Group Conflict Theory

Over the last 15-20 years, the election administration profession has emerged from its status as an understudied area of public administration. At the same time, there has also been a demographic, cultural, and generational shift among election administration professionals. While some have embraced the shift, others have been resistant resulting in the exposure of beliefs and behaviors that are ageist, sexist, and racist. This case presents the experience of a 17-year career professional in the field who is both a woman and African American. Discussed here are both the mentorship and professional development training opportunities which have helped her navigate the field and the barriers and challenges that she continues to face as an election administration professional.

(Belgium). He has worked and published on student politics in Bangladesh, especially on the interdependencies of student and city politics in secondary cities. His wider research interests lie at the intersection of the production of public authority, processes of order-making and (political) violence. In his PhD dissertation, Julian explores the everyday negotiation of public order in urban Bangladesh, studying the mechanisms and everyday practices of party politics in Rajshahi city. He is particularly interested in the nexus between patronage structures and political subjectivities.

Comment fait-on pour catégoriser les individus ? CONTENU, PROCESSUS ET EFFETS D'UNE OPERATION DE CA-TEGORISATION Mais qu'est-ce qui déforme notre perception des gens? RECOURS A UN SYSTEME CATEGORIEL ET BIAIS PERCEPTIFS : QUELQUES PROPOSITIONS THEORIQUES 80 3 Comment se construit un stéréotype, peut-il évoluer ?

Atlanta is perhaps the city with the greatest degree of black political empowerment (BPE) in the United States. Yet in 2009 a relatively weak white mayoral candidate nearly won the general and runoff elections over a field of stronger black candidates. Why? Treating Atlanta as a prototypical case, the article examines factors that undermine the capacity of blacks to retain control of mayoralties in strong BPE cities, with an emphasis on disruptions to black electorates, discontent among black citizens, and reinvestment in electoral politics by whites at the local level. The city that became a post-civil rights movement emblem of the political power held by African-Americans could have a white mayor for the first time in a generation-a possibility that has some in the black community scrambling to hold on to City Hall. (Haines, 2009) The struggle for and substance of black political empowerment (BPE) is a key concern of the urban politics literature. Studies examine the necessary and sufficient conditions for black political incor

(Belgium). He has worked and published on student politics in Bangladesh, especially on the interdependencies of student and city politics in secondary cities. His wider research interests lie at the intersection of the production of public authority, processes of order-making and (political) violence. In his PhD dissertation, Julian explores the everyday negotiation of public order in urban Bangladesh, studying the mechanisms and everyday practices of party politics in Rajshahi city. He is particularly interested in the nexus between patronage structures and political subjectivities.

been instrumental in helping me become a stronger researcher and determine what is next. I also thank Dr. Christy Visaggi, who encouraged me to pursue graduate school and believe in my abilities to succeed by serving as my mentor throughout all four of my undergraduate years.

knut_toensberg_akademisering_av_jazz_pop_og_rock_en_dann? highlight=#highlight (Det kan vaere restriksjoner på tilgang) UiS Brage http://brage.bibsys.no/uis/ Denne artikkelen er gjort tilgjengelig i henhold til utgivers retningslinjer. Det er forfatternes siste upubliserte versjon av artikkelen etter fagfellevurdering, såkalt postprint. Dersom du skal sitere artikkelen anbefales det å bruke den publiserte versjonen

We study geographic political representation and geographic distribution of local public goods within local jurisdictions using geo-coded data on politicians, the electorate and elementary schools. Descriptive analysis reveals that poorer neighborhoods are under-represented and that local politicians have a strong support base in their home neighbourhoods. Based on randomized election outcomes due to personal vote count ties, geographic representation has a causal effect on school closures. The probability of closure is cut in half when a candidate living close to the school is randomly elected. High-income residents react to closures by moving away from the neighborhood, thus reinforcing segregation.

What effect does candidate race have on co-racial voter turnout? Recent studies suggest that the presence of a black candidate results in an increase in black turnout. We argue that much of these findings can be attributed to the different design choices of previous researchers, and absence of attention paid to strategic candidate behavior. In this study we examine mayoral elections in the state of Louisiana between 1988 and 2011, matching cities along an important dimension size of the black population. We find that when we compare turnout levels in places with similar black populations, the effect of a black mayoral candidate are modest at best. By accounting for the strategic behavior of black candidates and black voters, our results bring into question studies which simply seek to assess the effects of black candidates on turnout by comparing blacks who have the option of voting for a black candidate with those who do not.

