French Huguenots

A French pastor in the service of the Dutch Republic. The ministry of Samuel Des Marets in Maastricht (1632-1636).
Samuel Des Marets (1599-1673), born in France and practicing the reformed pastoral ministry in the kingdom during his early years, sees his career taking an early turn, causing him problems of confessional and political identities. It’s obvious in the controversy, but also in his use of ecclesiastical discipline. Minister and professor of theology in the independent principality of Sedan in the mid-1620s, he passes under the protection of its regent, Elizabeth of Nassau, and her son, the prince Frederic-Maurice, Duke of Bouillon, himself in the entourage of his uncle, the Stadtholder Frederick Henry. Established by the States General and on the recommendation of André Rivet in Maastricht, after the taking of the city by the Dutch Republic (1632), he exercises his ministry under conditions which are in certain aspects close to those of France at the same time (controversy, coexistence between legal confessional communities), but marked by original elements (co-sovereignty of the prince-bishop of Liège, Spanish threat, difficulties of integration of his church into the Synod). All this places him in a situation of in-between, which he skilfully knows how to play, alternately using the advantages of his status of French and those of protégé of the States General. He does so for personal reasons, but also to propose the model of a combative pastor, and to consolidate a Church he has established and which he wants to protect from Catholic attacks. Samuel Des Marets maintains both his French culture and the political service of the Dutch Republic, until he leaves Maastricht for’s-Hertogenbosch (1636). He develops an ambiguous position that reveals many aspects of the pastoral ministry in a newly established church on a confessional front during the Thirty Years’ War.

Un pasteur français au service des Provinces-Unies Le ministère de Samuel Des Marets à Maastricht (1632-1636)
Né en France et exerçant le ministère pastoral réformé dans le royaume au cours de ses jeunes années, Samuel Des Marets (1599-1673) voit sa carrière prendre un virage précoce qui lui pose des problèmes d’identités confessionnelle et politique, dans la controverse, mais aussi dans son usage de la discipline ecclésiastique. Ministre et professeur de théologie dans la principauté indépendante de Sedan au milieu des années 1620, il passe sous la protection de sa régente, Élisabeth de Nassau, et de son fils, le prince Frédéric-Maurice, duc de Bouillon, lui-même proche de son oncle, le stathouder Frédéric-Henri. Établi par les États-Généraux et sur la recommandation d’André Rivet à Maastricht après la prise de la ville par les Provinces-Unies (1632), il exerce son ministère dans des conditions par certains aspects proches de celles de la France à la même époque (controverse, coexistence entre des communautés confessionnelles légales), mais marquées par des éléments irréductibles (co-souveraineté du prince-évêque de Liège, menace espagnole, intégration heurtée de son Église au synode). Tout cela le place dans une situation d’entre-deux dont il sait habilement jouer, usant alternativement des avantages de son statut de Français et de ceux de protégé des États-Généraux. Il le fait pour des raisons personnelles, mais aussi pour proposer un modèle pastoral de combat et consolider une Église qu’il a établie et veut protéger des attaques catholiques. À la fois de culture française et au service politique des Provinces-Unies, Samuel Des Marets développe, jusqu’à son départ pour Bois-le-Duc (1636), une position ambiguë, mais qui nous révèle bien des aspects de l’exercice du ministère pastoral dans une Église fraîchement établie sur un front confessionnel durant la guerre de Trente Ans.

This essay reappraises the origins of French Quakerism based on new archival research conducted on both sides of the Channel. It identifies 34 Quaker missionaries in 17th- and early 18C France, sheds new light on the French reception of Quakerism and suggests possible connections with non-violent, charismatic movements in Languedoc.

Cette communication, rédigée pour un colloque virtuel à Nantes en novembre 2020 au sujet de la "Diplomatie rebelle au XVIe siècle" par Fabrice Micallef et Matthieu Gellard, analyse les agents diplomatiques et politiques du jeune prince Henri I de Condé. La communication sera publiée dans les actes du colloque par les Presses universitaires de Rennes.

