Globalisation and the labour market

Die Kritische Sozialwissenschaft hat in den letzten Jahrzehnten wichtige Beiträge zur Erforschung der Globalisierung geleistet. In diesem Band sind die zentralen Themen aufgegriffen. Zu den brennenden aktuellen Themen, die von kritischen Wissenschaftler_innen mit Blick auf die Globalisierungsfolgen bearbeitet wurden, gehören die politisch-ökonomische Rolle der USA, die sich verändernden Nord-Süd-Beziehungen, die globale Finanzkrise, der Wandel betrieblicher Interessenvertretung und sich wandelnde Geschlechter- und Reproduktionsverhältnisse.

This article reviews conventional theories about various aspects of labor migration: Its origins, stability over time, and patterns of migrant settlement. For each of these aspects, we provide alternative explanatory hypotheses derived from the notions of increasing articulation of the international system and the social embeddedness of its various subprocesses, including labor flows. A typology of sources and outcomes of contemporary immigration is presented as an heuristic device to organize the diversity of such movements as described in the empirical literature.

Over 90 per cent of the goods we use – from our smartphones to the fuel in our cars – are transported by ships. The cargo shipping industry is the most globalised industry in the world, yet we know very little about the context in which these ships operate or the ways in which seafaring labour is organised. Drawing on evidence from South Africa and the Philippines, I will provide an account of globalisation, seafaring labour markets and the state that allows us to understand how processes of globalisation unfold in this industry. I will show that globalisation does not always mean a ‘race to the bottom’ for workers: labour solidarity and interventionist states shape globalisation as much as ship owners do. This has important implications for broader understandings of work, labour markets, technology and the ways in which the geographies of labour and capital are reconfigured. Scholars, policy makers, students and those with a general interest in globalisation and labour will find this presentation of some interest as it provides a revelatory account of an industry about which little is generally known.

Desde la década de 1980 del siglo pasado, el mercado de trabajo y las
relaciones laborales en América Latina se vieron afectados por la flexibilización y la precarización del trabajo. La desregulación de las relaciones laborales y la consecuente disminución de la protección del trabajo, tuvo la finalidad de aminorar los costos empresariales, incrementar las ganancias para las empresas e incentivar la inversión y la captación de inversiones extranjeras. Siguiendo los dictados del neoliberalismo, se desplegó un nuevo entorno sociolaboral en la región que ha marcado una particular y creciente heterogeneidad en los mercados de trabajo y un notable deterioro de las condiciones de vida

The Internet has revolutionized work and is transforming the job markets. With the aid of some illustrative case studies, we analyze and discuss how the Internet has changed the job market and its impact on society. We identify the impact of the Internet on traditional job markets and show how a number of new, Internet-based online job markets have emerged. For the traditional job market, the Internet increases access to employment-related information and expands the geographic span of the job market. The new online markets have the potential to significantly transform work where knowledge and digital content is produced.

"The Report presents insights which illuminates the intertwinements of European regulatory policies and global governance arrangements. By pinning down the exact nature of the interaction between these two levels, the EU’s dilemma becomes obvious: On the one hand, stronger global governance can be a chance, through which the EU can clarify its own raison d’être of increased integration to the wider world. On the other hand, the design of the European project is being challenged by more assertive global structures. This is especially the case in relation to the WTO regime, which is constraining the decisional autonomy of the EU, regarding the appropriateness of its content and its external effects. Thus, the regulation of services in the EU and the WTO are discussed in the first section of this report. Section two focuses on labour standards, which are analysed from different angles in order to clarify the functions of the WTO and the ILO, multinational companies as well as other private actors within this specific field. The final section deals with the legitimacy problematic of transnational governance.