(Belgium). He has worked and published on student politics in Bangladesh, especially on the interdependencies of student and city politics in secondary cities. His wider research interests lie at the intersection of the production of public authority, processes of order-making and (political) violence. In his PhD dissertation, Julian explores the everyday negotiation of public order in urban Bangladesh, studying the mechanisms and everyday practices of party politics in Rajshahi city. He is particularly interested in the nexus between patronage structures and political subjectivities.

Research in the early years places increasing importance on participatory methods to engage children. The playback of video-recording to stimulate conversation is a research method that enables children’s accounts to be heard and attends to a participatory view. During video-stimulated sessions, participants watch an extract of video-recording of a specific event in which they were involved, and then account for their participation in that event. Using an interactional perspective, this article draws distinctions between video-stimulated accounts and a similar research method, popular in education, that of video-stimulated recall. Reporting upon a study of young children’s interactions in a playground, video-stimulated accounts are explicated to show how the participants worked toward the construction of events in the video-stimulated session. This article discusses how the children account for complex matters within their social worlds, and manage the accounting of others in the vi...

In this study, particular focus is on micro-ethnographic studies of children’s peer play-in-action and how children create shared peer cultures through their collaborative performances in situated game activities. It will be shown how children create micro dramas in play that serve as cultural frameworks to i) dramatize and transform experiences from the outside world; ii) playfully subvert hierarchies and gendered orders; and iii) comment upon and unravel controversial issues in their social life. The data are drawn from three sets of video-recorded data of children’s everyday play activities collected during fieldwork in separate school and after-school settings located in middle-class and low-income multiethnic suburban areas in Sweden.

This paper is a contribution to the development of an ontology of conflict. In particular, we single out and we study a peculiar notion of group conflict, that we suggestively label 'social contradiction'. In order to do so, we shall introduce and discuss the methodology of social choice theory, since it allows for defining the notion of collective attitude that may emerge from a number of possibly divergent individual attitudes. We shall see how collective attitudes lead to define a specific notion of group and therefore a specific notion of group conflict. As a conclusion, we shall present our abstract analysis of group conflicts and we shall position social contradiction with respect to other types of conflicts.

One prediction of the calculus of voting is that electoral closeness positively affects turnout via a higher probability of one vote being decisive. I test this theory with data on all mayoral elections in the German state of Bavaria between 1946 and 2009. Importantly, I use constitutionally prescribed two-round elections to measure electoral closeness and thereby improve on existing work that mostly uses expost measures that are prone to endogeneity. The results suggest that electoral closeness matters: A one standard deviation increase in closeness increases turnout by 1.68 percentage points, which corresponds to 1 6 of a standard deviation in this variable. I also evaluate how other factors like electorate size or rain on election day affect turnout differentially depending on the closeness of the race.

This research is planned as an explanation about 1) the determinants of civic participation in newly established democratic urban politics, and 2) whether national socioeconomic changes resulting from globalization can affect local political participation. Through time-series cross-sectional Generalized Least Squares (GLS) random effect models with data of 45 South Korean cities having a population over 200,000 and 189 mayoral elections between 1995 and 2006, this research explores whether socio economic factors (macrosociological factors)-population, education, residential characteristics, regional factors, and economic situation-such as the historical effects of economic hardship could have effects on voter turnout. The institutional variables-local tax burden, urban rural complex city, first elections-or campaign measures-margin of victory, incumbency, field vote, and divided partisan government between local and center-are controlled for the analysis. Results of the analysis showed that demographic or socioeconomic factors are significant parts of the determinants of voter turnout in South Korean big cities, not only institutional factors. Population and college graduation showed a negative correlation with voter turnout, but long regional residence showed a positive correlation. The effects were larger in the period of economic hardship, 1998-2002. Big cities in the Seoul metropolitan area-the center and the biggest region in South Korea and a "world city" as

Fr Qu’est ce qui explique la grande variete de facons de se presenter chez les psychologues sociaux, et leurs rapports tres diversifies, engages avec les elements en lien avec leur identite de psychologue? La presente recherche vise a apporter des elements de reponses sur la facon dont le psychologue social, face aux representations sociales le concernant, est amene a deployer une vision strategique sur la facon de se presenter. Sous l’angle des strategies d’ancrage, de positionnement social, de coping et de projet, nous explorons les elements et decisions identitaires sous-jacents qui fondent l’identite professionnelle du psychologue social, et soutiendrons l’idee que derriere d’apparentes decisions pragmatiques se cachent des enjeux identitaires forts. Es Que explica la gran variedad de maneras de presentarse en los psicologos sociales, sus relaciones e informes tan variados, comprometidos con los principios vinculados a su identidad de psicologo? La presente investigacion tiene p...

