Henry VII

In the June of 1520, the monarchs of England and France came together in an effort of peacemaking between two countries of long standing rivalry. Both monarchs were to sign a peace treaty, its philosophical and political foundations resting in the art of humanistic diplomacy. Henry the eighth of England and Francis the first of France, dressed in cloth of gold, met in an open field that had been transformed into a tented town, just outside the town of Calais. After months of preparation at great expense what followed was a grand event of feasting, drinking and celebrating. By day, the main entertainment was a tournament, with jousts, swordplay, wrestling and other masculine sports. 'To prevent idleness and sedition', as one chronicler notes, the rules were set before the event, in order to ensure fair sport. By night, the feasts were accompanied with dancing, dressing up and the mingling of the English and French nobility. The Field of Cloth of Gold, as it came to be known, somewhat pales into insignificance because Henry backed out of the peace treaty within two years. Yet, the event epitomises early Tudor politics -chivalry expressed in the political sphere, influencing the character of kingship, monarchical power and the practice of diplomacy.

This article considers the way in which Henry Tudor understood the significance of his victory on 22 August 1485 at Bosworth Field. It does so by examining the reasons why the battle was initially associated with the name 'Sandeford', relating these to the prophetic traditions of the time. This allows a direct insight into the new king's understanding of his place in history: at the end of a long period of civil strife, and potentially at the beginning of a new phase of expansion and crusade.

An attempt to put some of the politics back into our perception of the first Tudor king. This is a general study based on my PhD research. At its core is a study of how Henry VII survived incessant and unpredictable threats to his authority throughout his reign. The accession of his heir as undisputed king after many decades of serious political conflict within the ruling elites indicates the extent of Henry VII's hard-won achievement.

London, thow arte of townes chefe of dygnyte, And sowerent of all cytes, semlyste in syght, Of hye renowne, ryches, and eke of ryalte; Of lordes, barons, & many goodly knythe; Of maste delectable lusty & ladys bryghte; Of famos prelates in habytes clerly alle; Of merchants of svstans, & men of grete myght: O London, thow arte the flowre of cytes alle.

Throughout her life, both as princess and queen of England, Elizabeth of York (1466-1503) abided by the prescriptive texts of the English royal house.  Margaret Beaufort, the mother of Henry VII and Elizabeth’s mother-in-law, wrote several specific, highly detailed essays concerning the ordinance, conduct, and apparel of women, but hers were merely the latest in a series of documents going back to the thirteenth century.  These texts dictated protocol during various ceremonies and other elite activities for both men and women.  The royal prescriptive texts universally expressed the need for differentiation among the king, the royal house, and the ranks of nobility.  Conspicuous consumption was required, most of all from the king and queen.  Using the texts, narrative accounts, and financial information, this paper will examine key events in the life of Elizabeth of York and the ceremonial opulence that she would have been required to display as an elite and as a female.  These activities expressed both her status and the power she wielded by virtue of that status.  Notably, Henry VII chose to venerate Elizabeth’s death in childbirth at her exequies.  By dying in a manner that could not be experienced by any king or prince, Elizabeth of York’s gender became a celebrated element in her procession and funeral.

The victory of the Earl of Richmond (the future Henry VII) over Richard III marked the beginning of the new era. The reign of the first member of the Tudor's dynasty was a transitional step between the Middle Ages and Early New Age. The crucial moment has allowed England to re-open to foreign artists who attached art of the country to European Renaissance culture.
Events of English history always had reflected on pages of manuscripts during the Middle Ages. In XVIth century portrait painting was also reflecting the sociopolitical life of the country. A great number of members of noble families died in the struggle for the throne. And when the Tudors took the power, they had to “tell things” about themselves and the portrait was perfect for this purpose.
Despite the many different circumstances, Henry VII obtained the English throne. That's why he tried to prove the legitimacy of his presence on the English throne all his life. The deification of the monarch was paralleled with attempts to describe his personal features. First mentioning about his appearance belongs to contemporaries like Polydore, Virgil and Bernard André. It is noteworthy that these descriptions are very reliable – we can verify this just by looking at the many portraits of the king.

Henry VIII is not now remembered for his military exploits, which were rather thin. However, it is important to examine the fact that this is how he wanted to be remembered, nonetheless. War with France was the established means by which a King of England could secure lasting renown. Henry V is the best example, thus he was a model for Henry VIII. This paper will reveal the continuing power of the medieval model of martial masculinity in the early sixteenth century as Henry VIII attempted to commemorate his status as a warrior king. This paper will also discuss Henry’s designs for a monumental effigy of him on horseback that would have immortalized his martial image and presented an idealised portrait of manhood for his posterity. Henry made powerful use of this tradition of visual representation of the royal person most famously commissioning portraits by Hans Holbein and one significant wall mural to commemorate the Tudor dynasty as he wanted it to be remembered. Finally, this paper will consider Henry’s public representation of chivalrous masculinity through his participation in tournaments, in which the king sought to establish himself as a legendary jouster. For Henry VIII wanted to be remembered as a military and chivalric hero, who had equalled and even surpassed the most virtuous deeds of the Lancastrians and Yorkists.