Compléments généalogiques et nouveaux cousins célèbres issus des Cousin et des Dubois des Weppes, suite aux publications antérieures du GGRN.

Version MAJ au 31.12.2018 de l'article initialement publié pour le Cercle Historique de Marquillies.

Du même auteur, dans la collection "Généalogies de célébrités" :
- Lieutenant-Colonel Pierre Dupont, Chef de Musique de la Garde Républicaine, compositeur de la sonnerie aux morts, 2006
- Madeleine Guillemant-Sintive, résistante, 2010
- Lieutenant-Colonel Pierre Dupont, Chef de Musique de la Garde Républicaine, compositeur de la sonnerie aux morts, 2011
- Nos cousins célèbres d’Amérique originaires de Wicres, 2018
- Ernest Gésipe, Chef de bataillon, 2019
- Louis Cortot, Compagnon de la Libération, 2020-2021
- Aurélie & Pauline Desmet, les sœurs lilloises de Pékin Express, 2020-2021
- Cléopâtre Darleux, Championne olympique de handball, 2021-2022
- Parentèle Caron, 2022
- Parentèle Desmons, 2022
- Parentèle épiscopale, 2022
- Parentèle Lardeur, 2022
- Parentèle « Pékin Express », 2022
- Parentèle « Plus belle la vie », 2022
- Parentèle Ratel, 2022
- Parentèle Brige, 2022
- Parentèle Courouble, 2022
- Parentèle Danel, 2022
- Parentèle Goubet, 2022
- Parentèle Hochart, 2022
- Parentèle Lezy, 2022
- Parentèle « L’héroïne de Loos », 2022
- Parentèle Tassez, 2022
- Parentèle Typrez, 2022
- Parentèle Carré, 2022
- Parentèle Fiévet, 2022
- Parentèle Goudalier, 2022
- Marie Hennerez, comédienne dans Plus belle la vie, 2019-2022
- Parentèle Desprey, 2022
- Parentèle maires de Calais, 2023
- Parentèle Delehedde, 2023
- Parentèle de Bernastre, 2023
- Parentèle Coudeville / Goddeville, 2023
- Parentèle Dubois & Lepoivre, 2023
- Parentèle Delebecque, 2023
- Parentèle Delepouve, 2023
- Parentèle Compagnons de la Libération, 2023
- Augustin Lesage, peintre médium, 2015-2023
- Parentèle Cadart, 2023
- Parentèle Catty, 2023
- Parentèle Daens, 2023
- Parentèle de Bersacques, 2023
- Parentèle Bouquillon, 2023
- Parentèle Delezoide, 2023
- Parentèle du Fourmanoir, 2023
- Parentèle vendéenne, 2023
- Parentèle Mullet, 2023
- Parentèle Dieu, 2023
- Parentèle Le Gentil, 2023
- Parentèle Desgardins, 2023
- Parentèle Delabre, 2023
- Parientes con los Alturanos y Segorbinos, 2023
- Parentèle avec Ulysse Carnel, 2024
- Parentèles Dunoyer de Segonzac & de Fautereau, 2024
- Parentèle d’une Fille du Roy : Catherine de Baillon, 2024
- Parentèle « série Marseille », 2024
- Parentèle angevine (1ère partie), 2024
- Parentèle angevine (2nde partie) : martyrologe révolutionnaire, 2024
- Parentèle de Rochemore, 2024
- Parentèle Gerberge de Saxe, 2024
- Parentèle de Namur (1ère partie) : télévision, 2024
- Parentèle Roquesoulane, 2024
- Parentèles Hamez & Nutte, 2024
- Parentèle Ployart, 2024
- Parentèle de Namur (2ème partie) : politique, 2024
- Parentèle de Namur (3ème partie) : Butler Pennsylvanie, 2024
- Parentèle Besancenot, 2024
- Parentèle Mazingarbe, 2024
- Parentèle Brisbart, 2024
- Parentèle de Namur (4ème partie) : politique (bis), 2024
- Parentèle de Namur (5ème partie) : « House of Cards », 2024
- Parentèle d’une Fille du Roy : Mathurine Thibault, 2024
- Parentèles noeuxoises, 2024
- Parentèle Hazebrouck, 2024
- Liane de Pougy, courtisane, écrivaine et religieuse, 2024
- Parentèle Foubert, 2024
- Parentèle « série Ennemi public », 2024
- Parentèle de Chestrevin, 2024
- Parentèle Reines de beauté, 2024