The purpose of this paper is to speculate whether the coalitions that have elected (or re-elected) the “new class” of “Obama Era” black politicians vary more greatly than current categorizations imply. We focus upon the short-lived and controversial mayoralty of Kwame Kilpatrick in Detroit. We partly confirm Thompson’s (2006) provocative thesis - “the Dirty Little Secret of Black Politics” - which presumes, overtime, African American mayors do not actively court the black poor as members of their electoral coalitions because of the fiscal and political costs of meeting these constituents’ needs over the needs of the middle and upper classes who ask for growth and economic development. Thompson asserts that whereas a “Third Wave” of black politicians - such as Mayor Harold Washington of Chicago or David Dinkins of New York - have averted this dilemma and explicitly built grassroots alliances, previous cohorts of “civil rights” mayors and “technocratic” mayors did or have not. Merging...

This paper is a contribution to the development of an ontology of conflict. In particular, we single out and we study a peculiar notion of group conflict, that we suggestively label 'social contradiction'. In order to do so, we shall introduce and discuss the methodology of social choice theory, since it allows for defining the notion of collective attitude that may emerge from a number of possibly divergent individual attitudes. We shall see how collective attitudes lead to define a specific notion of group and therefore a specific notion of group conflict. As a conclusion, we shall present our abstract analysis of group conflicts and we shall position social contradiction with respect to other types of conflicts.

This paper is a contribution to the development of an ontology of conflict. In particular, we single out and we study a peculiar notion of group conflict, that we suggestively label ‘social contradiction’. In order to do so, we shall introduce and discuss the methodology of social choice theory, since it allows for defining the notion of collective attitude that may emerge from a number of possibly divergent individual attitudes. We shall see how collective attitudes lead to define a specific notion of group and therefore a specific notion of group conflict. As a conclusion, we shall present our abstract analysis of group conflicts and we shall position social contradiction with respect to other types of conflicts.

The history of the Jos Plateau area in the past two decades has been characterized by irresolvable crises and conflicts. These conflicts have multifactorial reasons like politics, religion, and economy. To this list the toponymic factor can be added. Indeed, for the past fifteen years since September 2001, intergroup relationships especially between the Hausa and “indigenes” or, what others erroneously see as Muslims versus Christians, have been marred by internecine crises. The result has been the destruction of lives and property, mutual suspicion, migrations, relocation of settlements, change in settlement patterns and re-naming of settlements. In light of this, the paper looks at one of the manifestations of this conflict, which is the counter-naming or renaming of some settlements in Jos Plateau area in order to claim historical ownership of settlements. This paper aims to prove that the current situation portends danger to national cohesion, development, free movements and ass...

The election of Maynard Jackson as Mayor of Atlanta, Georgia in October, 1973 was a n event which aroused national interest, in addition to the local interest ordinarily generated by a competitive mayoral campaign. Since Jackson was the first black elected mayor in a large southern city,' the national communications media turned their attention to Atlanta: the New York Times ran several columns and a congratulatory editorial; other big city newspapers reacted favorably in their editorial columns. The national television networks covered the Atlanta election a n d interviewed the new mayor and the national news weeklies also commented on the election. After the Atlanta mayoralty campaign, everyone could agree that Maynard Jackson had defeated the incumbent Mayor, Sam Massell, with 74,404 votes (59.2 percent) to 51,237 (40.8 percent). Interpretation of the facts, however, varied greatly. Some, including Georgia's Governor, Jimmy Carter, believed that the

The history of the Jos Plateau area in the past two decades has been characterized by irresolvable crises and conflicts. These conflicts have multifactorial reasons like politics, religion, and economy. To this list the toponymic factor can be added. Indeed, for the past fifteen years since September 2001, intergroup relationships especially between the Hausa and “indigenes” or, what others erroneously see as Muslims versus Christians, have been marred by internecine crises. The result has been the destruction of lives and property, mutual suspicion, migrations, relocation of settlements, change in settlement patterns and re-naming of settlements. In light of this, the paper looks at one of the manifestations of this conflict, which is the counter-naming or renaming of some settlements in Jos Plateau area in order to claim historical ownership of settlements. This paper aims to prove that the current situation portends danger to national cohesion, development, free movements and ass...