Table of contents:

Introduction
Christian Joerges and Poul F. Kjaer

Section One: Freedom of Services

Chapter 1
The Multiple Understandings of Conflict between Trade in
Services and Labour Protection
Alexia Herwig
Chapter 2
Competing in Markets, not Rules:
The Conflict over the Single Services Market
Susanne K. Schmidt
Chapter 3
Competitiveness and Labour Protection: A Comment
Markus Krajewski
Section Two: Labour Standards
Chapter 4
WTO and ILO: Can Social Responsibility be maintained
in International Trade?
Josef Falke
Chapter 5
Reframing RECON: Perspectives on Transnationalisation and
Post-national Democracy from Labour Law
Claire Methven O’Brien
Chapter 6
Transnational Governance and Human Rights: The Obligations of
Private Actors in the Global Context
Regina Kreide
Section Three: The Legitimacy of Transnational Governance
Chapter 7
Legitimacy through Precaution in European Regulation of GMOs?
From the Standpoint of Governance as Analytical Perspective
Maria Weimer
Chapter 8
The Justice Deficit of the EU and other International Organisations
Jürgen Neyer
Chapter 9
Towards Normative Legitimacy of the World Trade Order
Alexia Herwig and Thorsten Hüller
Chapter 10
From Utopia to Apology – The Return to Inter-state Justice
in Normative IR Scholarship: Comments on Neyer and
Herwig & Hüller
Jens Steffek"

The nature of the contemporary global political economy and the significance of the current crisis are a matter of wide-ranging intellectual and political debate, which has contributed to a revival of interest in Marx’s critique of political economy. This book interrogates such a critique within the broader framework of the history of political economy, and offers a new appreciation of its contemporary relevance.
A distinctive feature of this study is its use of the new historical critical edition of the writings of Marx and Engels (MEGA²), their partially unpublished notebooks in particular. The sheer volume of this material forces a renewed encounter with Marx. It demonstrates that the international sphere and non-European societies had an increasing importance in his research, which developed the scientific elements elaborated by Marx’s predecessors.
This book questions widespread assumptions that the nation-state was the starting point for the analysis of development. It explores the international foundations of political economy, from mercantilism to Adam Smith and David Ricardo and to Hegel, and investigates how the understanding of the international political economy informs the interpretations of history to which it gave rise.
The book then traces the developments of Marx’s critique of political economy from the early 1840s to Capital Volume 1 and shows that his deepening understanding of the laws of capitalist uneven and combined development allowed him to recognise the growth of a world working class. Marx’s work thus offers the necessary categories to develop an alternative to methodological nationalism and Eurocentrism grounded in a critique of political economy.
This book is essential reading for anyone interested in the development of Marx’s thought and in the foundations of International Political Economy.

For around fifteen years now, anthropology has been engaged in the study of neoliberalism. What contribution does the discipline have to make to a debate largely monopolized by economics and political science? To answer this question, the present article returns to the major texts and highlights the three perspectives from which anthropology has approached neoliberal expansion: culturalist, systemic and the approach based on governmentality. Each has its own epistemological presuppositions and a specific conception of anthropology, globalization and neoliberalism. The article highlights the relevance and limitations of these approaches.

¿De qué muere México?

Junto a las miserias modernas, nos agobia toda una serie de miserias heredadas, fruto de la supervivencia de tipos de producción antiquísimos y ya caducos, con todo su séquito de relaciones políticas y sociales anacrónicas. No sólo nos atormentan los vivos, sino también los muertos. (Marx, 1867)

Si tuviésemos la oportunidad de mirar a México desde algún punto del futuro, seguramente nos estremeceríamos al ver el remolino de contingencias en el que se hunde, y con dolorosa urgencia nos preguntaríamos ¿por qué ocurrió así?

Pero, hoy, el problema es comprender nuestra situación desde el punto de vista que nos es accesible: el presente. Y, desde este punto de vista, lo cierto es no sólo que nuestros días se encuentran tensados por la pobreza, el desempleo y la violencia, sino más todavía, que desde la perspectiva ciudadana parecería no haber solución si no nos dotamos de otra clase política: la actual carece de entereza moral, de inteligencia estratégica, de responsabilidad y vocación pública para sacar al país del hundimiento.

