Greek and Latin Patristics

This article deals with the theory of the so-called ‘intelligible Triad’ (esse, vivere, intellegere) to show in what way this theory was developed in Neoplatonism (by Plotinus, Porphyry, Iamblichus and Proclus) and transformed in the Patristic Thought (in Marius Victorinus, Augustine, Dionysius Areopagita, Maximus the Confessor, John Scott Eriugena),
where this theory was used to describe three main attributes of God as well as mutual relations between three Persons of the Holy Trinity and the structure of the created world and human soul.

Dans cette conférence, j'ai proposé un parcours transversal dans l’exégèse des premiers siècles (chez Irénée de Lyon, Origène, Eusèbe de Césarée et Hilaire de Poitiers) à propos des "impies", les "pécheurs" et les "pestiférés" nommés dans le Ps 1,1 : « Heureux l´homme qui n´est pas allé dans une assemblée d´impies, ne s´est ni tenu sur un chemin de pécheurs ni assis sur un siège malsain ! »

The way in which Paul exercises his authority in the Letter to Philemon has been studied from various angles, but as far as could be determined, the reception of this aspect of his letter by its interpreters in the fourth and 5th centuries CE. has not yet received much attention. Accordingly, this aspect is addressed in this study. The views of the following six  interpreters are discussed (in chronological order):  Ambrosiaster, Jerome, Pelagius, John Chrysostom, Theodore of
Mopsuestia, and Theodoret of Cyrus. It is shown that each of them has his own view in this regard, but that two general trends can nevertheless be identified: Firstly, all of these writers
accept that Paul had authority over Philemon; and secondly, the commendable way in which Paul exercised this authority is a regular theme in their works.

In the article we make the case that St. Germanus II shared the traditional Patristic view of monasticism as of something superior in relation to the Christian marriage. A Christian is permitted to marry one or two times in his or her life only. As a Biblical exegete Germanus is close to Olympiodorus (6th century), St. Gregory Palamas and to the 13th- and 14th-centuries Byzantine hesychasts.

I Tractatus in Psalmos furono scoperti e pubblicati da G. Morin tra la fine dell’Ottocento e gli inizi del Novecento. Sulla base di vari riscontri l’editore attribuì i nuovi testi a Girolamo, di cui fino a quel momento era pressoché sconosciuta la produzione omiletica, datandoli al primo decennio del V secolo, quando lo Stridonense si trovava a Betlemme. L’attribuzione fu accettata unanimemente, fino a quando nel 1980 V. Peri non propose di intendere i Tractatus come la traduzione geronimiana delle omelie di Origene. Tale tesi ebbe largo successo in Italia, ma incontrò l’opposizione di alcuni studiosi della scuola francese, che continuarono a sostenere la paternità geronimiana.
Qui si pubblicano il testo latino di Morin, rivisto dal curatore, e la traduzione italiana, corredata da un ampio commento che consente di inquadrare i Tractatus all’interno di una corretta prospettiva esegetica, ampia e articolata, che tenga conto della paternità geronimiana e dell’innegabile influenza origeniana.

