Iron Age Weapon Deposits

Durant les premiers siècles de notre ère, a prospéré la pratique sacrificielle des équipements militaires dans les lacs et les rivières nordiques. Ces milliers d'armes, d'outils, de harnachements individuels, de chars et d'embarcations offerts lors de cérémonies votives sont généralement considérés aujourd'hui comme une offrande de remerciement des vainqueurs aux dieux, après une bataille victorieuse. La région méridionale de la Scandinavie compte aujourd'hui près de 50 sites de tourbières sacrificielles datant de l'âge du Fer ancien ( ).

Based on technical studies of spear heads from Switzerland, Poland, Sweden and Denmark, it can be demonstrated that the blacksmith tradition which forms the basis for the large quantities of standardized weapons in the Danish sacrificial bogs, spread from southeastern Sweden, where, at the latest in the first century AD, was introduced through contact across the Baltic Sea.
It is shown that this tradition has its origins in the steel technology, which was the hallmark of the Celtic La Tene culture and was continued in the Przeworsk culture and that the dissemination of technology throughout the spread has been dependent on apprenticeship and thus a personal contact between artisans. The analysis of the spearheads reflect important aspects of the beginning of the actual steel industry in Scandinavia.
Keywords: Iron Age, Steel Technology, Blacksmithing tradition, Apprenticsehip, La Tène, Przeworsk, Bog offerings.

The paper presents the weapon finds from the Pre-Roman Iron Age on Zealand and in Scania and discusses typology, chronology and interpretation within an Northern European context. It is suggested that the finds represent a longue duree of East-West contacts and conflicts which are traceable in the present Danish area at least from the Pre-Roman Iron Age up to the Medieval period suggesting that the Hjortspring army was a composite army With contingent from East and and South Scandinavia as well as the continent.

The chronology and distribution of the lentil shaped shield buckle is discussed as well as the chronology and origin of the weaponry from the Hjortspring weapon deposit. Basing on recent finds from Scandinavia it is sugested that at least a part of the Hjortspring army could have come from the Scandinavian peninsula.

This publication comprises a comprehensive account of the features and artefacts relating to a Roman Iron Age cemetery, excavated between 1988 and 1994 at the village of Brudager, 3.5 km southwest of Gudme in Southeast Funen. With its content of 168 graves, the burial site is one of Funen's largest. Chronologically, it covers the period between early B2 and the transition between C3 and D; in all about 330 years.
The publication is in two volumes: Volume 1 contains sections on the research history, excavation methods, definitions, analyses and perspectives of the cemetery's features and artefacts. Further to these are appendices providing reference material and a bibliography. Volume 2 comprises a catalogue providing descriptions and illustrations of features, structures and artefacts from the Brudager cemetery.
Volume 1 of the publication is divided up into seven main chapters, each of which deals with an overall theme:

Chapter 1 Introduction
sketches the long tradition of research into Iron Age remains from the Gudme area, with particular focus on the importance of N.F.B. Sehested and E. Albrectsen for the investigation, documentation and publication of the burial finds. This chapter defines and delimits the aims and objectives of the publication. It also explains its structure and the analytical methods and the chronology employed.

Chapter 2 Investigation of the cemetery and formation processes
begins with a description of the technical approach adopted in the investigation and documentation of the Brudager cemetery in particular, but also includes critical considerations concerning Iron Age graves in general. There is a special focus on the diversity of the formation processes associated with, respectively, inhumation and cremation graves, and the significance of this for the interpretation of the archaeological record.

Chapter 3 The cemetery and its features
contains a description of the burial site's relationship to the local topography and soils as well as to the contemporary settlement, and these observations are discussed in a regional context. An account is given of the grave forms found at the Brudager cemetery, and these are defined on the basis of an evaluation of the treatment of the corpse remains, pyre material and grave goods – and not the immediate appearance of the graves as has been the usual practice to date. It is demonstrated that, whereas cremation pits and urn cremation pits were the preferred grave form during the first half of the cemetery's period of use, urn graves and inhumation graves dominate during the later part. An account is then given of the presumed grave-related feature- and structure types found at the burial site, for example pottery deposits and cooking pits. Based on the demonstration of presumed post-built cremation-pyre frames there is a discussion of Danish cremation sites (cremation pyres) from the Iron Age and Viking times.

Chapter 4 Burial rituals
contains discussions of the treatment of grave goods in relation to the various grave forms, including the use of primary and secondary grave goods, destructive treatment of artefacts and the very widespread use of pars pro toto deposition. Similarly, the handling of the corpse remains from cremation graves, and their partial deposition, are discussed. There then follows an account of the organisation of, respectively, inhumation and cremation graves, with the demonstration of patterns in the location of grave goods and (corpse) remains. Finally, the practice of depositing grave goods outside grave features at Roman Iron Age burial sites is touched upon.