The reign of Henry VII, which began in 1485, was preceded by the short reigns of the uncrowned Edward V and of Richard III. The period of turmoil in the country did not contribute to the development of the portrait genre. The local English school of illuminated manuscripts fell into decay, and the Flemish city of Bruges became the main center of origin for most of the manuscripts in England.
The rise to power of Henry VII and the end of the War of Roses contributed to the cultural upsurge. However, after a relatively long period of instability, the new king needed to consolidate his position on the throne. For this purpose, many manuscripts were produced, which spoke about the rights of Henry to the English throne and his great ancestors, and created manuscripts on astrological topics, which predicted a long reign and prosperity of the monarch.
The article’s main objective is to show, using the example of illustrations of manuscripts, easel portraits, and written testimonies of contemporaries, how exactly the glorification of the power of Henry VII took place.

The aim of this thesis is to explore and uncover the strong presence chivalry had during the development of the early Tudor dynasty, particularly following the end of the Wars of the Roses and into the early modern era. It seeks to answer the questions of how prevalent the phenomena of chivalry and courtly love were during the transition from the medieval to the early modern period, as well as their importance in the political and dynastic foundations of the Tudor dynasty. Further, the work aims to examine what chivalry and courtly love reveals about gender, politics, and social dynamics during the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII. In the foundations of his reign, Henry VII craved dynastic stability, legitimacy, and monarchical power. In establishing his dynasty, Henry attempted to create a legacy that emphasised the conceptual ideals of
chivalry, and courtly love, as critical for strength, courtly performance and politics. The thesis will argue that
the early Tudor kings sought to drive cultural chivalric elements into the political, and dynastic foundations
of the early Tudor public sphere. It will explore how chivalric and courtly love ideals created a framework
for conversation and behaviour, gauging how gender roles were perceived and performed by courtiers during
the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII. Chivalry’s place in Tudor court culture has been considerably understated, discussed as a cultural undertone, and not properly contextualised. By focussing on this cultural ideal in early Tudor court life, the thesis will argue chivalric discourse was crucial to both kings and courtly
performance.

Memorie Domenicane si avvale di una direzione scientifica collegiale. I contributi degli autori, che pervengono alla redazione, prima di essere pubblicati sono sottoposti al previo esame da parte di uno o più membri della direzione. Memorie Domenicane is governed by an Editorial Advisory Board. Upon submission, all manuscripts are reviewed for acceptance by one or more members of the Editorial Advisory Board.

This article investigates the deliberate use and manipulation of chivalric culture and iconography by James IV of Scotland to position the Stewart dynasty's claims to the English throne in contest with the concurrent consolidation of Tudor dynastic security. This resulted in a dialogue developing between the two kingdoms concerning the relationship between sovereignty, dynasty and chivalry. This article argues for a new approach to the study of chivalry, by considering it as a meaningful language in political communication. It finds that chivalry had a strong currency in diplomatic discourse and was used to transact political issues of sovereignty and dynasty.

There have only been occasional scholarly toe-dipping into the complex and highly-speculative murkiness about Henry VII and his son, Henry VIII, regarding how much the former influenced the latter in ruling England. Pop psychology has been a favorite if at times facetious exercise when talking about Henry VIII. It ranged from his bevy of wives and a superego emerging in wars with France, to vengeful executions and playing ministers and supporters against each other on royal whim if not pathology. It was while reading about Henry VIII’s building and renovation of manors and castles that I came across the Whitehall Mural. As might be expected, much discourse about the mural had centered on Henry VIII’s overpowering image in this Holbein work that adorned the king’s privy chamber at Whitehall Palace until it burned down in 1698. It was the portrayal of a king that relegates the other three figures in it—his third wife, father and mother—almost to the shadows. This paper reviews certain actions of the son in full view of the accomplishments of his father, using the generally-ignored Whitehall inscription as a clue to the mind of the second Tudor king. It could be argued that the son competed with his dead father his entire life, a competition he could never win.

Studies on the Genoese community in the Kingdom of Granada have mainly focused on activities carried out in the territory, and only rarely have individual biographies been reconstructed, largely due to the almost exclusive use of notarial deeds. The case of Francesco Grimaldi is unique for several reasons. He is mentioned in very different sources, including notarial deeds from Granada and Málaga, the Seal Register of Simancas and Granada, the Chancellery of Valladolid, the collected letters of the ambassador Fuensalida, and the private archive of the Grimaldo de Cáceres family, and this has made it possible to trace his presence and activities in Granada, the Court and England –where he played a key role in the
marriage between Katherine of Aragon and Henry VIII. It has also been possible to elucidate his business activities related to loans and rents, the circumstances of his marriage to Francisca de Caceres and
his acquisition of an important estate in the Kingdom of Granada.