This article analyses four unpublished draft letters from Nicolas Fatio de Duiller to Isaac Newton, dating from June to August 1693, and held in the Special Collections in the Universiteitsbibliotheek in Leiden. Overall, these letters enrich our knowledge of Fatio-Newton’s alchemical correspondence in June 1693, a phase which likely represents the peak of the two natural philosophers’ alchemical collaboration. By scrutinising the content of the letters, and situating them in relation to primary and secondary sources, the article will place Newton and Fatio’s epistolary exchange in relation to the social and historical background of late seventeenth-century London, bringing to light so far undisclosed aspects of the networks, alchemical practices, and expertise of the two natural philosophers.

The culminating confessional rivalries in the early 17th century provided fertile ground in much of Europe, especially Central Europe, for visions of the imminent End of the World and Christ’s Second Coming. This paper offers a new perspective for the well-known topic and compares the eschatological visions in the 17th and 18th centuries of the Bohemian non-Catholics and emigrants on the one hand and the secret Huguenots on the other. While the belligerent apocalyptic visions in the Bohemian environment to the end of the 18th century saw a turning point and an opportunity
to overthrow the Antichrist in the imminent coming of an allied Protestant ruler destined by God, the French Protestant prophecies appealed almost exclusively to the glory of Christ and his rule on Earth. Despite signifi cant diff erences in the religious practice and historical contexts
of the two cases, we observe not only very similar physical manifestations in the prophets’ behaviour
but also, thanks to these ideas, a renewal of the declining piety of the believers and the reactivation of the underground religious movement. In both environments the apocalyptic visions have been heavily criticized by legal ecclesiastical authorities in exile. Disciplinary interventions against these heterodox ideas had however a completely diff erent result, playing a signifi cant role in the process of legalization of Protestant worship at the end of the period in question.

For ordinary people, the impact of the Reformation would have centred around local parish churches, rather than the theological debates of the Reformers. Focusing on the Calvinists, this volume explores how the architecture, appearance and arrangement of places of worship were transformed by new theology and religious practice.

Based on original research and site visits, this book charts the impact of the Reformed faith across Europe, concentrating in particular on France, the Netherlands and Scotland. While in some areas a Calvinist Reformation led to the adaptation of existing buildings, elsewhere it resulted in the construction of new places of worship to innovative new designs. Reformed places of worship also reflected local considerations, vested interests and civic aspirations, often employing the latest styles and forms of decoration, and here provide a lens through which to examine not only the impact of the Reformation at a local level but also the character of the different religious settlements across Europe during the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Instances of anthropodermic bibliopegy, the practice of binding books in human flesh, can be found as early as the 17th century. While this grisly act is often featured in recent popular horror fiction, its presence in historical reality saw varied uses ranging from a form of macabre keepsake to the binding of legal documents in the flesh of the accused.

The purpose of this study is to examine the underlying meaning and rational surrounding anthropodermic bibliopegy, particularly the practical and rhetorical reasoning for adopting the practice. In order to establish specific context for this study, I will focus at length upon the 1608 volume L'Idolatrie Huguenote, a skin-bound anti-Protestant document currently held within the rare books collection of the University of Memphis’ Ned McWherter Library, as a central case study. Additionally, I will buttress this in-depth study of a single text by briefly detailing volumes contemporary to L'Idolatrie Huguenote in order to establish larger trends surrounding the purpose of the practice. Finally, while this essay will focus upon Early Modern examples of this practice, in order to establish a broader context I will also note the modern day practice of “Cryobooks,” a voluntary practice used to further scientific studies of virality.