We analyze a group contest in which n groups compete to win a group-specific public good prize. Group sizes can be different and any player may value the prize differently within and across groups. Players exert costly efforts simultaneously and independently. Only the highest effort (the best-shot) within each group represents the group effort that determines the winning group. We fully characterize the set of equilibria and show that in any equilibrium at most one player in each group exerts strictly positive effort. There always exists an equilibrium in which only the highest value player in each active group exerts strictly positive effort. However, perverse equilibria may exist in which the highest value players completely free-ride on others by exerting no effort. We provide conditions under which the set of equilibria can be restricted and discuss contest design implications.

Scholars have shown that diversity depresses public goods provision. In U.S. cities, racial and ethnic divisions could seriously undermine investment. However, diverse cities spend significant amounts on public goods. We ask how these communities overcome their potential collective action problem. Using a new data set on more than 3,000 municipal bond elections, we show that strategic politicians encourage cooperation. Diversity leads officials to be more selective about requesting approval for investment and more attentive to coalition building. We show that diverse communities see fewer bond elections, but that the bonds proposed are larger and pass at higher rates. Diverse cities tend to offer voters bonds with more spending categories and are more likely to hold referenda during general elections. As a result, diverse cities do just as well as homogenous cities in issuing voter-authorized debt. Thus, political elites perform an important mediating function in the generation of public goods.

The study of local politics has been relegated to the periphery of political science and many explanations have been offered for the marginalization of the subfield. I offer three related arguments for why scholars should revisit the study of sub-state politics. First, the local level is the source of numerous political outcomes that matter because they represent a large proportion of political events in the United States. Secondly, there are methodological advantages to studying local politics. Finally, analyzing politics at the sub-state level can generate thoroughly different kinds of questions than a purely national-level focus and can offer different answers to questions that apply more generally. Research on local politics can and should contribute to broader debates in political science and ensure that we understand both how and why cities are unique.

Theorists of democracy assert that government is held accountable and responsive to citizens through the electoral process. Elections can offer citizens representative government, but only when certain conditions are met. I provide evidence that when elections become uncompetitive for long periods of time and political coalitions establish dominant regimes the distribution of government benefits changes. Examining twentieth-century political patterns in nine of the United States' largest cities, I find that dominant regimes establish electoral control, then target core supporters and powerful interests at the expense of the larger community.

Using 1980s data, McClain and Karnig (1990) examined the extent of socioeconomic and political competition between Blacks and Latinos in 49 cities that had a population over 25,000 with at least 10% Blacks and 10% Latino. That research found a positive correlation between Blacks and Latinos on socioeconomic indicators, but it discovered the emergence of political competition between the 2 groups. Using 1990s data, this article examines political and socioeconomic competition in the 45 cities from the earlier data set that still met McClain and Karnig's criteria. The authors have found that although there is still a positive covariation on socioeconomic indicators, the intensity of this relationship has diminished. On the political dimension, Black and Latino competition now may be displaced by increasing competition between Whites and Latinos. We conclude tentatively that a decade has made a difference in terms of socioeconomic and political competition between Blacks and Latinos.

The purpose of this paper is to speculate whether the coalitions that have elected (or re-elected) the “new class” of “Obama Era” black politicians vary more greatly than current categorizations imply. We focus upon the short-lived and controversial mayoralty of Kwame Kilpatrick in Detroit. We partly confirm Thompson’s (2006) provocative thesis - “the Dirty Little Secret of Black Politics” - which presumes, overtime, African American mayors do not actively court the black poor as members of their electoral coalitions because of the fiscal and political costs of meeting these constituents’ needs over the needs of the middle and upper classes who ask for growth and economic development. Thompson asserts that whereas a “Third Wave” of black politicians - such as Mayor Harold Washington of Chicago or David Dinkins of New York - have averted this dilemma and explicitly built grassroots alliances, previous cohorts of “civil rights” mayors and “technocratic” mayors did or have not. Merging...