Flavius Josephus, Hieronymus und die Eroberung Roms 410 n. Chr. Summary: When Jerome was made to leave Rome in 385 CE he apostrophised the city as a new Babylon. This paper argues that he did not make use of such apocalyptic language merely in the heat of the moment. Twenty five years later, when the city was taken by Alaricʼs troops in 410 CE, Jerome had once more the opportunity to write about Rome in a number of his texts. This time, however, he chose Josephusʼ description of the siege and sack of Jerusalem as his model. These texts illustrate the masterful command of the complex intertextual web of Biblical and classical allusions that Jerome was able to decipher and use for his own literary goals. In this way Jerome aligned the fall of Rome with the theological interpretation of the destruction of Jerusalem as divine retribution for the transgressions of its citizens and thus marked the city that would remain for him a place of damnation. Zusammenfassung: Sein Fortgang aus Rom 385 n. Chr. veranlasste Hieronymus dazu, die Stadt Rom als neues Babylon zu stilisieren. Dass er solch eine apokalyptische Bildsprache keineswegs nur im Affekt wählte, möchte dieser Beitrag zeigen. Fünfundzwanzig Jahre später bot die Einnahme Roms durch Alarichs Truppen 410 n. Chr. Hieronymus die Möglichkeit, erneut und an verschiedenen Stellen über Rom zu schreiben: Diesmal nutzte er aber die Darstellung des Flavius Josephus über den Untergang Jerusalems als Vorlage, deren vielfältige intertextuelle biblische und klassische Bezüge der Kirchenvater meisterhaft zu analysieren wusste. Den Fall Roms stellte Hieronymus so in eine Reihe mit der theologischen Deutung der Zerstörung Jerusalems, die als göttliche Strafe für die Verfehlungen der Einwohner erfolgte, ebenso wie Rom für Hieronymus zeitlebens eine verfluchte Stadt bleiben sollte. . Ammianus Marcellinus hielt sich wohl zeitgleich mit Hieronymus in Rom auf, vgl. Matthews (1989) 8-10. Ein Brief der Collectio Avellana bezeichnet Papst Damasus als "Matronen-Ohrlöffel" (matronarum auriscalpius) vgl. Coll. Av. 1,9, dazu Fontaine (1988) 177-192 sowie Rebenich (1992) 160 mit Anm. 105, der im Ohrlöffelchen eher eine Anspielung auf das Redetalent des Damasus denn eine sexuelle Konnotation sehen will; vgl. zu den Mechanismen von Damasusʼ Bemühungen um aristokratische Damen auch Brown (2012) 250-254. Bedeutsam ist in diesem Kontext ein kaiserliches Reskript vom 30. Juli 370 an Damasus, welches priesterliche Erbschleicherei bei den Matronen Roms unter dem Vorwand der Frömmigkeit einschränken solle, vgl. CTh 16,2,20: Durch Schenkungen oder testamentarische Verfügungen dem Klerus zufallendes Vermögen aus der Hand von Matronen, die mit den begünstigten Klerikern nicht verwandt waren, solle dem Fiskus zufallen, die Bestimmung hingegen in allen Kirchen der Stadt Rom verlesen werden. Auch Hieronymus scheint sich solcher Problematiken und der damit verbundenen Gerüchte zeitlebens bewusst gewesen zu sein, so bezeichnet er noch in ep. 127,5 nicht ohne Selbstironie die feminae clarissimae vom Aventin als "Weiblein" (mulierculae), deren Lobpreis zu singen einer gesonderten Rechtfertigung bedürfe. 6 Hier. ep. 22,32 mit Mk 12,41-44 und Lk 21,1-4, vgl. dazu Rebenich (2002) 37. Auch in ep. 40,2 wendet sich Hieronymus gegen die Mammon-Priester (nummarii sacerdotes), die sich finanzielle Vorteile von ihrer Beschäftigung mit reichen Matronen erhoffen. Im Jahre 376 oder 377 n. Chr. hatte sich Hieronymusin einem Brief an seinen späteren Gönner Damasusnoch als homo Romanus bezeichnet, vgl. Hier. ep. 15,3, dazu Sugano (1983) 15-16. Flavius Josephus, Hieronymus und die Eroberung Roms

This article presents some new material on the Greek text of Melito. Nongbri describes the rediscovery of the first leaf of the Greek copy of Melito’s Peri Pascha in the Bodmer collection and discusses its place in the codex of which it is a part. Nongbri and Hall then jointly present a transcript of the text, supplemented where it is damaged with material from other sources and the published critical text. A new critical text follows, with notes in explanation. Finally we offer a new translation of the sections concerned.