“México frente a la escoria ladrona” es un estudio sobre la indignante situación que padece nuestro país. Se trata de las ilegalidades sistemáticas efectuadas por los gobernantes en contra invariablemente de sus ciudadanías. Se trata de un entramado institucional que establece los privilegios depredatorios para la coalición gobernante. Se trata, inequívocamente, de una “isla despótica” que mantiene, acentuadas, todas las lacras autoritarias e ilegales del Estado mexicano, con efectos profundamente lesivos para el bienestar público. Como si su reloj histórico se hubiese detenido antes de ajustarse con el de Occidente, y la hora de la modernidad quedara en una inalcanzable promesa.

Este libro describe la expoliación sistemática y paralizante con la que se enfrenta la sociedad mexicana. Sin embargo, para su autor, Álvaro de Regil, pensar el problema de México sólo como una cuestión de orden moral equivale a considerar que los expoliadores, la escoria ladrona, tendrían que humanizar su trato hacia los ciudadanos y ser honestos con la cosa pública. Esto es, en efecto, ir en contra de la naturaleza del actual régimen el querer inyectarle moralidad. Además, una estrategia de este tipo no acaba con la ingobernabilidad y el desgobierno, porque la expoliación se ha recrudecido y reproducido bajo su pervertida modalidad
estatalizada.

De Regil tematiza amplia y críticamente este sistema institucional y su incapacidad para procesar los desafíos planteados por el entorno. Más aún, el autor lleva su reflexión allende la mera crítica de los efectos perversos del neoliberalismo, y explora un terreno escabroso y silenciado: las tareas pendientes de la ciudadanía. En este campo, puntualiza las notas del concepto moderno reclamando sus condiciones fundamentales: participación, derechos y pertenencia. Esto es, somos lo que somos, en virtud de nuestra participación (activa o pasiva) en la vida general de nuestra sociedad. De ahí que su propuesta final sea un
llamado a la acción para desprendernos como ciudadanos de las miserias heredadas, como diría Marx, que mantienen a México en agonía.

En afinidad con ello, “México frente a la escoria ladrona” reconstruye dimensiones reveladoras sobre el trasfondo de los procesos políticos y su significación en el debate nacional e internacional. Comprender el carácter y el “telos” de esta situación en la que está atrapado el país nos permitirá evaluar nuestro ser ciudadano y saber hacia dónde nos dirigimos.

Guadalupe Lizárraga
Periodista y escritora independiente


___


What is Mexico dying of?

Next to the miseries of modernity, a whole series of inherited miseries distress us, a by-product of the resilience of ancient forms of production already outdated, with all their entourage of anachronistic political and social relations. Not only those alive besiege us, but also the dead. (Marx, 1867)

If we had the chance to look at Mexico from a point in the future, surely we would shudder at seeing the whirlwind of contingencies in which it sinks, and with painful urgency we would ask ourselves, why did it happen this way?

Yet today the problem is to understand our situation from the point of view that we have access to: the present. And, from this vision, the truth is not only that daily we are stressed out by poverty, unemployment and violence, but, all the more, by, from the citizen’s perspective, the lack of solutions, unless we endow ourselves with another political class: for the current one lacks moral stature, strategic intelligence, public responsibility and vocation to lift the country from its sinking.

"Mexico vis-à-vis the Robber Scum" is an assessment of the outrageous situation endured by our country. It is about the systemic illegalities executed by those in government invariably against the citizenry. It is about an institutional edifice that establishes predatory privileges for the coalition in power. It is about, unequivocally, a “despotic island” that maintains, exacerbated, all the authoritarian and illegal depravities of the Mexican State, with repercussions deeply damaging of our social wellbeing; as if its historical clock had stopped before adjusting to the West, and the time of modernity remained an unreachable promise.

This book describes the systematic and paralysing plundering that Mexican society is facing up to. Nonetheless, for its author, Álvaro de Regil, to think about Mexico’s problems just as a matter of moral order is tantamount considering the predators, the robber scum, would need to humanise how they deal with the citizenry and be upright with the public matter. For this, to infuse morality, is indeed to go against the nature of the current regime. Moreover, a strategy of this kind does not end with the ungovernability and misgovernment, for the plundering has been exacerbated by the institutionalisation of a perverse method.

De Regil compartmentalises comprehensively and critically the institutional system and its incapacity to process the challenges posed by today’s environs. Even more, the author ponders beyond the mere critique of the perverse effects of neoliberalism, and explores a grim and subdued terrain: the pending responsibilities of the citizenry. In this area, he underscores the issues of the modern concept of democracy, demanding the fundamental conditions: participation, rights and empowerment. That is, we are what we are, by virtue of our participation (active or passive) in the public life of our society. Hence his final proposal is a call to action to get rid of, as citizens, the inherited miseries, as Marx would say, that keep Mexico in agony.

In sync with this vision, "Mexico vis-à-vis the Robber Scum" puts together quite revealing dimensions of the undertones of the political process and their meaning in the national and international debate. To grasp the character and the motives of this agony in which Mexico is trapped will allow us to assess our life as citizens and to know where we are heading.

Guadalupe Lizárraga

Independent journalist and writer

In 2005, the Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC) embarked on an ambitious agenda to represent and organize domestic
workers, despite them being legally and culturally considered non-workers and servants. Due to the exclusion of domestic workers
from the local industrial relations and the non-traditional nature of domestic work, the formation of a functioning Domestic Workers’
Association has yet to be fully achieved. The registration of the association has also been twice rejected by the State within the
span of ten years. In response, MTUC focused on reforming the labour laws that excludes and restricts domestic workers to organize
as workers by mobilizing its institutional and coalitional power resources. Successes were made in labour policy reforms such as
allowing days off for domestic workers, depositing wages through the banks and the prohibition of the withholding of passports
by employers. Internal organizational reforms were also undertaken to address the different precarities confronted by the mostly
female and migrant domestic workers in Malaysia and to strengthen the capability of the union to build associational power. Based
on field research and documentary analysis, this case study advances the strategic importance of understanding the dimensions of
precarity specific to domestic workers; the organizational reforms MTUC underwent in addressing domestic worker issues; and how
far the MTUC can reform and strategize to develop new power resources and capabilities in organizing domestic workers in Malaysia.

In the past five to ten years many of the emerging economies experienced considerable social unrest – a fact that sits awkwardly with the success stories of rising powers from the global south that were promulgated by numerous social scientists, among them left-wing and progressive ones. In this text, I will look closely at the relationship between mass strikes and street protests and its implications for class politics, focussing on the recent protest movements in India and Brazil. Both countries are emerging global powers with high rates of economic growth that have experienced huge social protests in recent years. While the street protests in both countries attracted a lot of international attention, the mass strikes have only been covered in the national media.

The UK Commission for Employment and Skills is a social partnership, led by Commissioners from large and small employers, trade unions and the voluntary sector. Our mission is to raise skill levels to help drive enterprise, create more and better jobs and promote economic growth. Our strategic objectives are to:

This article centres on the interaction between transnational families, the global labour market and migration policies of receiving nation-states. Transnational families act as hubs of migration decision-making, directed towards individual or collective economic development and social welfare, structured by the family life cycle. This cycle influences family members' global migration patterns, material and emotional exchanges, and care circulation across generations within the transnational family. During the past two decades, globalization has propelled millions of economic migrants from poor sending-nations to seek employment in affluent receiving-nations, notwithstanding national migration policies trending towards tightening border controls. Tracing the interface between transnational families' decentralized migration decision-making and centralized state efforts to deter migration reveals intra-familial material sacrifices and emotional tensions arising between migrant parents and their stay-behind spouses and children. This introduction models temporal and spatial aspects of transnational family decision-making, indicating when and how affluent receiving nation-state's policies on border crossing entry and circular migration may influence the development aspirations, welfare-creation strategies and the ways and means of provisioning family life cycle care needs within transnational families.