A cura di Rino Modonutti.
→ http://bit.ly/2IBIOgy

Il «De gestis Italicorum post Henricum VII Cesarem» di Albertino Mussato (1261-1329) si apre col resoconto delle reazioni alla morte dell’imperatore Enrico VII (24 agosto 1313), raccontata con dovizia di particolari a conclusione del «De gestis Henrici VII Cesaris». La scomparsa di colui che era stato il protagonista e, in un certo senso, il motore della sua prima prova storiografica non fece quindi venire meno in Mussato il desiderio di narrare gli eventi più significativi del proprio tempo. Quasi senza staccare la penna dal foglio, Albertino, pur fortemente impegnato nell’azione politica, passò così dalla composizione del primo a quella del secondo e più imponente «De gestis», che prosegue in quindici libri fino a registrare alcuni accadimenti del giugno 1321. Qui si offre l’edizione criticamente fondata dei libri I-VII, arricchita da note di contestualizzazione e commento, tappa intermedia di un progetto di edizione integrale dell’opera.
Nei primi sette libri del «De gestis Italicorum», Mussato narra le turbolente vicende d’Italia (soprattutto dell’Italia centro-settentrionale) dall’agosto 1313 ai primi mesi del 1316, riservando una posizione privilegiata alla sua Padova, impegnata in un logorante conflitto con Cangrande della Scala, destinato a protrarsi tra alti e bassi fino al 1328. La città di Antenore è tormentata al suo interno da tensioni crescenti, che hanno talvolta esiti cruentissimi, come il tumulto dell’aprile 1314: tra i personaggi che si muovono sulla scena cittadina c’è l’autore stesso, che racconta di sé in terza persona; ci sono anche il vescovo Pagano della Torre, dedicatario e interlocutore privilegiato dell’opera, e soprattutto i nobili signori Da Carrara che, sotto l’intelligente guida di Giacomo il Grande, si preparano a giocare un ruolo sempre più importante e decisivo. Ricco e articolatissimo è pure il resoconto della cruciale battaglia di Montecatini del 1315, la magnifica impresa di un altro grande ghibellino di quegli anni, Uguccione della Faggiuola, descritto con finezza di analisi politica e psicologica nella sua quasi irresistibile ascesa. Uno sguardo attento è anche rivolto alle vicende lombarde, che vedono contrapporsi i Guelfi, alla cui guida ricopre una posizione importante la famiglia del dedicatario Pagano, e Matteo Visconti, che va allargando sempre più la sua area di influenza. Di molti di questi «successus rerum» è attore non secondario Roberto d’Angiò, di cui si descrive anche una non fortunata spedizione contro la Sicilia di Federico d’Aragona.
Come già si verifica nel «De gestis Henrici», aperto all’insegna di Tito Livio, anche nel «De gestis Italicorum» Mussato si rivela debitore della tradizione storiografica antica, soprattutto per quanto riguarda i paradigmi di interpretazione morale delle vicende storiche, che risentono in particolare delle riflessioni sallustiane. Ma la storia di Roma, soprattutto della Roma repubblicana, influenza in maniera significativa pure il discorso sulle istituzioni politiche cittadine contemporanee, sul loro funzionamento, sul loro sviluppo e sul loro declino, mentre nella tessitura della prosa del Padovano riemerge più volte la memoria dei poeti antichi.

The volume contains the first critical edition of books 1-7 of the «De gestis Italicorum post Henricum septimum Cesarem» by Albertino Mussato (1261-1329), provided with a commentary. The work narrates the troubled events which occurred in central and northern Italy between August 1313 (death of Emperor Henry VII) and the early months of 1316. Within Mussato’s narration, a preferential position is held by Padua, the author’s homeland, involved at the time in a conflict with Cangrande della Scala, and blighted by increasing internal tensions which sometimes lead to bloody upheavals – such as the tumult of April 1314. Mussato also provides a detailed recount of the battle of Montecatini, the exceptional military endeavour of another great Ghibelline, Uguccione della Faggiuola, whose nearly unstoppable ascent is described through a fine political and psychological analysis.