Chapter 5 The contents of the graves
is the publication's longest chapter, and it comprises a detailed account of – and perspectives on – the artefacts from the graves, including the results of scientific analyses carried out on burnt bone, sheet bronze from Roman cauldrons and pottery and plant macro remains, including wood from the funeral pyres. Selected artefact types, thought to contribute in particular to an illumination of social, ritual and chronological circumstances during the Roman Iron Age, are subjected to specially detailed analysis. These are, specifically, imported artefacts, weapons and various prestige implement types (e.g. scissors, iron combs, so-called razor knives). The reference material employed in the analyses is presented in the appendices at the end of volume 1.

Chapter 6 The structure of the cemetery
and the development from the transition B1/B2 to the end of the Late Roman Iron Age are accounted for cluster by cluster and within an overall perspective. Then the burial intensity (number of burials per year) is examined in a regional context. On the basis of this it is concluded that the Brudager cemetery belongs to a small group of burial sites with cluster structures and containing more than 150 graves from the Roman Iron Age. It is noted, furthermore, that this type of burial site is associated, in particular, with the parts of the Funen Archipelago having concentrations of various status symbols, including Roman imports. Similarly, in a regional perspective, there is a discussion of the dates for the cemetery's establishment and its cessation of use. The establishment date for the Brudager cemetery, and many other Roman Iron Age burial sites on Funen, at the transition between B1 and B2 is explained by a contemporaneous change in settlement structure. The cessation of burials at many of the cemeteries at the end of C3, or at the beginning of the Germanic Iron Age (Migration Period), is explained through changes in the form of graves in the time around AD 400.

Chapter 7 The Brudager burial site put into perspective
begins with an account of the sex and age determinations for a selection of the graves on the basis of osteological investigations and the artefacts, respectively. Subsequently, there is a discussion of the symbolism of the various artefact types in grave contexts throughout the Early Iron Age. It is pointed out that, whereas the graves from the Late Pre-Roman, Early and the first part of the Late Roman Iron Age reflect, in particular, the masculine universe, the graves from the middle and the end of the Late Roman Iron Age are dominated by artefacts from the feminine world. There then follows an analysis of the complexity of the grave goods (NAT analysis) and their quality relative both to the various grave forms and to the chronological development of the cemetery. It is concluded that both the quantity and quality of the grave goods are greatest in graves from the end of the Early Roman Iron Age and the beginning of the Late Roman Iron Age. Furthermore, inhumation graves and urn cremation pits generally contain more complex equipment than cremation pits and, especially, urn graves. On the basis of these observations there is a discussion of the changes in the patterns of social investment and religious manifestation during the Roman and Early Germanic Iron Age (Early Migration Period). This includes particular focus on the fact that the decline in investment in the grave sphere is replaced by the deposition of, especially, precious metals in association with settlements and in marginal areas of the Iron Age cultural landscape. On the basis of the distribution of various prestigious artefact types, in graves and on settlements and in offerings, it is pointed out that a centre-periphery-marginal structure arose in the Funen Archipelago during the second half of the Early Roman Iron Age. This had its basis in the Gudme area, and in the course of the Late Roman Iron Age sub-centres arose at Ringe and Odense. The distribution and composition of the gold deposits show that this centre structure with minor modifications continued in existence throughout the Germanic Iron Age (Migration Period).
Chapter 7 ends with an evaluation of the research potential inherent in the Brudager cemetery, in particular, and Iron Age burial sites on Funen, in general, and the challenges it presents to further study.

This paper falls in two parts: firstly examples of how the Roman influence can be identified within Germanic material culture. The focus on Roman military equipment in Scandinavia leads to a discussion on the diffrent interpretations of military organisations as seen from the Scandinavian weapon deposits. Old interpretations and a brand new ones will be presented and discussed.

This master thesis deals with the subject of mass graves as a result of war and violence; how, where and why they are created, what they represent and how they are used throughout the Scandinavian Iron Age and Middle Ages. To analyze and discuss these questions, I have used nine case studies as well as several literary sources such as Beowulf, Tacitus and Jordanes. To further increase the depth of this discussion and to help us understand the mass graves themselves, I have also included subject of warfare in the form of a walkthrough of violence and social psychology. Together, these pieces have helped me form the basis for an analysis and discussion of the three acts I have created: The Ingroup act of deposition, The Outgroup act of deposition and the Triumph act of deposition.

A presentation on the little weapon deposit of Villestofte, Funen, Denmark situated only 4 kms south of the famous weapon deposit of Vimose. Presentation on find history and recent excavation leading to new results regarding the find spot. Presentation of the find, that consists of only 5 objects and thorough discussion on the possible interpretions of the find.

On the re-introduction of weapon-furnished graves in Norway during the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The very slender material found so far is revised, and it is concluded that the weapon grave rite was even introduced in Norway during the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. At the same time it is argued that weapon furnished graves were not the only kind of graves with signs of superior power at the time.