With apologies to Dickens, Public Integrity is the best of books and it is the worst of books. This characterization has less to do with the author's acumen and intellect than the reviewer's rather peculiar background. This year marks a midpoint for me. I have now spent exactly half of my professional life as a university academic and half as a government policymaker. So, in reading this book I was torn (figuratively) in half. My academic sympathies read the manuscript one way, while my practitioner side reacted completely differently. The editor's instructions to write to all parts of the readership, including "academics-who teach and do research on public policy issues-and practitioners at all levels of government and in public and private firms dealing with public policy," ensured an apparent Janus-faced dilemma. My solution is to write two reviews: one as an academic, the other as a practitioner. THE ACADEMIC'S POINT OF VIEW Patrick Dobel has produced a fine work in the tradition of "applied political theory." Rather than dealing with abstruse and often fruitless discourses on the meaning of justice, democracy, or freedom, he has provided a text that allows those in policy, political science, and public administration-and their students-to get at the theoretical tissue of what we understand as integrity in public office. In the tradition of Amy Guttman, Dennis Thompson, and Andrew Stark, Dobel offers the reader a roadmap of the vital questions that should be asked in order to understand public integrity and why it seems so important to democratic institutions and democratic legitimacy. Although one might disagree with the order of topics (I would have put chapters 3 and 4 before 1 and 2), Dobel does cover the issue of public integrity from every reasonable facet: integrity in office, power, moral reality and moral degeneration,

Elected officials routinely do not reflect the racial diversity of the citizenry. In Latin America, these descriptive gaps are particularly pronounced. A growing number of studies investigate the causes of racial disparities in representation, however, extant research largely focuses on national assemblies. In this paper, I extend this well-trod line of research to an understudied context, local elections. Using a dataset that covers mayoral elections in Brazil, I demonstrate that multiple factors hinder Afro-Brazilians, who comprise a majority of the Brazilian population, from winning public office. I show that barriers to candidate entry, resource disparities between white and Afro-Brazilian candidates, and race-based preferences among voters contribute to racial inequality in political representation. These results indicate that members of marginalized racial groups often must overcome multiple barriers to achieve electoral success.

Un des objectifs fixé aux Sections d'Enseignement Général et Professionnel Adapté (S.E.G.PA.) était d'éviter la relégation et la stigmatisation des élèves insérés auparavant dans les Sections d'Enseignement Spécialisé (S.E.S.). La recherche présentée ici fait l'hypothèse que la coexistence dans un même établissement scolaire de deux dispositifs, ordinaire et adapté, n'est pas une condition suffisante pour permettre la disparition de la distinction entre ces deux groupes d'élèves et le favoritisme endogroupe. Cette étude a porté sur un échantillon de 60 élèves de Quatrième d'un collège et a estimé l'amplitude de la discrimination entre ces deux groupes à l'aide d'une méthodologie de matrice d'allocation de ressources. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les élèves des deux groupes pratiquent la discrimination intergroupe, ce phénomène étant beaucoup plus massif chez les élèves scolarisés en S.E.G.P.A. que chez ceux scolarisés en enseignement général.

Most research on Latino voting behavior conclusively finds that as a group, Latinos vote at lower rates than other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. In this article, we argue that given the appropriate circumstances, Latinos should be expected to vote at higher rates than other racial and ethnic groups. In particular, we think the presence of a viable Latino candidate will spur increased Latino turnout and that when Latinos candidates run for office, Latino voters will prefer the co-ethnic candidate. Analyzing precinct level returns from the Los Angeles 2001 mayoral and the 2000 presidential elections we show this may be the case. High-density Latino precincts show higher rates of turnout when Latino candidates are on the ballot, and these same precincts show heightened support for the co-ethnic candidate. In fact, for the first time ever in Los Angeles, the 2001 mayoral election witnessed Latinos voting at the highest rates of any racial or ethnic group in the city.