This book examines John Calvin’s sense of vocation.

1) It begins with an analysis of thinking on prophecy in early, medieval, and Reformation theology.

2) It finds Calvin within a non-mystical, non-apocalyptic prophetic tradition that focused on scriptural interpretation.

3) It argues Calvin believed his prophetic authority was the same as Isaiah and Jeremiah, and suggests that he may have held himself to be infallible in matters related to Christian doctrine.

4) It argues that starting from about 1555, Calvin began to conceive the idea of encouraging one of the French 'lesser magistrates' (the princes of the blood royal) to rise up in armed conflict against the sitting French king with the aim of taking the throne.

5) Thus, it argues that when that did happen in 1562 when Louis of Condé gathered troops in Orléans and declared their intentions to liberate King Charles IX from the evil councillors surrounding him, this had Calvin's fingerprints on it -- Calvin was to a significant degree responsible for this turn of events.

6) Calvin pursued this plan, I argue, as one of a number of approaches to winning France for the gospel. In this way, the volume explores Calvin's sense of vocation and the impact this had on his political thought.

A la fin du XVIIe siècle, les protestants français n’ont plus droit d’avoir d’églises, ni de pasteurs depuis l’interdiction de l’exercice de la religion protestante par l’édit de Fontainebleau,  signé en octobre 1685. Cependant, ils continuèrent à vivre leur foi dans la clandestinité, malgré l’oppression. Des prédicants prennent la relève des pasteurs et tiennent des assemblées dans le désert : dans des bois, des ravins et des grottes. Claude Brousson, né à Nîmes en 1647, est un de ces pasteurs du Désert. Il était avocat à Castres, Castelnaudary et enfin au parlement de Toulouse. Après six années à l’étranger, il rentre en France et choisit de devenir pasteur du Désert. Pendant quatre années (1689-1693), il va tenir des cultes clandestins dans les Cévennes et le Bas-Languedoc. A plusieurs reprises, sa tête va être mise à prix. Chassé par les soldats de Louis XIV, Claude Brousson ne peut rester longtemps dans un même endroit et doit se déplacer. Grâce à ses propres écrits et des documents conservés dans les archives françaises et suisses, ces quatre ans de la vie de Claude Brousson ont pu être retracés, et ils nous donnent une image plus authentique de ces assemblées clandestines.

One of the earliest "schools" of American painting, the Hudson Valley patroon painters, has often been considered to be little more than a derivative of seventeenth-century English portraiture. Portraits of English aristocrats appealed to Dutch patroons as displays of the kind of social status they aspired to in their new country. British mezzotints after original paintings by Sir Godfrey Kneller and others provided the patroon painters with readily available models on which to base their portraits of wealthy Dutch-Americans.

This article examines the impact of the Arminian controversy on the French Reformed churches. It explores Pierre Du Moulin's proposed plan for Protestant unity, and his response to Arminianism, especially his Anatome Arminianismi (1619). The French Reformed churches were invited to send delegates to the Synod of Dort, but French King Louis XIII refused to let them attend. Nevertheless, Du Moulin still sent to the synod a Confession of his views on the issues in the Arminian debate. The French Synod of Alais (1620) adopted the Canons of Dordt, the only church outside the Netherlands to do so. Also examined is the impact of Daniel Tilenus' critical five-point abbreviation of the Canons of Dort.