Today we live in a world of “deep integration”(Dicken, 2004 p. 8). This deep integration is upon us through the rapidly growing phenomenon of globalization and has since become the ‘buzzword’ (Ellwood, 2001) of our modern era.  Never before in human history has there existed such an intense relationship between global trade, communication and politics. This essay will discuss globalisation, its causes and effects, followed by a critical evaluation of Bauman et al. (2001) article, “Anti-Globos” and evaluate if the social effects of globalisation should provoke moral outcry.

del trabajo en Brasil. El crecimiento económico y los efectos de las políticas laborales", en Nueva Sociedad, núm. 239. Lavinas, Lena (2012) "Desafíos de la política social de Brasil: ¿cómo mantener el crecimiento económico con inclusión social?", en Revista Ciencias Sociales. Lemus Barahona, Leslie (2011) "De la formalidad a la empleabilidad: ¿prolongada transición o modelo híbrido del mercado laboral? Las trayectorias laborales del campo profesional de la ingeniería industrial en Costa Rica", en Revista Centroamericana de Ciencias Sociales, vol. 8, núm. 1.

Never before has the term ‘circular migration’ been used and mentioned by so many diverse actors ranging from scholars, think tank experts, policy makers, migration stakeholders, and officials from the European Union (EU), the United Nations and the World Bank. Over the last seven years or so, a plethora of studies, reports, policy briefs, communications and recommendations have been produced to address the logic and relevance of circular migration.
Clearly, in the West, this plethoric production coincides with the renewed attention paid by European leaders to the regulated temporary stay of foreign workers. In 2005, the Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) underlined ‘the need to grasp the developmental opportunities that this important shift (i.e., circular migration) in migration patterns provides for countries of origin’, even if, as noted by Stephen Castles, this positive assumption of circular migration remained undefined in the GCIM Report. The same year, the European Commission presented policy recommendations aimed at ‘encouraging circular migration, by giving a priority for further temporary employment to workers who have already worked under such schemes and have returned at the end of their contract, and also offering appropriate rewards to participating migrants’. Later, in May 2007, the European Commission defined circular migration ‘as a form of migration that is managed in a way allowing some degree of legal mobility back and forth between two countries’.
The objective of this chapter is not to review the literature that has proliferated like a ripple effect on circular migration over the last few years, nor is it aimed at explaining whether ‘circular migration programmes’ are a winner in the so-called management of international migration, serving the interests of countries of destination and of origin as well as those of migrants. Rather, this chapter sets out to contextualise the introduction of EU-sponsored circular migration programmes while explaining that something anchored in the past may account for policy-makers’ current focus on temporary and circular migration. In other words, this chapter shows that circular migration programmes do not only build upon past practices designed to regulate the movement of international migrants (e.g., with temporary labour migrant schemes); they also react against such inherited practices in a subtle manner by linking the adoption of temporary and circular migration programmes with new security-driven safeguards. This unquestioned though questionable linkage is reflective of the consolidation of powerful drivers and predominant schemes of understanding that today structure migration talks and orient policy options as applied to the management of international migration.