This is a course on a masterpiece in world literature, on a late 4 th-century text of Augustine. We will read closely the whole Confessions in which the author tells his story in the form of sequential conversions to the quest of wisdom (Cicero), Manichaeism, skepticism, neoplatonic philosophy, and catholic Christianity. The Confessions is the history of the schooling of the author's heart in the love of God, which is presented simultaneously as a narrative, introspection, theological reflection, philosophical scrutiny, and prayer. Course Goals: Students are expected to know the course of Augustine's life, his intellectual development, and the main themes that he considered in his Confessions.

Courtney J. P. Friesen explores shifting boundaries of ancient religions by way of the reception of a popular tragedy, Euripides’ Bacchae . As a play staging political crises provoked by the arrival of the “foreign” god Dionysus and his ecstatic cult, audiences and readers found resonances with their own cultural moments. This dramatic deity became emblematic of exuberant and liberating spirituality and, at the same time, a symbol of imperial conquest. Thus, readings of the Bacchae frequently foreground conflicts between religious autonomy and political authority, and between ethnic diversity and social cohesion. This cross-disciplinary study traces appropriations and evocations of this drama ranging from the fifth century BCE through Byzantium not only among “pagans” but also Jews and Christians. Writers variously articulated their religious visions over against Dionysus, often while paradoxically adopting the god’s language and symbols. Consequently, imitation and emulation are at times indistinguishable from polemics and subversion.

This dissertation explores the implications of the christology of Cyril of Alexandria for contemporary evangelical spirituality.
Cyril’s christology is traced through his soteriology to his spirituality, giving attention to the foundations and boundaries christology provides for soteriology and spirituality in Cyril’s thought. Consideration is given to how Cyril has been appropriated in the Reformed tradition before exploring how Cyrillian thought can chasten and enrich contemporary evangelical spirituality.
Cyril’s single subject christology unites the two natures of Christ in the single personal subject of the Word, allowing for a communication of properties. Cyril thus preserves the distinction of Christ’s natures whilst avoiding a division between the natures.
Cyril’s christology provides the foundations and boundaries for a soteriology in which deification is a central feature and presents the anthropological dimension of salvation as participation in Christ. Through participation in Christ believers become by grace what Christ is by nature, resulting in the restoration of the divine image in holiness and incorruptibility. Only if the Word is the personal subject of Christ can believers participate in the divine life.
Cyril’s christology and soteriology provide the foundations and boundaries for a spirituality in which the Eucharist is a central feature and emphasises the Christian life as participation in Christ. In the Eucharist believers truly participate in Christ, by faith and the agency of the Spirit, and Christ thus imparts his life to them. Only if the flesh believers feed on in the Eucharist is that of the Word can it be efficacious to impart life to those who receive it.
Whilst Cyrillian soteriology and sacramentology are alien to contemporary evangelical thought, aspects are evident within earlier Reformed thought. Most notable is John Calvin, who demonstrates Cyril’s thought to be compatible with and complementary to a Reformed framework.
Cyril’s thought chastens evangelicalism where its focus has been overly narrow and neglected important aspects of soteriology and spirituality. Cyril encourages evangelicals to widen their focus from ‘conversionism’ to the whole of the Christian life, and from ‘crucicentrism’ to the whole work of the incarnate Christ. Cyril challenges evangelicals to consider how their almost exclusive soteriological focus on forensic aspects, and neglect of participatory aspects, has resulted in a minimisation of sanctification and the Lord’s Supper in evangelical spirituality.
Cyril’s thought can enrich evangelicalism through his vision of the Christian life as participation in the divine, which is a more deeply personal account of of the Christian life than is typically found in evangelical spirituality. Cyril’s account of participation in Christ can encompass both juridicial and transformational aspects of soteriology, connect theology and spirituality, and recover the importance of Lord’s Supper as a true means of communion with Christ and appropriation of his benefits.
An appropriation of Cyril’s thought is recommended as beneficial to evangelical spirituality.