siècle des Lumières Pierre-Yves Beaurepaire [draft paper et carte de synthèse d'une étude à paraître dans le cadre de l'ouvrage collectif du projet ANR CITERE : Communicating Europe : circulations, Territories and Networks 17th-18th centuries. Toutes les suggestions sont les bienvenues]. A travers le dispositif de communication déployé par le pasteur huguenot Jacques Pérard (Paris, 1713-Stettin, 1766), cette étude entend poursuivre une réflexion critique sur les capacités heuristiques mais aussi les limites de la notion de réseau entamée il y a dix ans, en privilégiant les étude de cas et la variation des échelles d'observation entre le réseau egocentré et l'insertion dans des espaces relationnels d'envergure variable. Avec Marie-Daniel Bourrée de Corberon, j'avais alors choisi un diplomate « moyen », fils d'un président au Parlement de Paris, parent éloigné de Vergennes, mais qui peinait à percer dans la carrière diplomatique 1 . L'étude de la construction de son espace relationnel à Paris comme à Varsovie et Saint-Pétersbourg, restitué notamment à partir de l'étude de ses egodocuments, principalement un Journal écrit sous la forme d'une correspondance fictive avec son frère, m'avait conduit à préférer à la notion de réseau(x) (réseau diplomatique, réseau des Français à Saint-Pétersbourg, réseau maçonnique…) celle plus souple d'espace relationnel, plus apte à restituer la plasticité et le caractère d'instabilité/ajustement permanent(e) du périmètre relationnel des acteurs. Partant, je m'étais intéressé à la représentation graphique de dispositifs articulant des appartenances larges et d'intensité variable (certaines affiliations sont investies d'une charge affective et d'un projet personnel fort chez certains -avéré dans le cas de Corberon-et d'un engagement superficiel chez beaucoup d'autres -il faut en être, ni plus ni moins ; c'est le cas d'un marquis de Bombelles par exemple-) : en l'espèce la Francmaçonnerie aristocratique européenne susceptible d'offrir une couverture étendue (l'essentiel du continent européen et ses projections coloniales), à des dispositifs plus spécialisés qui y trouvent des points d'ancrage pour se déployer et éventuellement s'interconnecter (il peut 1 Pierre-Yves Beaurepaire, L'Espace des francs-maçons. Une sociabilité européenne au XVIIIe siècle, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, Histoire, 2003, p. 54-93.

The story of my middle name, Calvitt, traces back to Pierre Calvet, born in France about 1630.  He was a merchant in the little town of Lacaune, in the “Huguenot Valley,” some miles east of Toulouse in the district of Tarn in southern France.  Fleeing Catholic repression, Pierre’s sons were among the Huguenots, who fled France and landed in England.  From there some in the family moved successively to the frontiers in Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee.  After service in the Revolutionary War, Joseph Calvit ended up in Natchez, where his family became an important part of Mississippi’s early history.

(extrait de l'article) Les premiers huguenots venus en Russie ne sont pas des éducateurs ; il faut attendre la fondation de l’Académie de Saint-Pétersbourg en 1725 pour voir apparaître des enseignants huguenots dans les établissements éducatifs russes. Leur venue est probablement le fait des relations établies entre l’Académie de Saint-Pétersbourg et le cercle savant des huguenots de Berlin réunis autour de la Société Anonyme et autour du grand périodique des Lumières, La Bibliothèque Germanique. Leurs compétences sont d’autant plus appréciées que plusieurs des premiers étudiants de l’école dont se dote l’Académie des sciences de Saint-Pétersbourg, sont issus des familles allemandes établies en Russie. L’enseignement se fait donc en allemand et en français, les deux langues que les huguenots maîtrisent bien. Au milieu du siècle et jusqu’au règne de Catherine II les huguenots sont encore présents, quoiqu’en petit nombre, dans l’éducation en Russie, notamment dans l’éducation privée.

The path of Protestant minorities towards religious tolerance during the Catholic Reformation was a very long and complex process. From the first third of the 17th century to the end of the 18th century, Bohemian Protestants as well as French Huguenots endeavoured to maintain their religious
alterity and to obtain the equality of their Church. As they were deprived of their clergy and their worship was forbidden, the persecuted Protestants could preserve their spiritual tradition
only through illegal and extra-ecclesiastic structures. Their attempt to preserve their hidden existence generated the inevitable loss of the dogmatic purity and thus caused misunderstanding and even serious conflicts with the Protestant authorities in exile. