Geneaology

Ricerca genealogica della famiglia Colledanchise di Alghero, un piccolo nucleo familiare che fa capo ad Aristide Colledanchise, trapiantato da Rotello in Sardegna durante la seconda guerra mondiale. I Colledanchise riscoprono i loro legami con il Molise, dove i figli e i nipoti di Aristide non sono mai stati, e anziché a Rotello, loro unico punto di riferimento perché patria del papà, dei nonni e dei bisnonni, finiscono per approdare, immaginiamo con loro grande sorpresa, nella loro terra di origine che prima ancora di Rotello è stata Toro, passando per Serracapriola.

Che cos’è il romanzo familiare? È possibile considerarlo una categoria critica che ci aiuti a leggere alcune opere pubblicate a partire dalla seconda metà dell’Ottocento? Concentrandosi sul panorama italiano, «Non poteva staccarsene senza lacerarsi» prova a rispondere a queste domande, ripercorrendo alcune tappe centrali della fortuna del genere.
Figura tra le più rilevanti del nostro immaginario sociale, la famiglia viene qui osservata attraverso le sue rappresentazioni letterarie: protagonista collettivo del racconto, lo struttura nella forma e ne determina i temi. La prospettiva genealogica del volume offre così la possibilità di ricostruire una fase poco nota della storia del novel e di guardare alla trasformazione dell’idea di famiglia in un’ottica inedita.

The genealogy of Etty Hillesum's paternal family tree up to her great grandparents Samuel Meijer Hillesum & Hester Jeremias Snoek is published in Klaas A.D. Smelik (ed.), "Etty Hillesum, weer thuis in Middelburg", Antwerpen: Garant, 2015, pp. 189-197.

About the Original Habitat of Chitpavan Brahmins on the banks of the Sarasvati River in present-day Uttarakhanda and at Ahichchhatra in present day U.P.
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Books by this author - Vibhakar V. Lele- in the series – ‘Origins of Chitpavan Brahmins’:

1. Vol. 1. Origins of Chitpavan Brahmins - Chitpavan Konkanastha 
Brahmins’ History [Proto- and Pre-] - 532 pages/
Published Print copy available on Pothi.com at
₹ 1500/-
https://pothi.com/pothi/book/vibhakar-vitthal-lele-chitpavan-konkanastha-brahmins-history-proto-and-pre
**
Abridged edition of above book as
2. Essentials Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins' History (Proto- and Pre) - 406 pages
₹ 900/-
Available on Pothi.com as printed book at
https://pothi.com/pothi/book/vibhakar-vitthal-lele-essentials-chitpavan-konkanastha-brahmins-history-proto-and-pre
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ii. As e-book on Pothi.com as ebook7539 at Rs. 400/-
***
3. Vol. 2. Sarasvati River - Ancestral Home of Chitpavan Brahmins - 245 pages/
₹ 500/-
Available as printed book on Pothi. com at-
https://pothi.com/pothi/book/vibhakar-vitthal-lele-chitpavans-ancestral-home-sarasvati-river
**
ii. As e-book on Pothi.com as ebook7538 at Rs.300/-
****
This book is a sequel to the book ‘Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins’ History [Pre- And Proto-]’. Like the previous book, it further takes the story to its final logical conclusion. It shows categorically that the Original Home of the Chitpavan Brahmins’ ancestors was right on the banks of the ancient Vedic River Sarasvati, near its origin in the Himalayas in the region now known as Uttarakhanda of India.

This book was possible owing to impromptu feedback by Dr. Ambujkishore Jha, MBBS, from Mumbai. He came across my Chitpavan Origins Book on academia.edu. After reading it, he said
that he was very much impressed and wrote to me a mail. These details are furnished in this book at appropriate places.

As informed by him, the historic narration is due Mr. Ramakrishna Jha, his grandfather, a scholar of Vedic History. He had passed on the history to Dr. Jha. This would not be an isolated piece of history related to their own ancestors who were domiciled on the Sarasvati River banks, at its origin in the Vedic times.

The Chitpavan Brahmins ancestors were called ‘Agnihotri Brahmins’ then and were the neighbours of the Maithili Brahmins’ ancestors in the region to their north-east as narrated.