The present paper focuses on the symbolic meanings of metaphors and their potential social effects. Specifically, it examines the case of the Jewish Ultra-Orthodox "Ḥardakim" poster campaign distributed throughout Ultra-Orthodox communities in Israel in 2013. Following social group theory, the paper interprets the symbolic meanings of the main metaphors in the campaign in order to reconstruct the lifeworld of this religious group. On that basis, it offers a discussion of how metaphors were strategically utilized in order to draw social boundaries, uphold social norms and sanction group members who deviate from those. The paper's empirical contribution is a case study of how symbolic meanings of metaphors as a part of propagandistic discourse targets and exploits social identities in order to mobilize collective emotions thereby provoking certain actions. It contributes theoretically by arguing that deeming norm-deviant group members internal threats is an efficient propaganda tool for maintaining intragroup behavioral codes.

New Orleans before and after Hurricane Katrina. We apply a variety of statistical techniques, including propensity score matching methods, to compare the mayoral turnout of registered voters across flood depths. We find that registered voters who experienced more than six feet of flooding were more likely to participate in the mayoral election than registered voters who experienced less flooding. We attribute this to their increased motivation to participate in municipal politics in conjunction with voter mobilization efforts in the wake of Katrina. Our finding about the characteristics of the voters who participated in the mayoral election given the flooding provides us insights into the scope of change for the political landscape of New Orleans after the hurricane.

Synthesizing and extending multiple literatures, this article develops a new approach for exploring the spatial articulation of urban political cleavages. We pursue three questions: (1) To what extent does electoral conflict materialize between rather than within neighborhoods? (2) How salient are group, place, and location in defining urban cleavages? (3) How do these sources inflect one another? To answer these questions, the article analyzes a novel longitudinal database of neighborhood-scale mayoral voting in Chicago, Toronto, and London. We find strong evidence of spatially articulated cleavages: in each city, voting patterns are equally or more geographically concentrated than the non-White population, income, and poverty. While group-based interests define Chicago's cleavage structure, place and location are paramount in Toronto and London. We conclude by proposing a research agenda for investigating the spatiality of urban politics and advancing a preliminary typology of urban political cleavages and the conditions under which they may arise.

Ecovillages are alternative communities centred on self-sufficiency and a sustainable lifestyle. They develop bottom-up and offer an alternative to mainstream society, which residents experience as disruptive to the environment and social cohesion. These communities form small-scale societies, who also encounter conflicts. The development of an ecovillage into a stable, and functional community with strong social cohesion requires a long process whereby a number of crucial stages need to be completed. These stages are often characterised by conflict. The past has shown that in most of these communities, conflicts lead to a dysfunctional working, in turn leading to the disintegration of the group.
In this research, I focus on the role of conflict on the group development process. Based on Tuckman’s group development model, I try to understand how conflicts arise, their features, and what this entails for group development. This thesis is researched with ethnographic methods, at Lammas, a young ecovillage in Wales set up in 2009. Based on participating observation and semi-structured interviews, the results are as follows: conflicts originated in external structural features and incompatible values and ideals. Different parties were formed in which the positions of the residents can be distinguished by their investment in the conflict and their willingness to compromise. On the one hand, positions in the conflicts become consolidated and on the other hand, a withdrawal from the community occurs. Because no positive group culture was created, with mechanisms to deal with conflicts, the group comes to a standstill and there is no further group development.
By placing conflict in a broader context and understanding the processes by which the members give meaning to conflict, I tried to explain the deeper causes of conflict and how these influence the further development of a group.

I have decide to use Cyber Crime Act NO.14 of 2015  in connection with Conflict Theory due to the number of criticism that have been provided by some institutions, lawyers, journalists and other people who claims that some of the provisions of the Act are unconstitutional hence affects some fundamental rights of human beings therefore creates division of classes between the law makers and the law compliers, as those who are suppose to comply with the law feels that such provisions were created to humiliate them. If such provisions were created to humiliate them, then they are not fit for the purpose of protecting the public interest. In that case if people decide not to comply with the said provisions, they will be deemed to commit crime as stipulate by the Act itself. Therefore, creating a possibility on the existence of conflict between those who are arguing against such provisions and those who created the law.