Identification of a regional element to Edward IV’s governance – as accepted by numerous historians (D.A.L. Morgan, C.D. Ross, M.A. Hicks, and others) – was the inspiration for this interdisciplinary study which examines the crown's approach to government in South-West England: investigating Edward IV's policy towards the English regions, and exploring the feasibility of a regional approach to the politics, government, and elites of Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and Somerset (1450–1500).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟏 ◈ 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
Discussing historians’ views of Edward IV’s ‘regional policy’, its implications for governance (core-periphery relations, royal authority) and methodology (county studies, prosopography, South-West England as a ‘political region’) are extrapolated: by testing whether this regional model of governance is valid, this survey provides a synthesis and longer-term overview of the region’s shire societies – favouring a Britannicist perspective (emphasising regional differences and peripheries) – thereby offering an alternative view of late medieval English government.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟐 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐞𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐒𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐡-𝐖𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐧𝐠𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝
Considering whether Edward IV’s scheme was based on existing expressions of regional identities, regions, identities, and their definitions are explored: examining how the south-western shires might be delineated by geography (geology, topography); economy (agriculture, commerce, settlement patterns); culture (ethnicities, counties, mythologies, laws); and political structures, both public (shrievalties, dioceses), and private (lordship); ultimately identifying the importance of the meso-scale regions of Somerset/Dorset and Devon/Cornwall.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟑 ◈ 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞𝐬
Political structures in general (council, parliament, royal household, crown estates, county administration), and with specific reference to the region, are explored: in particular, the prime role played by the Duchy of Cornwall (whose estates, regalities, and administration have remained largely unstudied). Consideration of lordship, with an exposition of the principles of patron-client ('bastard feudal'/clientelist) relationships and examination of the evidence (and limitations, subtleties, and uncertainties) relating to the (re-)construction of lordship/socio-political alliances, forms a basis for a methodological approach to the categorisation of clients into 'affinities' (a widely-accepted method in medieval Scottish historiography).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟒 ◈ 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐬
The nature of elites and their definition is examined – suggesting the significance of counties’ administrative elites (sheriffs, escheators, knights of the shire and burgesses (MPs), and JPs). This definition is applied to the region (comprising local peerage and administrative elites; totalling 347 individuals: 82 peers and 265 gentry), and the extent to which they may have identified with their locality, county, or region is questioned by evaluating the degree to which their land- and office-holding, marriage alliances, testamentary dispositions, and interactions were regional. The degree to which their associations were regional is examined by means of three case studies (selectively chosen because of their importance): the Hungerfords, Arundells, and Edgcumbes (in which the clientelist principles outlined in Chapter 3 are demonstrated).

The crown's use of royal household servants in local government – increasingly the vital institution for exerting royal influence (a topic unduly neglected) – is examined alongside regional governance and the significance of the Duchy of Cornwall. These themes – in ensuing chapters – are silhouetted against a (chronological) analysis of government and local political alignments (utilising published (and unpublished) family and county studies, and Duchy of Cornwall archives), with each county analysed on an equal basis (thereby highlighting recurrences of major figures and themes between shires), and a regional evaluation offering a broader overview.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟓 ◈ 𝐏𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐧𝐬, 𝐂𝐥𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐬, 𝟏𝟒𝟓𝟎–𝟔𝟏
After consideration of pertinent personalities during previous decades, the influence of the Beaufort, Dukes of Somerset in Somerset and Dorset (involving associations with Lords Stourton and Hungerford) is examined, before outlining Bonville-Courtenay rivalry and the pre-eminence of William, Lord Bonville (through associations with Sir Philip Courtenay, and William, Lord FitzWaryn in Devon, and John Arundell in Cornwall). Later, the regional ascendancy of James, Earl of Ormond and Wiltshire during Queen Margaret’s direction of government is also explored.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟔 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐆𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧, 𝟏𝟒𝟔𝟏–𝟕𝟏
There is a particular emphasis on Edward IV’s gubernatorial system and the regional ascendancy of Humphrey, Lord Stafford of Southwick (d.1469) who held estates and Duchy offices throughout the region and appears to have been associated with Stourton-Hungerford associates in Somerset/Dorset (through his uncle, Lord Stourton), former Bonville-FitzWaryn affiliates (Devon), and Arundell associates in Cornwall (through his stepfather, John Arundell).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟕 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐆𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠, 𝟏𝟒𝟕𝟏–𝟖𝟑
The re-structuring of regional politics during Edward IV's second reign is examined: from an initial focus upon George, Duke of Clarence, to the roles of William, Lord Hastings (through his son’s marriage to the Hungerford heiress) in Somerset/Dorset, John, Lord Dinham (Devon), and the potential regional significance of Thomas, Marquess of Dorset (through his marriage to the Bonville heiress).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟖 ◈ 𝐔𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐔𝐩𝐡𝐞𝐚𝐯𝐚𝐥, 𝟏𝟒𝟖𝟑–𝟓
Contributing to ongoing discourses concerning the region’s contribution to the October Rebellion, Richard III’s ‘Northern Plantations’, and the uneasy aftermath, focus falls on the roles of Lords Audley and Zouche (Somerset/Dorset), and the importance of Lord Dinham (Devon) and Sir James Tyrell (through his Arundell marriage) in Cornwall.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟗 ◈ 𝐂𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐒𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭, 𝟏𝟒𝟖𝟓–𝟏𝟓𝟎𝟎
Henry VII's governance – which remains largely unexplored with regard to local and regional politics – is examined: surveying a complex settlement and highlighting the relevance of Lord Cheyne (husband of Lord Stourton’s widow), and the prominence of Giles, Lord Daubeney (Somerset/Dorset). Similarly, whilst recognising the important roles of Lord Dinham and Edward, Earl of Devon (Devon), and the Edgcumbes, and John Arundell (Cornwall), the  significance of Robert, Lord Willoughby de Broke (Cornwall/Devon) is also examined.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟏𝟎 ◈ 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧
The themes of ‘regional governance’ and ‘household governance’ are evaluated within a wider historical context. Rather than stressing the role of magnate-led-affinities, leading-gentry-led associations may have provided a durable foundation beneath the evanescent manoeuvrings of local politics. In addition, elites’ interactions, alliances, and identities indicate the strength of the county-unit and meso-regional communities of Somerset/Dorset and Devon/Cornwall (as discerned in the region’s geography, economy, and culture), and the broader relevance of south-western elites and identities is discussed in relation to the study of meso- and macro-scale regions.

