Jesuitas en Arganda del Rey (Madrid), por Raquel Novero Plaza
8.- La serie dei disegni della Provincia Mediolanensis Italiae, por Isabella Carla Rachele Balestreri
9.- Bartolomeo Ammannati, arquitecto y benefactor de la primera sede jesuítica en Toscana: San Giovanni Evangelista (1572-1592), por Teresa J. Gómez León
10.- Progetto e revisione. Il modo nostro nelle vicende del collegio dei Gesuiti di Iglesias, por Emanuela Garofalo
11.- A arquitectura das primeiras igrejas jesuítas em Portugal: São Roque de Lisboa e Espírito Santo de Évora. Confessionários, púlpitos e tribunas, por Rui Lobo
12.- Ciudad y territorio en las misiones jesuíticas de indios guaraníes, por Pablo Ruiz Martínez-Cañavate
13.- Identidad y globalización en las fachadas jesuitas de Pekín en el siglo XVIII, por Pedro Luengo
14.- La adopción del manual de Perspectiva de Andrea Pozzo en la docencia jesuítica española, por Sara Fuentes Lázaro
15.- Reconsideración de la iglesia del noviciado de San Luis, de Sevilla, a la luz del tratado del jesuita Andrea Pozzo, por Alfonso Rodríguez G. de Ceballos
16.- Tan verdadero Dios, como verdadero hombre: Cristo vestido de Jesuita, por Ángel Peña Martín

This paper presented new research on Jesuit visual culture in New Spain, situating Santa María de las Parras (founded 1598) as an important site winemaking and art production on the northeastern borderlands of colonial Mexico. The Jesuits fostered alliances with Spanish and Tlaxcaltecan Indians to serve their religious and temporal interests, as these patrons donated funds to decorate chapels in the Jesuit church of San Ignacio. The evidence presented in this paper sheds new light on the Jesuits’ involvement in patronage relationships with both Spanish and Indian benefactors that served to link northern New Spain with art centers in the viceregal capital and Italy.

La prova tangibile dell’avvenuto insediamento della Compagnia di Gesù a Genova è costituita non solo dall’edificazione della chiesa del Gesù, ma anche dall’atteggiamento dei nobili cittadini che, come si legge nell’Historia Domus Professa,  pur di celebrare il proprio legame con l’Ordine “facevano a gara per chiedere di decorare le cappelle” della chiesa della Casa Professa.
Il fatto che il processo di stanziamento, indubbiamente difficoltoso, fosse stato portato a compimento con successo è testimoniato anche dall’intervento di Andrea Pozzo.
Stando alle fonti, l’artista gesuita, sovente inviato dall’ordine ad operare nelle varie sedi della Compagnia, realizza in Liguria complessivamente sei opere di cui due risultano oggi perdute.
Benché la cronologia degli spostamenti del Pozzo, come anche le fasi della sua formazione, non sia stata ancora completamente definita, è stato ipotizzato che le tele liguri siano le sue prime grandi pale d’altare.
Dalla loro analisi è possibile trarre dunque importanti informazioni circa il tentativo dell’artista trentino di individuare i modelli e le modalità migliori con cui esprimere i principi della spiritualità gesuitica.
La tela raffigurante San Francesco Borgia, conservata nella chiesa del Gesù, costituisce un perfetto esempio di questa particolare ricerca.
In quest’opera, infatti, non solo l’artista dà dimostrazione di essersi avvalso di specifici testi devozionali, elaborati all’interno dell’ordine, al fine di meglio esprimere la personalità del santo spagnolo ma propone, forse per la prima volta, il modello, in seguito replicato, della figura maschile inginocchiata intenta a reggere un libro.
L’assenza, nell’opera genovese, dell’elemento del tomo si deve probabilmente alla controversa vicenda dei restauri ottocenteschi che interessarono la chiesa del Gesù e, in particolare, le opere del Pozzo.
Un episodio poco noto che permette di gettare una luce nuova sull’opera del maestro trentino e che dimostra come spesso dietro a dettagli apparentemente insignificanti si celino scoperte sorprendenti.