In the book on Chitpavan Brahmins Origins of this author, it was seen that the historic connection to Ahichhatra, with due evidence, was provided by the Kannada Shashtik Brahmins who shared
common ancestry with Chitpavan Brahmins.

In this case, it is the Maithili Brahmins, one time old neighbours of the Chitpavan Brahmins’ ancestors for long since ancient Vedic times, who have come forward to provide the missing link to their ancestral history by emphatically providing the necessary evidence and connection of their ancestral home on the banks of the Vedic
Sarasvati River in the Himalayas.

This author finds the hand of providence in this discovery of the roots of the Chitpavan Brahmins and their ancestry. Had it not been the chance of meeting a longtime friend Mr. K. R. Kodiyal from
Dombivli, this author may not have known the Pre-history of Chitpavan Brahmins’ ancestors from the Kannada sources.

SYNOPSIS:

Flurries of literature have established direct line of consanguinity between the Iwhnuruọhna nation, and the Bini-dynasty. Recent literatures yet suggest otherwise- claiming an equally high ancestry to the Igbo clan. An historical study of the Igbo group involved in the re-invention and desecration of the Iwhnuruọhna ancestry suggests however that such notions- as defeasible or repealable mecha-nisms- were born out of a desire to deliberately control the physical conglomeration of the Ikwerre nation, and strain the meritorious socio-economic and political hygiene of the masses. As proponents of the Iwhnuruọhna nationality seek to firmly establish and assert their rights of territorial sovereignty within Nigeria and beyond, conflicting priorities continue to abound. In expounding on the con-ception of the Iwhnuruọhna nationality as a “sub-group” of the Igbo clan, two questions were established: What might be the motive behind the strong allegiance in the claim of lineal kinship of the Iwhnuruọhna people to the Igbo ancestry? And how might the Ikwerre ancestry be reinterpreted in order to be a useful starting point for asserting their distinctiveness and territorial sovereignty, specifically in relation to its ancestral ties? Drawing heavily upon empirical, anecdotal and practitioner-based knowledge, this paper explores a provocative but as of yet relatively studied facet of the Iwhnuruọhna genealogy, to unveil the concrete records of the cul-tural ingredients latent in the girth of history. The empirical and anecdotal evidence proposed is elicited from an historical analysis and cross-disciplinary interviews used to gather together the range of research data. It argues that the continued conception of the Iwhnuruọhna nationality as a “sub-group” of the Igbo clan is far-fetched, and that such claim only perpetuates the need for assump-tions and generalisations about the true ancestry of the Iwhnuruọhna people. It posits that the history of a political agenda begins with the assumption that kinship in blood is the sole possible ground of a people’s right to political functions, and rightly so citizens who consider themselves to be part of a group claim membership to be founded on common lineage solely for political reasons. It propos-es that perhaps Iwhnuruọhna’s pledge of allegiance to the Bini ancestry on the grounds of consanguinity rather than their Igbo com-peer places the Igbo people in a disadvantaged position, hence threatens their quest for material, human and natural resource control within the Niger-Delta. It thus concludes that the claim of ties with the Igbo group is more or less a puff piece couched to exclude the qualitative aspects of the Ikwerre history, hence a ploy to subject the people of Iwhnuruọhna to a point of unquestioning obedience to their authorities, in order to advance their political agenda.

Keywords: Ancestry, Biafra, Bini-Dynasty, Culture, Neo-Colonialism, Ikwerre Dynasty, Igbo, Law, Politics

In 1990, three family researchers had the fortune of discovering each other nearly simultaneously and began sharing information that became the basis of this study. While nearly all discovered Owstons and Oustons could be traced to one of three families having their origins in the original East Riding of Yorkshire, there was no evidence proving that familial connections existed among the three groups. These families originated in Ganton, Sherburn, and Thornholme in the parish of Burton Agnes.

By utilizing Y-DNA testing at 43 markers, this study sought to discover if the three families could be linked genealogically, although traditional records signifying such did not exist. If connected, it would likely to have been prior to the adoption of English parish registers in 1538.

Results link members of all three families to a common ancestor in the past. While two of the Thornholme subjects did not match anyone else, it has been determined that non-paternal events occurred in these two lines; however, genealogical data has confirmed a paper trail existed to the earliest known ancestor of this family.

Additional results are forthcoming and may assist in determining an Owston ancestral haplotype. At the present, this legacy DNA appears to exist in the form of identical markers found in a member in each of the three families.