As an ancillary core, the Duchy of Cornwall projected royal authority thereby providing a regional ‘political centre’ whilst successive appointments of magnates (with region-wide interests) to Duchy offices ensured that regional ‘governors’ became political foci. However, these hegemonies may have failed, ultimately, because they ignored pre-existing county/meso-regional identities. Moreover, because of the inherently unstable nature of quasi-regal hegemonies, the regional trend in governance discernible during the period may have been a factor in the continuance of the Wars of the Roses: but these twin policies of regional and household governance ended with Henry VII's change in approach (and trend towards conciliarisation).

This survey integrates local, regional, and national perspectives, and aims at achieving a greater appreciation of royal authority, patronage, and government in late medieval south-western England, whilst offering a perspective placed within a broader context of longer-term trends in governance, institutional evolution, and state formation during the later Middle Ages.

𝐀𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐱 𝐈𝐈 ◈ 𝐃𝐢𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐬, 𝟏𝟒𝟓𝟎–𝟏𝟓𝟎𝟎
Table I: Directory of Peerage (including all Courtenay Earls of Devon: Thomas, Thomas, John, and Edward)
Table II: Directory of Gentry

Hardback: £29.95 (2009); £84.95 (30 Jun 2010).

In the prologue to the 1484 edition of Kyng Arthur, William Caxton urged readers to draw inspiration from the chivalric protagonist. According to Caxton, reading about King Arthur, and other chivalric heroes, late-medieval men would find the manhood they needed to return to a society of respectability lost on the vicious political battlefields of the Wars of the Roses. Caxton’s catalogue and prologues had a heavy focus on the chivalric, printing Christina de Pisan and Ramon Llull’s texts about chivalry in society and on the battlefield. Further, these texts were printed at the beginning of the early modern period, and as the last of Yorkist king was replaced by Henry Tudor and his dynasty. By examining chivalric texts, as well as other sources, this paper will argue that this period of transition (from c.1480-1520) saw a “revival” of cultural and imagined chivalry, which heavily informed the ideals of manhood and masculinity — from courtier to kingly masculinity. The notions of hegemonic masculinity in the medieval and early modern period, was directly or in-directly influenced by the chivalric ideal and, consequently, as did the concept of masculine identity. Printed sources, which can arguably be called imagined chivalry, like that of Le Morte D’Arthur, de Pisan and Llull, offer perspective on what the ideal of masculine identity was and how it was performed.

L’articolo, scritto in chiave didattica, segue l’”Italienzug” di Enrico VII, al fine di poter inquadrare nel contesto storico la promulgazione delle due c.d. “costituzioni pisane”. Di questi due testi sono poi studiate la fortuna ed i collegamenti con la coeva normativa canonica sul procedimento sommario ed alcune riflessioni finali sono dedicate a collocare la fonte studiata – al contempo come fonte storica e fonte giuridica – tra sistematica e contingenza, con i giuristi quali soggetti preposti allo scambio tra i due piani.

Ellen Widder: Die Luxemburger und die Städte. Königtum und Kommunen im Spätmittelalter, in: Rom 1312. Die Kaiserkrönung Heinrichs VII. und die Folgen. Die Luxemburger als Herrscherdynastie von gesamteuropäischer Bedeutung, hg. v. Sabine Penth und Peter Thorau, Köln, Weimar, Wien (Forschungen zur Kaiser- und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters. Beihefte zu J. F. Böhmer, Regesta Imperii 40), S. 221-257.

As the sixteenth century started in England, Henry VII might have thought that he was finally free from conspirators and plotters. After executing Edward Plantagenet, earl of Warwick, Henry turned his attention to controlling another Yorkist noble - Edmund de la Pole, earl of Suffolk. Suffolk responded by fleeing overseas and setting himself up as another rival to the Tudor crown. This essay investigates Henry VII's mishandling of Suffolk's status and personality. It shows how the earl's ineffective conspiracy generated unexpected consequences for the Tudor regime.

Avery Cornburgh (d.1487) of Bere Ferrers (Devon) and Dovers (Essex) – a Lancastrian, Yorkist, and Tudor household servant – was one of the appreciable numbers of crown servants utilised in local government during the fifteenth century. Serving in Cornwall and Essex as JP, MP, sheriff, and commissioner, he was prominent in Cornish affairs as a result of the positions he enjoyed in the Duchy of Cornwall.

This case study of his career in the royal household and Duchy of Cornwall and associations with magnates and gentry in South-West England – (re-)constructed from eclectic sources (including Duchy of Cornwall (and other) archives) – provides an insight into local and national politics in the later fifteenth century: Cornburgh's Duchy and royal service culminated with his appointments as Under-Treasurer of England (under Richard III), and Keeper of the Wardrobe (under Henry VII).