O Colégio jesuíta de S.to Antão-o-Novo foi um dos maiores empreendimentos arquitectónicos da centúria de Seiscentos, tendo o seu risco conhecido várias alterações no período filipino, no sentido de um classicismo monumental italianizante, próximo do modelo de S. Vicente de Fora. Com o patrocínio de D. Filipa de Sá, a igreja foi erguida entre 1612 e 1658, embora partes do exterior ficassem por terminar até ao séc. XVIII. Este artigo procura atestar a autoria projectual de Baltazar Álvares e esclarecer a direcção da obra que ficou a cargo de um dos seus discípulos, Diogo Marques Lucas. As questões associadas ao estatuto profissional dos arquitectos, a par do domínio das regras clássicas da arquitectura do tempo, são aspectos que transparecem da documentação inédita encontrada sobre a fase final da construção da igreja no séc. XVII, quando os contactos informados com centros artísticos externos eram já menos frequentes.

The jesuit college of Santo Antão-o-Novo was one of the largest architectural projects of the 17th century in Portugal. Its design was the object of several amendments during the Philippine period (1580-1640), bringing it closer to the kind of Italian monumental classicism exemplified by the monastery of São Vicente de Fora. Under the patronage of D. Filipa de Sá, the church was built between 1612 and 1658, though parts of the exterior were only concluded in the 18th century. This paper aims to assert Baltazar Álvares’ authorship of the project, while shedding some light on the building works supervision entrusted to one of his disciples, Diogo Marques Lucas. The paper will also consider the professional status of architects and their knowledge of the standards of classical architecture at the time. This analysis will be based on recently uncovered documentation about the final phase of the church’s building works, in the 17th century, at a time when informed contacts with foreign artistic centres had become less frequent.

En esta publicación se analizan y transcriben una serie de documentos manuscritos localizados en el Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu y en el Archivo de la Real Academia de la Historia de Madrid, relativos a la fundación del colegio de la Compañía de Jesús de San Vicente Mártir de Tarazona (Zaragoza). Los documentos romanos ofrecen una visión directa y clara de los entresijos de la creación del colegio turiasonense, mientras que los madrileños consisten en tres manuscritos que constituyen el comienzo de la Historia Domus o relación histórica de este emplazamiento desde su fundación en 1591 hasta 1628. La trascendencia de estos documentos resulta capital no sólo para la propia Compañía de Jesús sino también para la ciudad donde ésta se asentó, pues ayudan a trazar un amplio panorama cultural de la sociedad donde se establecieron.

La fondazione del Collegio e della Casa Professa costituisce la prova forse più evidente, ma non l’unica, del riuscito insediamento della Compagnia di Gesù a Genova.
L’apertura del Noviziato, della Casa per Esercizi e di altre residenze dimostra, infatti, una presenza piuttosto capillare dell’ordine in città.
Questo articolo intende riepilogare le vicende delle principali ՙsedi minori՚ ricordando sia le vicissitudini che le hanno viste protagoniste dopo la soppressione dei Gesuiti sia gli eventuali mutamenti di utilizzo.
Il riferimento alle autorevoli ricerche di studiosi quali Emmina De Negri e Richard Bösel ha permesso inoltre di evidenziare lo stretto legame che unisce Collegio, Casa Professa e le ՙsedi minori՚.
Ove possibile è stato infine effettuato un sopralluogo che ha permesso di verificare l’eventuale presenza di opere ricollegabili alla presenza dei padri gesuiti.
Elementi decorativi riconducibili ad altri proprietari sono stati volutamente tralasciati al fine di focalizzare l’attenzione solamente su ciò che effettivamente a Genova è ricollegabile all’attività della Compagnia di Gesù.

The establishment of the Collegio and Casa Professa is the most evident proof, even if it isn’t the only one, of the presence of the Society of Jesus in Genoa.
The establishment of Novitiate, of home for spiritual exercises and the residential houses, are showing indeed a deep presence of the order in the city. The objective of this article is to summarazie the main events related to the minor headquarters pointing out both what happened after the closure or the Jesuit order and how the usage of those minor headquarters changed.
Some relevant studies (Emmina De Negri e Richard Bösel) have given the possibility to underline the close connection between Collegio, Casa Professa and minor headquarters.
Thanks to some surveys it has been possible verify the presence of masterpieces connected to the Jesuits.
Other decorative elements, that could be connected to other owners, by choice haven’t been considered. The reason of this approach is that the final goal was to be focus only on what, in Genoa, could be connect to the Society of Jesus.