The great weapons or booty sacrifices of the Roman Iron Age in Northern Europe point to the existence of hierarchically organized armed forces. These indicate a social hierarchy which is also reflected in settlement structure and burial patterns. The weapons offering of Hjortspring is, although significantly older in date, often seen as the beginning of a long-lasting tradition of war booty sacrifices, thus implicating a continuity of the social organization from the pre-Roman to the Roman Iron Age. However, as regards the combination of objects Hjortspring is much different from the later sacrifices and therefore embedded in a differing context of meaning. For the pre-Roman Iron Age it is possible to reconstruct patterns of power which were based on kinship relations. Hierarchy and rulership can, however, be ascertained only for the advanced Roman Iron Age, and in this development the influence of Rome played a significant role.

There are known at least 69 swords decorated with precious metals from 52 locations of Eurasia in 8th–4th centuries BC. The ceremonial swords and daggers are usually longer (than ordinary items) and older (than the rest of the grave goods). The overwhelming majority of finds of swords and daggers of the Iranian world are associated with aristocratic burials. The closest practice of conspicuous consumption for the Iranian nomads became the funeral one, for which the weapon turned into ceremonial (as a rule, it was covered especially with a thin gold leaf). It is easy to see that the Iranian ceremonial weaponry, found in isolation from the concentrations of graves: from Ziwiye, Oxus and Vettersfelde, is outside the nomadic world and possibly designates its borders for different periods. And the very tradition of ceremonial swords, placed in a funeral context, pulsates throughout the history of Iranian-speaking nomads. It appears in the finale of the pre-Scythian period. The context of its appearance is the fading practice of deposition of the swords and daggers in hoards, linked to the traditions of Late Bronze Age. Then the tradition of golden swords is actively manifested in the Scythian time and after a while, it is revived already in the Sarmatian period. In the Scythian time, the tradition of ceremonial swords is accompanied by chronological lacunae that run between the main links of the periodization chain (the early 7th, early 6th, the late 5th centuries BC). Even though the maximum number of Scythian swords and daggers (in full accordance with the Gauss's Law) falls on the Middle Scythian period, the bulk of ceremonial forms refers to the finale of the Classical Scythian culture, illustrating the thesis that such conspicuous consumption coincides with periods of political instability and crises. And indeed, after the period of maximum distribution of the ceremonial akinakai in the third quarter of the 4th century BC, after just one generation, we see the disappearance of the classical Scythian culture, along with its characteristic weaponry, horse harness, animal style and monumental funeral architecture.

This article is based on a paper I gave at a seminar in Lund in October 2009. My aim then and now is to challenge previous research on the weapon deposits from southern Scandinavia
in the Roman Iron Age. The focus will be on the different weapon rites and their importance for maintaining leadership and control.

The deposits from the Early Roman Iron Age of Vimose, Funen, show a striking variety concerning the origin of the sacrificed
equipment. This is interpreted as the use of allies from different areas of Northern Europe. Finally, the different ways of visualizing power are discussed, and a new model for power
structure is offered.

1996 var aret, hvor HARJA, den fynske forening for amat0rarkaeologer, kunne fejre 25ars jubilceum. Det blev markeret med receptioner, foredrag og udgivelsen af et festknft (Holm et al. red. 1996). Men nok sa vaesentligt var det, at den oldsag -en benkam med runeindskriften HARJA -der i 1971 gav ideen til foreningens navn, for nogle maneder blev udlant af Nationalmuseet til udstilling pa Fyns Oldtid, Hollufgard, se tegning. I den anledning var det aktuelt at se lidt naermere pa kammen, dens datering og dens indskrift

EXTENDED CALL FOR PAPERS - 19th OF MAY

The University of Bradford is proud to host the 20th Iron Age Student Research Symposium (IARSS). The symposium will be held between the 31st of May and the 2nd of June, with papers, posters and presentations, followed by a guided visit to the Hull Museum on the 3rd of June.
IARSS is a research student focused conference, providing an opportunity for students to share their work, network and collaborate with others. This event is open for contributions from postgraduate research students and new researchers, however, Master students are also welcome to submit and participate in the conference. Although IARSS is promoted as an Iron Age conference, contributions from colleagues studying or working within related periods, such as the Late Bronze Age and Roman Iron Age are also welcome. IARSS has traditionally focused on Iron Age Britain, however we welcome contributions from those colleagues examining the Iron Age elsewhere in the world, including, but not limited to, Ireland, the European continent and the Near East.

For colleagues interested in participating, please submit an abstract between c.250-300 words and 5 keywords related to your research. Presentations should be 15-20 minutes long and in English. Posters may be bilingual but they must be understandable to English speakers and an abstract in English must be provided.

Abstracts should be sent to:
[email protected] until the 19th of May.

As new elites rise and fall the question again and again arises: how do the elite expand and maintain their grip on control and power? Central to this issue is the elite’s manifestation of military power in the weapon cult illustrated by the emergence of weapon burials in the Pre Roman Iron Age and its culmination in the weapon sacrificial rites of the Roman Iron Age.
This paper argues that military, religious and political power merged into a symbiotic co-existence in the centuries around the birth of Christ and illustrates this point by introducing a new view on the sacrificial rite, its motive, its function and its effect on the southern Scandinavia.