Focussing on the Duchy of Cornwall’s organisational structure during the Wars of the Roses, this survey examines the principal offices (which evolved around administration of its marine and terrene regalities) and personnel (administrative elite) in Cornwall and Devon. Utilising Duchy of Cornwall (and other) archives, this analysis explores the Duchy’s governance in terms of estate administration (stewards, constables, and keepers of castles and parks); Stannary administration (coinage, courts, and convocations); Havenary administration (ports, customs, and fisheries); and revenues and accounts.

Consideration of successive Princes’ Councils and counsellors (and Councils of Wales and the Marches) leads onto exploration of the roles of various courtiers, magnates, and royal household servants in the affairs of the Duchy and the wider implications – for south-western England – of Duchy service. The duchy with its political hinterland – as a subsidiary core – radiated royal authority throughout the region, hence the significance of Duchy office-holding in royal patronage and especially for assessing royal policy in terms of regional governance.

The Duchy’s singular structures ensured that Cornwall remained distinctly different from England and Wales yet reflected the realm as a whole – it was a microcosm of national politics and government. The Duchy’s role as a focus for Cornish loyalties and identities was more complex: Duchy office-holding provided an agency for advancement, careerism, and social mobility – encouraging participation whilst, simultaneously, feeding senses of solidarity and separation. However, Cornish appreciation of the Duchy depended on the Duchy’s appreciation of the Cornish, their customs, and liberties; thus when the crown was believed to reneged on its responsibilities (such as in 1497 and 1549), the Cornish rose in rebellion.

A study of how Henry VII refined the early Tudor military machine to withstand four major threats to his kingship in 1497. The army he prepared for an invasion of Scotland was massive enough to be redeployed throughout England, Scotland and at sea as the crisis deepened. Meticulous preparation and careful selection of commanders at each stage saved the early Tudor crown from destruction after only twelve years in power.

Surveying historiographical, methodological and conceptual contexts (as well as the advantages and disadvantages) of county and regional studies, this survey considers these principles and approaches in relation to the study of south-western England (Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall) as a region.

What were the origins of Henry VII's employment of bonds as a means of securing allegiance and control of behaviour? This paper investigates the mechanisms by which bonds, obligations, and recognisances became a cornerstone of early Tudor policy in the face of conspiracy and suspicion.

This survey of the Duchy of Cornwall’s landed and marine interests in South-West England (from Cornwall to Somerset) considers the relevance of office-holding in royal patronage policies (from Henry VI to Henry VII), and questions whether consolidation of such power – in the hands of royal favourites (such as regional governors) – might promote, rather than prevent, political instability.

South-West England was of considerable strategic importance during the Wars of the Roses, and this two-county study provides an account of the political societies of Somerset and Dorset from 1461 to 1491, concentrating on the interaction of formal and informal structures of government (county administration, nobility, and royal household servants).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟏 ◈ 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
Consideration of the historiographical, conceptual, and methodological framework of the study, and examination of the issues of ‘county communities’, local studies, and regionalism.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟐 ◈ 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐋𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐨 𝐘𝐨𝐫𝐤
An investigation into both shires’ landholding and political alignments during the 1450s is a precursor to examining Edward IV’s first reign (1461–70) – with evaluations of local government, use of royal household retainers, and particular focus on the ascendancy of Humphrey, Lord Stafford of Southwick later Earl of Devon (1461–9).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟑 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐆𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞
Focussing on whether Edward IV’s second reign (1471–83) was innovative (a Yorkist Constitutional Experiment) or whether his regional scheme of governance originated in his first reign, the ascendancy of Thomas Grey, Marquess of Dorset (d.1501) is examined – raising the question of the extent to which the instability caused by Edward’s governance provoked Richard, Duke of Gloucester’s usurpation.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟒 ◈ 𝐔𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐔𝐩𝐡𝐞𝐚𝐯𝐚𝐥
Richard III’s initial treatment of the two counties and their contribution to the October Rebellion is considered, as well as Richard’s ‘Northern Plantations’ which represented a significant change from previous practices in local government, and may have led to his downfall.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟓 ◈ 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐓𝐮𝐝𝐨𝐫 𝐒𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭
Henry VII’s settlement after Bosworth (1485–91), and his apparently impartial treatment of both Lancastrian and Yorkist elements, is examined whilst the importance of Giles, Lord Daubeney (d.1508) and significance of Henry’s emphasis on justice in establishing his regime are also considered.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟔 ◈ 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧
The principal themes of the period – regional governance, noble-gentry interactions, domination of county societies by a number of inter-related families (ruling elites), and use of royal household retainers in local government, as well as the distinction between landed and political societies – are evaluated within the wider context of late medieval English government.

A magnate, as a monarch in miniature, was required to ensure that rule of his ‘country’ conformed to certain established conventions. Understanding these constraints leads onto wider consideration of the nature of bastard feudal (patron-broker-client) ties, and the importance of royal patronage in influencing local patterns of governance and magnates’ spheres of influence.

From its creation in 1337, the Duchy of Cornwall enjoyed certain singular regalities in Cornwall and Devon, and its landholding extended throughout the realm (but was particularly concentrated in Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, and Dorset).

◈ 𝐏𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐠𝐞
The royal and political influence of the Duchy therefore radiated throughout these peripheral south-western shires, making its senior officers important foci for the region. Hence this paper – using Duchy of Cornwall, and other, archives – examines the most influential of these figures during the later fifteenth century.

◈ 𝐏𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐞𝐬
The endowment of Humphrey, Lord Stafford of Southwick, later Earl of Devon (d.1469) with significant Duchy offices during the 1460s ensured that he became the crown’s chief agent in the south-west region (which is of broader significance because of Edward IV’s wider ‘regional policy’).

Following discussion of Lord Stafford, there is consideration of how, during the 1470s, John Stafford, Earl of Wiltshire (d.1473) was briefly entrusted with local influence before the ascendancy of the king’s stepson, Thomas Grey, Marquess of Dorset (d.1501); and also consideration of Richard III’s use of John, Lord Dinham (d.1501), and Henry VII’s use of Robert, Lord Willoughby de Broke (d.1502) as Duchy officers.

◈ 𝐄𝐯𝐚𝐥𝐮𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
Comparison of these kings’ attitudes to Duchy administration enables greater evaluation of their local and regional policies, and therefore facilitates greater appreciation of changing polity-locality relations.

Ci si propone di mostrare come la cronologia della decretale Pastoralis cura di Clemente V sia stata sinora poco approfondita e male interpretata dagli studiosi, poiché la data di pubblicazione del testo accettata dalla storiografia, il 21 marzo 1314, fu meramente il punto di arrivo di un processo di edizione di numerosi atti risalenti al Concilio di Vienne (1311-1312) all’interno del quale, frettolosamente, venne inserita anche la Pastoralis cura. Si mostra come la redazione di questo testo vada arretrata di molto, precisamente dalla morte di Enrico VII di Lussemburgo (24 agosto 1313).

The aim is to show how the chronology of Clemens V’s decretal Pastoralis cura has until now been scarcely investigated and badly interpreted by scholars: in fact, the date of March 21st, 1314, widely accepted as its publication date, was merely the arriving point of an editing process of numerous other documents dating back to the Council of Vienne (1311-1312) within which Pastoralis cura was hurriedly inserted. The writing of this decretal must be moved back after the date of Henry VII’s death (August 24th, 1313). On March 21st, moreover, unauthorized copies of the Pastoralis cura were already circulating.

Identification of a regional element to Edward IV’s governance – as accepted by numerous historians (D.A.L. Morgan, C.D. Ross, M.A. Hicks, and others) – was the inspiration for this interdisciplinary study which examines the crown's approach to government in South-West England: investigating Edward IV's policy towards the English regions, and exploring the feasibility of a regional approach to the politics, government, and elites of Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and Somerset (1450–1500).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟏 ◈ 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
Discussing historians’ views of Edward IV’s ‘regional policy’, its implications for governance (core-periphery relations, royal authority) and methodology (county studies, prosopography, South-West England as a ‘political region’) are extrapolated: by testing whether this regional model of governance is valid, this survey provides a synthesis and longer-term overview of the region’s shire societies – favouring a Britannicist perspective (emphasising regional differences and peripheries) – thereby offering an alternative view of late medieval English government.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟐 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐞𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐒𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐡-𝐖𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐧𝐠𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝
Considering whether Edward IV’s scheme was based on existing expressions of regional identities, regions, identities, and their definitions are explored: examining how the south-western shires might be delineated by geography (geology, topography); economy (agriculture, commerce, settlement patterns); culture (ethnicities, counties, mythologies, laws); and political structures, both public (shrievalties, dioceses), and private (lordship); ultimately identifying the importance of the meso-scale regions of Somerset/Dorset and Devon/Cornwall.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟑 ◈ 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞𝐬
Political structures in general (council, parliament, royal household, crown estates, county administration), and with specific reference to the region, are explored: in particular, the prime role played by the Duchy of Cornwall (whose estates, regalities, and administration have remained largely unstudied). Consideration of lordship, with an exposition of the principles of patron-client ('bastard feudal'/clientelist) relationships and examination of the evidence (and limitations, subtleties, and uncertainties) relating to the (re-)construction of lordship/socio-political alliances, forms a basis for a methodological approach to the categorisation of clients into 'affinities' (a widely-accepted method in medieval Scottish historiography).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟒 ◈ 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐬
The nature of elites and their definition is examined – suggesting the significance of counties’ administrative elites (sheriffs, escheators, knights of the shire and burgesses (MPs), and JPs). This definition is applied to the region (comprising local peerage and administrative elites; totalling 347 individuals: 82 peers and 265 gentry), and the extent to which they may have identified with their locality, county, or region is questioned by evaluating the degree to which their land- and office-holding, marriage alliances, testamentary dispositions, and interactions were regional. The degree to which their associations were regional is examined by means of three case studies (selectively chosen because of their importance): the Hungerfords, Arundells, and Edgcumbes (in which the clientelist principles outlined in Chapter 3 are demonstrated).

The crown's use of royal household servants in local government – increasingly the vital institution for exerting royal influence (a topic unduly neglected) – is examined alongside regional governance and the significance of the Duchy of Cornwall. These themes – in ensuing chapters – are silhouetted against a (chronological) analysis of government and local political alignments (utilising published (and unpublished) family and county studies, and Duchy of Cornwall archives), with each county analysed on an equal basis (thereby highlighting recurrences of major figures and themes between shires), and a regional evaluation offering a broader overview.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟓 ◈ 𝐏𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐧𝐬, 𝐂𝐥𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐬, 𝟏𝟒𝟓𝟎–𝟔𝟏
After consideration of pertinent personalities during previous decades, the influence of the Beaufort Dukes of Somerset in Somerset and Dorset (involving associations with Lords Stourton and Hungerford) is examined, before outlining Bonville-Courtenay rivalry and the pre-eminence of William, Lord Bonville (through associations with Sir Philip Courtenay, and William, Lord FitzWaryn in Devon, and John Arundell in Cornwall). Later, the regional ascendancy of James, Earl of Ormond and Wiltshire during Queen Margaret’s direction of government is also explored.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟔 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐆𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧, 𝟏𝟒𝟔𝟏–𝟕𝟏
There is a particular emphasis on Edward IV’s gubernatorial system and the regional ascendancy of Humphrey, Lord Stafford of Southwick later Earl of Devon (d.1469) who held estates and Duchy offices throughout the region and appears to have been associated with Stourton-Hungerford associates in Somerset/Dorset (through his uncle, Lord Stourton), former Bonville-FitzWaryn affiliates (Devon), and Arundell associates in Cornwall (through his stepfather, John Arundell).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟕 ◈ 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐆𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠, 𝟏𝟒𝟕𝟏–𝟖𝟑
The re-structuring of regional politics during Edward IV's second reign is examined: from an initial focus upon George, Duke of Clarence, to the roles of William, Lord Hastings (through his son’s marriage to the Hungerford heiress) in Somerset/Dorset, John, Lord Dinham (Devon), and the potential regional significance of Thomas, Marquess of Dorset (through his marriage to the Bonville heiress).

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟖 ◈ 𝐔𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐔𝐩𝐡𝐞𝐚𝐯𝐚𝐥, 𝟏𝟒𝟖𝟑–𝟓
Contributing to ongoing discourses concerning the region’s contribution to the October Rebellion, Richard III’s ‘Northern Plantations’, and the uneasy aftermath, focus falls on the roles of Lords Audley and Zouche (Somerset/Dorset), and the importance of Lord Dinham (Devon) and Sir James Tyrell (through his Arundell marriage) in Cornwall.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟗 ◈ 𝐂𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐒𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭, 𝟏𝟒𝟖𝟓–𝟏𝟓𝟎𝟎
Henry VII's governance – which remains largely unexplored with regard to local and regional politics – is examined: surveying a complex settlement and highlighting the relevance of Lord Cheyne (husband of Lord Stourton’s widow), and the prominence of Giles, Lord Daubeney (Somerset/Dorset). Similarly, whilst recognising the important roles of Lord Dinham and Edward, Earl of Devon (Devon), and the Edgcumbes, and John Arundell (Cornwall), the significance of Robert, Lord Willoughby de Broke (Cornwall/Devon) is also examined.

𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝟏𝟎 ◈ 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧
The themes of ‘regional governance’ and ‘household governance’ are evaluated within a wider historical context. Rather than stressing the role of magnate-led-affinities, leading-gentry-led associations may have provided a durable foundation beneath the evanescent manoeuvrings of local politics. In addition, elites’ interactions, alliances, and identities indicate the strength of the county-unit and meso-regional communities of Somerset/Dorset and Devon/Cornwall (as discerned in the region’s geography, economy, and culture), and the broader relevance of south-western elites and identities is discussed in relation to the study of meso- and macro-scale regions.

As an ancillary core, the Duchy of Cornwall projected royal authority thereby providing a regional ‘political centre’ whilst successive appointments of magnates (with region-wide interests) to Duchy offices ensured that regional ‘governors’ became political foci. However, these hegemonies may have failed, ultimately, because they ignored pre-existing county/meso-regional identities. Moreover, because of the inherently unstable nature of quasi-regal hegemonies, the regional trend in governance discernible during the period may have been a factor in the continuance of the Wars of the Roses: but these twin policies of regional and household governance ended with Henry VII's change in approach (and trend towards conciliarisation).

This survey integrates local, regional, and national perspectives, and aims at achieving a greater appreciation of royal authority, patronage, and government in late medieval south-western England, whilst offering a perspective placed within a broader context of longer-term trends in governance, institutional evolution, and state formation during the later Middle Ages.

𝐀𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐱 𝐈𝐈 ◈ 𝐃𝐢𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐬, 𝟏𝟒𝟓𝟎–𝟏𝟓𝟎𝟎
Table I: Directory of Peerage (including all Courtenay Earls of Devon: Thomas, Thomas, John, and Edward)
Table II: Directory of Gentry