An overview of the variety of textual differences that exist between the Apocalypse in Codex Sinaiticus and the book in modern critical editions, thereby offering a window into the book's early readership. There is also a YouTube link to the lecture version of this paper, which was recently delivered at Samford University for their Holley Hull Lecture Series: https://vimeo.com/878444925/a35492dd8b?share=copy&fbclid=IwAR10Iu7HKuAjjcEcDdxgfT7XKqe2F6W6Bwb1cVHafNO0Yz6g4VhsIhXHMz4

¿Es posible la libertad humana para san Agustín? En esta breve exposición intentaremos responder al interrogante siguiendo el itinerario de los libros VII y VIII de las Confesiones. A nuestro entender, estos pasajes resultan claves dentro de la vasta obra del obispo de Hipona para la comprensión del problema del mal, puesto que permiten trazar un mapa dinámico del pensamiento agustiniano: pensamiento que se gesta en tensión con el medio filosófico de su tiempo, en especial con el maniqueísmo y el neoplatonismo. De este modo, se tratará de esbozar una aproximación al problema desde dos enfoques: el antropológico y el ético, puesto que desde ellos se evidencia la ruptura de Agustín con una antropología dualista y una ética de impronta determinista propias del maniqueísmo, por medio de la apelación a una ética de la responsabilidad humana, fundada en el vínculo entre la libertad y la Gracia.

This contribution traces the interpretations of Jn 8: 32 in the first
centuries up to Origen, who represents in this case, as in general for
ancient patristic literature, a fundamental watershed. Each passage is
illuminated by setting it in the context of exegesis and controversy.
Passages which at first glance may seem unconnected are grouped
together in this perspective to reveal interesting points of contact.

Μια ερμηνευτική προσέγγιση της μεσσιανικής Εισόδου του Χριστού κατά το Πάσχα του Πάθους, μέσα από τις βιβλικές και απόκρυφες πηγές, αναζητώντας στην προφητική εκπλήρωση, τα σκιώδη και τα εθνικά παράλληλα, καθώς και την παλαιοχριστιανική και βυζαντινή τέχνη

*As with any article (but especially here), the views expressed by the Christian Libertarian Institute or the Christian Libertarian Review do not necessarily reflect my own, and vice versa.

Abstract: If libertarians advocate for a highly restricted use of violence in society, it is incumbent upon Christian libertarians to offer a hermeneutic approach to scripture that is at least compatible with this ethic. Origen of Alexandria's exegetical method, although very strange from a modern perspective, is a consistent biblical hermeneutic compatible with the libertarian restriction on violence. This article examines Origen's interpretation of violence in the book of Joshua. I begin by looking at his exegetical method as a whole, which he describes in his On First Principles and then move on to his allegorical interpretation of Joshua. Although I do not intend to offer a systematic defense of Origen's approach, simply introducing the Christian libertarian to Origen's take on the violence opens up the current Christian debate on the interpretation of the conquest narratives to a hermeneutic world that goes far beyond (without negating) the findings of historical criticism.

This book discusses the christological exegesis of biblical theophanies and argues its crucial importance for the appropriation of the Hebrew Bible as the Christian Old Testament. The Emmaus episode in Luke 24 and its history of interpretation serve as the methodological and hermeneutical prolegomenon to the early Christian exegesis of theophanies. Subsequent chapters discuss the reception history of Genesis 18; Exodus 3 and 33; Psalm 98/99 and 131/132; Isaiah 6; Habakkuk 3:2 (LXX); Daniel 3 and 7. Bucur shows that the earliest, most widespread and enduring reading of these biblical texts, namely their interpretation as "christophanies"— manifestations of the Logos-to-be-incarnate—constitutes a robust and versatile exegetical tradition, which lent itself to doctrinal reflection, apologetics, polemics, liturgical anamnesis and doxology.

This book discusses the occurrence of angelic imagery in early Christian discourse about the Holy Spirit. Taking as its entry-point Clement of Alexandria s less explored writings, Excerpta ex Theodoto, Eclogae propheticae, and Adumbrationes, it shows that Clement s angelomorphic pneumatology occurs in tandem with spirit christology, within a theological framework still characterized by a binitarian orientation. This complex theological articulation, supported by the exegesis of specific biblical passages (Zech 4: 10; Isa 11: 2-3; Matt 18:10), reworks Jewish and Christian traditions about the seven first-created angels, and constitutes a relatively widespread phenomenon in early Christianity. Evidence to support this claim is presented in the course of separate studies of Revelation, the Shepherd of Hermas, Justin Martyr, and Aphrahat.

Edited by Stephen Mark Holmes
University of Edinburgh School of Divinity
For Pluscarden Abbey, Scotland
THE ENTIRE VOLUME AND SECTIONS CAN BE DOWNLOADED IN PDF DIRECTLY FROM THIS LINK:
https://www.dur.ac.uk/resources/theology.religion/MFLPatristicLectionaryYear1and2COMBINED.pdf

Understandably, modern exegetes are hesitant about adopting the ancient church’s hermeneutical practices. Rather than attempt to rationalize or resolve patristic exegesis, this paper will propose how modern hermeneutics can incorporate the interpretive practices of the patristic era. Ultimately, a genuinely “Christian” interpretation of Scripture will conform to the “Christotelic” trajectories of interpretation exemplified by Christ, the apostles, and the patristic fathers, while recognizing that advances in biblical criticism can supplement patristic methodologies. Assumed here is the belief that a “Christian” hermeneutic necessarily patterns itself (at the very least) after Christ and the apostles (if not also church tradition). Any other exegesis that does not follow the example of Christ or the apostles, such as modern historical-grammatical hermeneutics, is essentially foreign to traditional Christianity.

Desde los días de Esdras surgió en Israel una escuela de estudiantes profesionales de la ley que dedicaron todo su tiempo y su pensamiento a la investigación y determinación de asuntos relacionados con la revelación divina .Los tales fueron llamados escribas o rabies, y una buena parte de lo que ahora forma el canon del AT, es producto de sus afanes y pericias.

The notion that there existed a distinction between so-called "Alexandrian" and "Antiochene" exegesis in the ancient church has become a common assumption among theologians. The typical belief is that Alexandria promoted an allegorical reading of Scripture, whereas Antioch endorsed a literal approach. However, church historians have long since recognized that this distinction is neither wholly accurate nor helpful to understanding ancient Christian hermeneutics. Indeed, neither school of interpretation sanctioned the practice of just one exegetical method. Rather, both Alexandrian and Antiochene theologians were expedient hermeneuts, meaning they utilized whichever exegetical practice (allegory, typology, literal, historical) that would supply them with their desired theology or interpretive conclusion. The difference between Alexandria and Antioch was not exegetical; it was theological. In other words, it was their respective theological paradigms that dictated their exegetical practices, allowing them to utilize whichever hermeneutical method was most expedient for their theological purposes. Ultimately, neither Alexandrian nor Antiochene exegetes possessed a greater respect for the biblical text over the other, nor did they adhere to modern-day historical-grammatical hermeneutics as theologians would like to believe.

This article provides brief overview of scholarship on the questions of Arius theological belonging and philosophical influences on his teachings. The main thesis is that Arius himself was rather a conservative theologian (traditionalist) and that as such he belonged to the older Alexandrian theological tradition, in contrast to Alexander and Athanasius, who are seen as representatives of the modern (progressive) group. This view provides solution for many unresolved questions, such as the rapid spread of ‘Arianism’ as well as refusal of the majority of those labeled ‘Arian’ to accept this label both for their person and their theology.

Severian of Gabala bibliography (including pseudo-Severiana) and table of editions.

New version 10 (23 March 23)

There is only one new entry since version 9.

Please forward details of any new Severian related publications (both studies focused on Severian and those which include discussion on some aspect of Severian and his oeuvre) to [email protected]

Next update: May 2023.

[email protected]