There are seven groups in South Asia that claim Israelite descent. Of these, the two that have started practicing Judaism were previously Christian. Thus, the Judaizing movements among them are seen by anthropologists as byproducts of Christianity. Among the five groups that have not yet started following Judaism, four are Muslim and one is Christian. Although they have had traditions of Israelite descent for centuries, they refuse to embrace Judaism or even migrate to Israel, unlike the Christian-turned-Jewish groups in India. There are certain religious Jewish organizations that have been actively involved with the Christian-turned-Jewish groups for the last two decades and have also been instrumental in facilitating the immigration to Israel of a number of members of one of the two groups, the B’nei Menashe. Amishav and Shavei Israel now long for the immigration to Israel of the other Indian claimants of Israelite descent as well, as they believe that the dawn of the messianic era depends on the return of the lost tribes of Israel. Their involvement with such groups in India can have great ramifications for world politics.

Reviewed in the CSANA Newsletter, Samhain, 2007 25.1; NB: for better explanations of the various DNA tests, see https://www.ucl.ac.uk/biosciences/gee/molecular-and-cultural-evolution-lab/genetic-ancestry-tests. My review of Sykes' book did not include discussion of autosomal DNA testing--this test can, with limits, reveal genetic history for both parents.

[Danish: 'Viking romerske herkomst'] [Dutch: 'Viking Romeinse voor ouders'] [French: 'Ascendance romaine Viking'] [Spanish: 'Ascendencia romana vikinga'] [Norwegian: 'Viking romersk herkomst'] [Portuguese: 'Ascendência romana Viking'] [German: 'Viking Roman Ancestry'] [Italian: 'Ascendenza romana vichinga'] [Swedish: 'Viking romerska anor'] This paper is being written mainly as a genealogy, but it does also contain much valuable information as to just why such genealogies exist and/or can be reconstructed with the right knowledge of ancient texts. It is also more evidence of the existence of a royal oligarchy which had many branches, so as to cover many geographic locations and peoples. Because we find that the Viking leaders were of ancient royal ancestry, as the rest of those who were in power and either royal or of papal families, we can better understand just why they were able to do what they did and get away with it. They were, doing publicly, what their royal ancestors had been doing (and what other royals of their time were also doing) in secret (See my work on Royal Supremacy).[I] In terms of the Viking history as it was left to us, as 'Vikings', their " history " as Viking raiders began with the attack on Lindisfarne monastery in 793 CE/AD, and ended with the Battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066 CE/AD, when the Vikings were battling the English army, and the English army had successfully repelled them. Another thing to note, is that the Vikings are credited with various things, particularly, the discovery of America. However, there is evidence that their relatives and ancestors had already known of and visited America. And that explains just how it is that they knew where it was and how to get to it, and back. Though I have not yet written much about it (see my paper 'What Claudius Ptolemy Knew'), I have been meaning to write more about ancient world travel and the evidence that there is for it.[II] There are still a lot of people who do not want to even consider that ancient people had traveled around the world.

While working on Harlech castle and then the Aberconwy Register I suddenly realised that although Llywelyn ab Iorwerth is commonly called the Great these days I have never seen the term used by a contemporary.  The result was some protracted research and this is the result.

What are the origins of the styles and symbols which defined base metal and silver alloy finger rings in Europe in the Medieval Period? Like so many details regarding medieval society, the evolution and diffusion of jewelry amongst the lower classes is difficult to contextualize for a number of reasons. Illiteracy was endemic in the pre-modern world; thus written records from the echelons who actually wore these rings are nonexistent. The thoughts, feelings, religious beliefs and interpersonal exchanges which influenced their choice of adornment must be determined solely from the scant remains at burial sites associated with these populations. But this type of evidence is rare and, when found, is often ambiguous and difficult to interpret. For example, the discovery of an early medieval finger ring with the image of a four-armed cross is an unreliable indicator of this individual's religious beliefs, as cruciform symbols are widely utilized in pagan practices prior to the advent of Christianity. The interpretation of much symbology in the post-classical and early medieval centuries is especially problematic for a number of reasons; including the fragmentation of late Iron Age society, the shifting demographics on the continent, and the gradual assimilation of Christianity into the culture and mindsets of inured to the centuries of pagan beliefs under the Pax Romana. This article will hopefully assist in identifying the origins and routes of transmission of common rings in Europe from late antiquity to the end of the Medieval Period. To-date, there is a limited amount of readily available research in English regarding the dissemination of these ring types in the post-classical period. Much study remains on the development of specific ring typologies and their diffusion from the Eurasian Steppe and Byzantium into the societies of continental Europe. Jewelry from the early Medieval Period is a mixture of numerous traditions, including late classical, Byzantine, Celtic, Germanic and Scandinavian elements; as well as more oriental forms introduced by migratory Eurasian tribes which began arriving in the 4 th century. Influences from the Middle Eastern Caliphates are also apparent; including the 'arabesque' and curvilinear zoomorphic motifs traditional to Islamic art. However, the major impetus for the development of early European art was the adoption of Christianity by the Frankish and Germanic tribes which gradually gained control over the former western provinces between the 4 th and 8 th centuries. It is unlikely the material culture we recognize as " medieval " would have evolved in its recognizable forms without this integration of classical traditions and the ascendancy of Christian theology. The demographics of Europe in the late classical and early Medieval Periods is a confusing agglomeration of displaced populations and migratory tribes of varying ethnicities and trajectories; often in conflict over rights to settle into the fertile lands of the former Roman provinces. These new arrivals often entered into temporarily alliances to solidify their positions in lands newly bereft of imperial control; and inhabited by decimated late provincial populations which possessed few resources for the management of these new arrivals, or the rapidly evolving sets of social dynamics. Relative to the Greco-Roman period or Byzantine Empire, the Migration Period is poorly documented; due not only to widespread political instability and incessant warfare, but also to the relative lack of literacy characteristic to these centuries. In most areas, there were simply not enough people recording contemporary events for a concise historical picture to emerge. It would take generations for medieval

Through an examination of two festivals – Qing Ming and Cap Go Meh – in the town of Singkawang in Indonesian Borneo (Kalimantan), we show how Singkawang-bound Chinese Indonesian tourists and their Singkawang-based relatives produce a diasporic heritage network through ‘moorings’ generated by both transnational and internal migration. Instead of returning to a singular ‘homeland’ in distant China, these tourists return to Chinese-majority Singkawang as a result of their personal genealogical roots and of their broader cultural allegiance with a kind of Chinese-ness that Singkawang has come to represent within a post-Suharto Indonesia. Through these two festivals, we demonstrate how personal heritage practices like ‘roots tourism’ and visiting friends and relatives (VFR) are intimately bound up with identity and developmental politics at local, national and international scales. In so doing, we identify a range of ways in which migratory and tourism flows by Chinese Indonesian internal migrants shape relations to their ancestral hometowns and cultural ‘homelands’ in Indonesia within the context of membership to and participation in a broader transnational diaspora.

In Mad for Foucault, feminist and queer theorist Lynne Huffer returns to the early work of Michel Foucault – specifically History of Madness, first published in France in 1961—in an attempt both to re-evaluate the ways in which queer theory uses Foucault, and to find a new way of doing queer theory. Using Madness as a guide, Huffer theorizes a new “erotic of the archive” through which we can approach a new style of queer critique.

But what is “queer critique?” In phrasing the question this way, I deliberately allude to the question Foucault asked in a lecture presented nearly twenty years after the publication of Madness, but nonetheless, I think, informed very much by Foucault’s original fascination with madness as a topic: the lecture “What is Critique?”, presented at the French Society of Philosophy in 1978. Here, Foucault defends critique against philosophy, reversing the privilege usually afforded to serious philosophy and granting it instead to the “virtue” of critical practice. In doing so, Foucault creates a kind of paradox: critique is useful by virtue of its frivolity, its dependency, and its dispersion.

In examining the question of “queer critique,” I want to draw parallels between the version of “critique” laid out by Foucault in his 1978 lecture, and Lynne Hugger’s call for a Foucault-inspired “erotic of the archive” outlined in Mad for Foucault. Thinking through Foucault’s model of critique – one which traces eventualization – alongside Huffer’s own project of a new kind of erotic, affective relation to queer theory’s intellectual archive, I move away from the traditional reading of citation as an vertical, Oedipal relation (Bersani, Edelman, Derrida, etc.) and towards an understanding of citation as a node of linkage in intersecting and shifting horizontal vectors of intellectual production.

Ziel des Aufsatzes ist es, die vielfältigen und komplexen intermedialen Bezüge, die zwischen "alten" und "neuen" Medien bestehen, aus der Perspektive einer integralen Mediengeschichtsschreibung zu problematisieren. Mit Hilfe des Begriffs der Genealogie wird versucht, die theoretisch anspruchsvollen Konzepte "Intermedialität" und "Intertextualität" in eine für Medienhistoriker fruchtbare Forschungsperspektive zu übersetzen. Konkret wird argumentiert, dass die in der Mediengeschichtsschreibung vorherrschende diachrone Erzählperspektive, meist kombiniert mit einer "Einzelmediumgeschichte", durch stärker synchron orientierte Fragestellungen und Analyseperspektiven ergänzt und erweitert werden sollen.

There are seven groups in South Asia that claim Israelite descent. Of these, the two that have started practicing Judaism were previously Christian. Thus, the Judaizing movements among them are seen by anthropologists as byproducts of Christianity. Among the five groups that have not yet started following Judaism, four are Muslim and one is Christian. Although they have had traditions of Israelite descent for centuries, they refuse to embrace Judaism or even migrate to Israel, unlike the Christian-turned-Jewish groups in India. There are certain religious Jewish organizations that have been actively involved with the Christian-turned-Jewish groups for the last two decades and have also been instrumental in facilitating the immigration to Israel of a number of members of one of the two groups, the B'nei Menashe. Amishav and Shavei Israel now long for the immigration to Israel of the other Indian claimants of Israelite descent as well, as they believe that the dawn of the messiani...

u knjizi talijanskog postoperaističkog mislioca Maurizia Lazzarata, naslovljenoj Proizvodnja zaduženog čovjeka. Esej o neoliberalnom stanju (2013), nalazimo figuru „zaduženog čovjeka“ (homo oeconomicusa ) kao paradigmatsku poziciju subjekta unutar postfordističke financijalizirane neoliberalne ekonomije. Polazeći od teze da je odnos kreditora i dužnika osnova društvenih odnosa na Zapadu, Lazzarato tvrdi da se dug ne može jednostavno promatrati isključivo kao ekonomski mehanizam zbog toga što je on ujedno i tehnika (dispozitiv ) kojom se upravlja individualnim subjektima i kolektivnom sviješću u cjelini, uvodeći ih u poziciju u kojoj su razvlašteni od kritičke prosudbe i zarobljeni u okamenjenoj budućnosti. Imajući u vidu tu tezu kao polazište, namjera je ovoga rada rekonstruirati historijsko-antropološke pretpostavke koje stoje iza pojma duga , primarno se oslanjajući na rad Davida Graebera Dug: prvih 5000 godina i relevantna mjesta iz Nietzscheove rasprave Uz Genealogiju morala, te osvijetliti neke strateške mehanizme proizvodnje dužničke subjektnosti, odnosno dispozitive dominacije, konzultirajući radove Gillesa Deleuzea i Felixa Guattarija Anti-Edip i Tisuću platoa u kojima navedeni dvojac komentira relevantna mjesta spomenutog Nietzscheovog spisa, ali i gradi svoju teoriju hvatnih aparata kapitalizma. Nadamo se da će se na kraju pokazati da ekonomija bazirana na dugu rekonfigurira suverenu disciplinarnu i, u fukoovskom smislu, biopolitičku moć, te učvršćuje i produbljuje proizvodnu, političku i distributivnu funckiju klasne asimetrije.

Ključne riječi: dug, subjektivacija, neoliberalni subjekt, diskurs, moć, homo oeconomicus, rizik, Lazzarato, Nietzsche, Deleuze.

This article explores Niklas Luhmann's semantic analytical strategy. With Luhmann we get a sociologically informed conceptual history in which Koselleck's guiding distinction between conceptual history and social history is replaced with a distinction between semantic and social structure, where the latter should be interpreted as the form of communicative differentiation and structural coupling within society. Here the guiding idea is that the constitution of social systems and social forms is reflected in semantic development. I would like to present Luhmann's concepts of semantics, but in a way that might improve its empirical sensitivity and thereby make it more adequate to the observation of contemporary semantic changes.