No weakening, but rather an expansion, of statehood can be observed in the contemporary world. This does not, on the other hand, imply that extensive forms of constitutional ordering do not exist outside the realm of states. Instead, the evolution of world society has been characterized by a protracted dual movement where the expansion and densification of statehood and autonomous forms of transnational ordering gradually emerged in a mutually constitutive fashion. One implication of this is that neither the concept of the state nor the concept of nonstate transnational entities is adequately capable of delineating the object of constitutional analysis. Instead, the concept of normative orders has been introduced as an overarching category capable of identifying the contexts within which constitutional ordering emerges.
Subsequently, a distinction between the internal and external dimensions of the law of normative orders has been introduced, specifying them as respectively oriented towards establishing internal condensation of a given normative order and external compatibility between different normative orders. With this background, a framework for the analysis of constitutional frameworks of normative orders is developed. The central element is a distinction among three dimensions: First, a constitution implies a coupling between a constitutional object, in the form of a hierarchical organization of a given normative order capable of reproducing an autonomous source of authority, and a concordant legal framework. Second, constitutionalization implies a coupling between an internal reconstruction of an external constitutional subject within the constitutional object, and the register of legal rights, establishing a framework for exchanges between the constitutional object and the wider world as represented by the constitutional subject. Third, constitutionalism denotes the institutionalization of a double function, in the form of a principle-based and legally fortified striving toward universal inclusion, providing a sense of direction in time through an articulated form of constitutional consciousness.
The insights developed are briefly illustrated by the case of the global Fairtrade Certification System.

Command economy carryovers and recently implemented labor relation models mark Vietnam’s engagement with global capitalism. Numerous social and economic entitlements are tied to household registration policies, whereas tripartitism is increasingly the mode through which labor and social protections are accessed.Trade unions have a newfound dual function—they must meet the needs of both party and workers.This structural framing shapes workers’ precariousness, marked by insecure work and changing “traditional” social support institutions, particularly the family and community. Insecure work and changing social protections orbit around one another, yet this precariousness is managed through new, worker-initiated support networks.

The concept of embeddedness plays a central role in the segment of economic sociology and social theory which is inspired by the works of Karl Polanyi. But to the extent that embeddedness is understood in a substantialist manner, implying the existence of a unitary lifeworld, the desire for embeddedness is an impossible aspiration under modern conditions. Throughout the modern era it is however possible to observe the emergence of complex societal stabilization mechanisms, which serve as substitutes to traditional forms of embeddedness. The emergence of function specific cultures, in the form of, for example, legal, political and scientific cultures, establishing a ‘second nature’ in the Hegelian sense, is one example of this. Other examples are (neo-)corporatist institutions which fulfilled a central stabilising role in classical modernity and the kind of network based governance arrangements which fulfil a similar position in today’s radicalised modernity.

Often times, new immigrants to Canada are encouraged to perform volunteer work in order to gain sufficient 'Canadian experience' to improve their access to the Canadian labour
market. Many of these immigrants experience the paradox of '“occupational skidding.” Canadian immigration policy makes a priority in attracting highly educated and highly skilled immigrants to Canada, but they end up working in a different field to which they have training, talent and expertise. This leads to a lose-lose-lose situation, as it is a net loss for the country of origin, for Canada, and for the migrants themselves.

This case study is part of a larger research on the connections between informal learning and volunteer work, which in turn is part of the WALL (Work and Lifelong Learning) research
project. It was conducted in partnership with A Commitment to Training and Employment for Women (ACTEW). The methodology for data collection included interviews and focus groups with 45 immigrants from 17 different countries. It also included a focus group with representatives from social agencies serving new immigrants. This paper focusses on the
learning dimension of the volunteer experience. It examines what was learned through the volunteer placements, how that learning was acquired, and what impact the learning had on their ability to find paid employment appropriate to their education and work experience. Particular attention was paid to issues of de-skilling, up-skilling and re-skilling.

This report examines what people learn as they become involved in urban social movements. The report examines learning processes in three distinct sites; a cooperative, a local assembly and a street protest. The report argues that through organizing, developing tactics and confronting institutions of power, people gain skills and produce knowledge that in itself constitutes social change. Also, the report shows how the availability of new discourses in Latin American popular politics and traditional discourses in Argentinean society influences learning. Griffin Foley’s contestation framework is used to highlight how these learning processes are often conflictual, ambiguous and non-linear.

The rise of neo-liberal globalisation in the 1980s impacted the industrial trajectories of developing countries, signalling the shift from 'the development project' to the 'globalisation project'. Within the legacy of neo-liberal globalisation, many countries became production nodes within global commodity chains, exploiting their comparative advantage in cheap labour. Looking at the case of the Delhi export-oriented garment sector, this paper shows how labour 'cheapness' in global production is realised through the use of those 'traditional' social structures already fundamental in regulating the Indian informal economy. In this way, such structures acquire new regulatory roles also within neo-liberal 'global' production. Specifically, they become transnational modes of exploitation by subjugating labour both locally and globally. The subsumption of the Indian social structure into the contemporary global capitalist architecture determines the shift from labour informality to a broader process of informalisation of labour.

This paper is analysing and summarising the impact of globalisation on social and cultural values of India. For this, a number of research papers have been reviewed, presented and corroborated in this paper. In this paper social and cultural issues like gender inequality, equal opportunities, family structure and values, social security net, life style, administration, education, technology, healthcare system, festivals, language, music, literature, cinema, television and drugs and trafficking been discussed on the basis of prior research works. The findings from those works have been summarized and presented in this paper.

This paper uses qualitative analysis for assessing the impact of the globalization on distribution of income, poverty and inequality in India and arrives as different conclusions. It has been concluded that the absolute poverty in India with the increasing globalization has fallen significantly by at the same time inequity has increased. To measure globalization KOF Index has been used and for inequality Gini Index has been used. JEL Classification: D63, I30, F60, F63

The post-World War II reconstruction of global trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) has been a significant topic of discussion in the analyses of numerous bilateral economic relations, including those that are located in Asia Pacific.  Since the reconstruction, Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) have increasingly internalised trade and FDI in markets where they are active.  Markets and MNE activities have grown together while governments have become more responsive to this process.  This paper discusses the above process along with an analysis of the rise and development of the economic relationship between Australia and Japan from the immediate post-World War II phase through Australia’s neo-liberal trade policy phase.  The post-World War II relationship began in the 1950s, and grew during the Cold War years, the end of which has created competitive pressures on the Australian economy.  Australia has tried to overcome this by progressively adapting a unilateral neo-liberal trade policy and encouraging its trade and investment partners to do the same, unsuccessfully in most cases where such partners have extensive state subsidy structures in place.  The paper discusses the effects of major events such as the Plaza Accord and the end of Japan’s ‘bubble economy’ on the relationship.  The discussion extends into the development of new challenges in the 2010s.

We appraise the impact of various indicators of active and passive labour-market policies within the framework of the Beveridge curve across 14 OECD countries from 1985 to 2013, controlling for a wide spectrum of other factors, both institutional (tax wedge, employment protection legislation) and structural (technological progress, globalisation). We embed the role of all these variables within the specification of the Beveridge curve, avoiding the potential pitfalls of two-step approaches. We find that the generosity of unemployment benefits has a detrimental impact on labour-market matching, with the duration of benefits taking a key role in driving this result. Among active labour-market policies, employment incentives and especially training have a favourable effect on matching. There is also some evidence of a virtuous interaction between active and passive policies. A significantly detrimental role emerges for the tax wedge. These results are consistent across various specific...

We appraise the impact of various indicators of active and passive labour-market  policies  within  the  framework  of  the  Beveridge  curve  across  14 OECD countries from 1985 to 2013, controlling for a wide spectrum of other factors, both institutional  (tax  wedge,  employment  protection  legislation)  and  structural  (technological  progress,  globalisation).  We  embed  the  role  of  all  these  variables  within the specification of the Beveridge curve, avoiding the potential pitfalls of two-step  approaches.  We  find  that  the  generosity  of  unemployment  benefits  has  a  detrimental impact on labour-market matching, with the duration of benefits taking a key role in driving this result. Among active labour-market policies, employment incentives and especially training have a favourable effect on matching. There is also some  evidence  of  a  virtuous  interaction  between  active  and  passive  policies.  A  significantly detrimental role emerges for the tax wedge. These results are consistent across various specifications, and structural relationships are stable throughout the 2008–2013 period.
JEL Classification Codes: E24, J20, F60, O40
Keywords: Unemployment, vacancies, training, unemployment benefits

Globalization and its regional and local impacts have an important role in today’s economics. Paradoxically, challenges arising from the unification of the world have strengthened the need for regional and local answers. Transformation of the labor market requires re-evaluation of the notion of labor, which changes the perspective on the issue of employment. The solution for global lack of employment is increasingly sought with a focus on sustainability and social inclusion at regional and local levels. The European Union’s employment policy determines and sets limits on employment-related objectives and efforts of nation states. Europe and Hungary have no experience of regionally differentiated employment policy; however, a regional employment policy would be reasonable. I analyzed aims and employment policy tools of Central-Eastern European countries’ employment policies to develop recommendations for a regional employment policy in Hungary. The method is analysis of available statistical data, the study and critical analysis of the situation.

"This book develops a sociologically informed theory of constitutionalism in the global realm, addressing both national and transnational forms of constitutional ordering. The book begins with the argument that current approaches to constitutionalism remain tied to a state-based conception of constitutions, and overlooks underlying structural transformations that trigger the emergence of constitutional forms of ordering. Poul F. Kjaer aims to address this shortcoming by offering a sociological and historically informed analysis of the evolution of constitutionalism in the face of globalisation. The analysis contextualises on-going constitutional developments through the use of a long-term historical perspective, which is capable of highlighting the impact of deeper structural transformations unfolding within society.
The book looks at the ways in which national and transnational legal forms have evolved alongside one another. It demonstrates that the formation of global constitutions has not resulted in a corresponding decrease in the power of nation states, but instead, legal and political aspects of both the nation state and the transnational have been reconfigured and intensified in a mutually supportive manner.
In combining insights from a range of fields, this interdisciplinary book will be of great interest to students and scholars of constitutional law, sociology, global governance studies, and legal, social and political theory.

List of Content
1. Introduction: The Metamorphosis of Constitutionalism
Part 1: Structural Transformations
2. The Implosion of the Euro-Centric World
3. The Multiplicity of Normative Orders in World Society
Part 2: Re-configurations of Law and the Political
4. The Law within and in-between Normative Orders
5. The Political within and in-between Normative Orders
Part 3: Constitutional Stabilisation
6. The Breakdown of Constitutional Ordering through Globalisation-induced Crises
7.The Transmutation of Constitutional Ordering
8.Re-calibrating the Constitutional Concept
9. Conclusion

Reviews and Review essays:
- Aldo Mascareño: Revista de Ciencia Política, 36, 2, 587 – 592, 2016.
- Gregory Shaffer: ‘Law, Constitutionalism and World Society: Kjaer, Kratochwil,
and global (dis)order’, International Journal of Constitutional Law, 13, 4, 1063–1077, 2015.
-    Alfons Bora: Zeitschrift für Rechtssoziologie, 35, 1, 152-156, 2015.
- Grahame Thompson: ‘Socializing the Constitution?’, Economy and Society, 44, 3, 480 – 93, 2015.

V času pandemije smo priče vsesplošnemu pozivanju k humanosti. Politiki kar tekmujejo, kdo se bo bolj odločno zavzemal za humano družbo, za varovanje življenja pred ekonomijo in zaščito vseh posameznikov pred boleznijo.

In the times of pandemic, we are witnessing a general appeal for humanity. Politicians are competing among themselves who will more determinately stand up for the humankind, for protecting lives before the economy and individuals before malady.

Often times, new immigrants to Canada are encouraged to perform volunteer work in order to gain sufficient 'Canadian experience' to improve their access to the Canadian labour market. Many of these immigrants experience the paradox of '"occupational skidding." Canadian immigration policy makes a priority in attracting highly educated and highly skilled immigrants to Canada, but they end up working in a different field to which they have training, talent and expertise. This leads to a lose-lose-lose situation, as it is a net loss for the country of origin, for Canada, and for the migrants themselves.