Epouser la norme de la personne handicapée, reconfigurer la situation à partir de l'exceptionnel Il n'y a pas de normes. Tous les hommes sont des exceptions à une règle qui n'existe pas. Fernando Pessoa (En Bref, trad. Françoise Laye, p.13, Christian Bourgois, 2004) Je présenterai mon ouvrage sous le prisme des normes et de la normativité, en particulier dans la situation de handicap. Une norme de vie est un reflet de ce qui se déploie dans le vécu de la personne qu'on considère au travers des habitudes qu'elle développe au sein de son milieu, soit sa façon « d'habiter » son monde par le biais de certaines formes de stabilité et de répétition. Comme l'écrit Pessoa, toute norme humaine s'excepte d'emblée de la règle qu'elle met essentiellement en défaut, toujours rétive à se subordonner à un principe fixe. La norme, c'est donc du « sur-mesure », impossible d'en réduire les ramifications concrètes possibles dans une seule réalisation, d'autant que le milieu est toujours très singulier et toujours essentiel à prendre en compte. S'il y a bien des normes statistiques qui diluent dans des moyennes l'unicité de l'expérience vécue par le sujet, s'il y a bien des normes qui nous permettent d'avoir des règles communes, un langage commun, tout cela n'est que conventionnel et nous permet de jeter des ponts entre nous autres êtres humains afin de nous comprendre et de vivre sur la même planète, dans le même milieu social. Ces normes d'un partage conventionnel sont indispensables, toutefois il faut rester conscient de leurs limites. Dans la situation de handicap qui m'intéresse dans mon ouvrage, j'essaie d'insister sur le fait que pour améliorer la situation, il faut partir de l'expérience vécue du patient, soit de sa norme toute singulière à chaque fois selon ses aspirations et son bagage, le milieu de vie où il les déploie et les capacités et incapacités qui sont celles de son handicap dans ce milieu précis. Dans le handicap en effet, ce qui est mis à mal c'est la préséance de la norme de vie de l'individu qui n'est plus en adéquation a priori avec ce qu'il peut attendre de son milieu. Il faut donc rétablir ce dialogue perdu entre l'individu et son milieu, ce qui passe par le biais du développement des normes individuelles, de l'expérience vécue que je décline à travers trois concepts différents, qui me permettent un éclairage différent : je pars du concept de norme individuelle (échelle du corps), j'évolue vers le concept d'affordance (échelle du champ perceptif), et je termine par la notion de capabilité pour étayer les possibilités de l'individu handicapé dans le milieu social où il évolue. Ces trois notions présentent l'avantage de mettre en lumière le fait que le point de départ doit toujours être l'expérience individuelle mais pas seulement : elles permettent aussi d'en assurer le suivi tout au long du processus de restauration de la situation de handicap, situation mise à mal a priori. Les affordances sont une variante des normes de vie sur le plan architectural : l'individu est convoqué et invité ou non à agir par le biais des interfaces techniques qui l'environnent, comme un escalier par exemple qui n'est « montable » que si la personne a des jambes fonctionnelles pour le gravir. Les capabilités dessinent de même les normes de l'individu dans un champ social cette fois, en traçant la frontière entre ce que permet la société de faire ou d'être à l'individu, et ce qu'elle ne lui permet pas, et ce en amont des capacités individuelles que ce dernier peut déployer : par exemple, lorsque l'école devient obligatoire en France avec la loi Ferry de 1882, la société offre à tous les enfants sans distinctions socio-économiques l'accès à un espace commun via le partage que promeut l'école elle-même, et favorise également l'accès à des ressources scientifiques entre autres qui les formeront pour leur carrière à venir. J'illustre mes trois concepts par trois situations remarquables d'individus diversement handicapés qui ont eu la possibilité de reconstruire leur milieu, en partie grâce à la reconfiguration de leur environnement.

Purpose -In order to shed light on whether and how leaders should help manage group members' emotions related to intragroup conflict, the aim of this paper was to investigate the effects of several outcomes associated with two cognitive emotion regulation strategies, cognitive reappraisal and distraction, in the presence of two distinct types of conflict, relationship or task-oriented. Design/methodology/approach -A 2 £ 3 between subjects' experimental design was employed to investigate the influence of intragroup conflict and emotion regulations strategies on individual-level discrete emotions and group processes and outcomes. Findings -Results suggest that emotion regulation plays an important role in moderating the negative consequences associated with relationships conflict. Specifically, distraction served a critical function to those in the relationship conflict conditions such that both cohesion levels and task performance levels were elevated when group members used distraction as a means of regulating emotions.