L a littérature sur les rapports entre art septentrional et art méridional a longtemps insisté sur les divergences profondes qui caractérisent la vision du monde propre à chacun de ces deux pôles géographiques de la création artistique durant les temps modernes, divergences résumées très tôt par une opposition par trop simpliste entre réalisme et idéalisme. Cette idée reçue, qui sonne comme un préjugé profondément enraciné dans les mentalités dès la Renaissance, a trouvé l' une de ses premières expressions dans les propos de Michel-Ange rapportés par le peintre portugais Francisco de Holanda : le maître de la terribilità réduit la peinture du Nord à un art pieux, conçu pour des âmes féminines et dévotes, incapables d'apprécier les ressorts profonds de la véritable peinture, laquelle tire sa qualité non pas tant de son sujet que de sa forme I. Entre un art aguicheur et trompeur qui, par un rendu illusionniste et un sujet facile, touche les yeux plus que l'esprit, et un art animé par la raison plus que par le sensible, sinon la sensiblerie, s'est jouée une polarisation qui a souvent servi à rendre compte des rapports entre l'art italien et l'art des Pays-Bas méridionaux.

Il primo contatto di Genova con la Compagnia di Gesù risale al 1552 ma solo nel 1623 l’ordine di Sant’Ignazio riuscì ad individuare in via Balbi la sede definitiva per il Collegio.
Questo lungo lasso di tempo trova spiegazione in un difficoltoso processo di insediamento che vide i Gesuiti scontrarsi non solo con gli altri ordini religiosi, ma anche con il clero e con il governo della Repubblica: oggetto di critiche furono non solo i metodi dell’ordine, ma anche la dottrina in materia di usura, la diretta dipendenza dal Papato e gli intensi legami con la nobiltà spagnola.

Il presente articolo si propone di analizzare l’opera di Andrea Pozzo ubicata nella chiesa di Santo Stefano a Sanremo e raffigurante l’ingresso di Francesco Borgia nella Compagnia di Gesù alla presenza di Ignazio di Loyola.
Lo studio, pur partendo dalla controversa datazione, si sviluppa intorno all’interpretazione del soggetto prescelto dal Pozzo per questa tela che, in questi termini, non risulta sia stato replicato sovente dall’artista.
L’analisi delle fonti letterarie ha, infatti, permesso di individuare una nuova lettura dell’opera che si discosta dall’interpretazione tradizionale.
Il riferimento conclusivo alle altre tele realizzate dal Pozzo per la Liguria consente infine di contestualizzare l’opera sanremese all’interno della produzione giovanile dell’artista evidenziandone l’aspetto sperimentale.


This article intends to analyse the work of Andrea Pozzo kept in the church of Santo Stefano in Sanremo; it shows the entrance of Francesco Borgia into the Compagnia di Gesù in the presence of Ignazio di Loyola. This study, of uncertain dating, develops in the different interpretations chosen by Pozzo for this work and does not seem to have been repeated many times by the artist. The analysis of literary sources allowed us to understand the work in a different manner to that of the traditional interpretation. The emerging reference to other paintings done by Pozzo for the Ligurian Region finally allows us to understand the painting in Sanremo as part of the young production of the painter, as the experimental  aspect evidences.

La atención que los investigadores han prestado al estudio de la Compañía de Jesús en Navarra y las artes, cuyo periodo áureo se desarrolla en los siglos del barroco, desde su llegada con el establecimiento de dos colegios, el de la Anunciada de Pamplona y el de San Andrés de Tudela, hasta su expulsión en 1767 con la dispersión de su patrimonio, ha tenido un tratamiento muy distinto dependiendo de la temática, géneros artísticos y periodos cronológicos.

S.Guido, E. Settimi, Sette statue in bronzo dorato di Ciro Ferri 1688-1689 (San Francesco Saverio, San Filippo Neri, Sant’Isidoro Agricola, San Francesco d’Assisi, San Francesco di Sales, San Francesco di Paola, San Francesco Borgia) catalogo RESTITUZIONI 2018,(  Reggia di Venaria, Torino, 28 marzo - 16 settembre 2018), pp.596-606.

National Library of France keeps a scenic illusion (or Tongjing) painting of a Catholic church, an anonymous painting in Qing Dynasty combining Chinese and Western styles, which was purchased from an auction house in Paris in 1968 and collected in National Library of France in 1974. Because of its unknown origin, the painting was not recorded in the early electronic catalogue of National Library of France and was simply marked as Ceremony in front of a church in Beijing in the catalogue of the epigraphy paintings printed for library internal use in 1990. In recent years, it was confirmed to be “Beitang” (the North Church) which Emperor Kangxi had ordered to be built for French Jesuit missionaries at Canchikou in Beijing, the more details of this painting has been gradually unveiled. Compared with the works of Chinese Catholic art at that period, this painting is not only different in style, but also unique for the study on religious practices of urban Catholic communities in modern China. This paper attempts to re-examine the correspondence of French missionaries and the relevant historical data of Jesuit court painters, infer the approximate date of this painting and its author, and briefly review the historical changes of Beitang.

Population growth and the establishment of towns in the countryside of the Brazilian Northern Provinces came as the result of the combined support of cattle ranchers and Jesuit missionaries as of the mid-17th century. Using physical evidence, this study investigates how the
encounters – symbiotic and/or confrontational – between cattle and catechism structured urban, architectural, and artistic phenomena in a region considered by classical historiography as “peripheral” to the political interest of the Portuguese Crown. This study also discusses how the missionaries’ strategies of conversion of the indigenous population created a web of settlements. It also points out how the Jesuit buildings
followed formal models found in the main European and colonial cultural centers. It is noteworthy that the priests adapted such architecture to the geographical, natural, and social realities found in those remote areas.

After the expeditions of wealthy merchants and Franciscan missionaries during the 14th century, the Chinese empire under Ming rule did not engage profusely with the European world, and vice versa. This period of artistic and intellectual silence and detachment was broken in the late 16th century when the Jesuit missionaries reconnected two worlds-Europe and China-reactivating previous medieval commercial, artistic, and intellectual routes. Silk-the product par excellence commercialized along the routes connecting China and Europe-was then accompanied by other precious products, including Chinese ceramics reaching various European courts and European paintings that reached the Ming court in Beijing. This paper addresses the complex and challenging popularization of Roman Catholicism through objects and images during the early modern era. In particular, it focuses on the diffusion of devotional images and objects used by Roman Catholic missionaries and the religious practices related to them.

Structure of the St. Stanislaus and St. Adalbert Jesuit church in Kalisz significantly influenced architecture in former Kalish and Poznań Voivodships in the  rst half of the 17th century. A design was developed by the order’s architect, Giovanni Maria Bernardoni, and building construction was most probably supervised by a master bricklayer, Albin Fontana. With its stylistic features, the Kalisz Jesuit church clearly refers to buildings erected in the late 16th century in Lombardy and Veneto. Fontana reconstructed the most imported churches in Kalisz: of St. Stanislaus and St. Nicolaus. Former literature emphasized signi cant in uence of Fontana on the appearance of both buildings. At the moment it may be stated that the vaults of St. Nicolaus church were decorated by Fontana together with Master “TAR”, who later worked in the provinces on construction of Our Lady’s Chapel in Skalmierzyce and on erecting a palace in Poddębice. While the artists decorating the vault of St. Stanislaus church, Masters “PM” and “HG”, worked after Fontana’s death in 1617. Their oeuvre includes decoration of the chapel in Chojne near Sieradz as well as a group of churches created in the circle of Jerzy Hoffman’s technique: in Komorniki, Mokrsk, Wieluń. The character of solutions applied by artistic techniques of Kalisz decorators and a bricklayer, Albin Fontana, apart from implementing Bernardoni’s design of the Jesuit church, clearly refers to the churches built in the Reich, such as the Church of The Blessed Virgin Mary in Wolfenbüttel and a parish church in Bückeburg.

This paper argues that the 'corridor' was a space unique to modernity, but that it underwent several major transformations before it became the ubiquitous element of modern architecture. We should not see it as just about 'circulation.' Its origins in the cultural world of the Spanish empire link it to speed of information transfer and thus to a modernity all its own. Its acceptance was not universal. In fact, there were resistances to 'corridor' buildings in both France and England, continuing on well into the modern era. The paper traces these ins and outs and points to the high moments of the corridic modernity in the Victorian Age, with the Houses of Parliament and the Law Courts as prime examples. In the lat 20th century, the corridor went into rapid decline and both its history and significance were in essence lost.

Kapela Majke Božje Snježne na Tekijama kod Petrovaradina jedan je od povijesno najslojevitijih spomenika arhitekture Srijema. Istodobno radi se o ključnom spomeniku vezanom za prijelomni trenutak političke povijesti ne samo Habsburške Monarhije već i cijele Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe 18. stoljeća, bitke u kojoj je Eugen Savojski 1716. porazio osmanlijsku vojsku otvorivši time put prema austrijskom osvajanju cijeloga Srijema te Banata, a potom i sjeverne Srbije i Bosne.
U svoj se literaturi spominje da je u vrijeme osmanske vlasti (16.-17. stoljeće) na mjestu današnje kapele podignuta malena džamija, nedaleko prvotno dva (danas samo jednoga) izvora kvalitetne pitke vode. Nakon što je habsburška vojska osvojila 1687. Petrovaradin i obnovila katoličku hijerarhiju u mjestu župu preuzima isusovački red, koji nekadašnju džamiju, vjerojatno krajem 17. ili počekom 18. stoljeće, konvertira u katoličku kapelu. Nakon bitke 1716. kapela se pretvara, zahvaljujući ikoni Majke Božje Snježne, koju je svetištu poklonio Eugen Savojski, u najvažnije hodočasničko marijansko svetište ovoga dijela Habsburške Monarhije. U to je vrijeme građevina dograđena za dva hvata sredstvima obitelji u bici poginulog habsburškog časnika Siegmunda Breunera.
Kapeli na Tekijama izgled će ponovno biti promijenjen 1754. godine kada isusovci poduzimaju veliki građevinski zahvat s ciljem da osiguraju što više unutrašnjega prostora. Ispred džamije, koja je sada počela služiti kao sakristija, dograđeno je pravokutno svetište i dugi brod koji su u osi malo pomaknuti prema zapadu, u odnosu na prostor džamije, nesumnjivo zbog potrebe prilagođavanja zemljištu, odnosno padu terena prema močvarama uz Dunav. Novi dugi brod pokriven je masivnim baroknim svodovima sa susvodnicama, a zidovi su mu raščlanjeni parovima jonskih pilastara. Glavno pročelje bilo je skromno raščlanjeno pilastrima i nišama sa skulpturama. Ukinućem isusovačkog reda 1773. bitno se mijenja položaj kapele. Petrovaradin prelazi u ruke biskupijskog svećenstva, a potom 1776. godine ulazi u sastav Bosansko-srijemske i Đakovačke biskupije.
Kapela na Tekijama svoj današnji izgled dobila je 1880.-1881. godine obnovom provedenome za vrijeme agilnoga župnika Ilije Okrugića Srijemca (1827. – 1897.).  Dograđeno joj je dvotoranjsko pročelje, po uzoru na pročelje đakovačke katedrale, te sakristija, a na dijelu kapele koji je bio džamija dograđen je visoki tambur s kupolom koja je okrunjena simbolom pobjede kršćanstva nad islamom – križem postavljenim iznad polumjeseca. Prostor džamije povezan je s ranijim isusovačkim svetištem i pretvoren u novu apsidu crkve. Time je potpuno promijenjen izgled ovoga važnog povijesnog spomenika zbog čega je Odjel za bogoštovlje Zapovjedništva Vojne Krajine u Zagrebu (unutar koje se Petrovaradin u to vrijeme nalazio) ovaj zahvat nastojao zaustaviti. Iako se đakovački biskup Josip Juraj Strossmayer složio s mišljenjem Odjela, župnik Okrugić je ipak proveo restauraciju u cijelosti prema svojim nahođenjima, samo je, sukladno odredbama iz Zagreba, promijenio stil restauracije – umjesto neogotičkog odabran je naposljetku neoromanički stil.
Dio izvora projekte za restauraciju pripisuje najvažnijemu arhitektu historicizma u Hrvatskoj Hermanu Bolléu, a dio novosadskom graditelju Georgu Molnáru, no po svoj je prilici Bollé njihov autor.
Novo glavno pročelje znatno je šire od starijega dijela građevine, a i novi je glavni zabat nešto viši od krovišta broda što jasno upućuje na okolnost da je glavni razlog zahvata predstavljala težnja monumentalizaciji građevine te dobivanju reprezentativnijega pročelja koje istodobno estetski odgovara nazorima kraja 19. stoljeća.

Este artículo presenta y estudia un atril Nambán inédito del periodo Momoyama (final del siglo XVI) conservado en el Museo de la iglesia de Santa María de los Corporales de Daroca, proponiendo posibles donantes.

This article presentas and studies an unedited Namban lectern from the Momoyama period (end of the sixteenth century) kept at the Santa María de los Corporales Church Museum in Daroca (Zaragoza), proposing posible donors.

This essay explores the ways in which Jesuit martyrdom images circulated from the northern missions of New Spain to Europe via Mexico City. These portraits directly inspired the creation of new artworks in early seventeenth-century Rome, transforming how Roman audiences understood colonial Mexico. In 1617, the Jesuits sent eight drawings of martyrs from New Spain to Rome at the request of the Father General, who ordered paintings to be made after these portraits. Examining surviving textual accounts, this essay reveals the possible locations where audiences could have viewed these portraits in Rome. They provided a new visibility to the Mexican cult of martyrs and affirmed the Society’s growing international missionary identity.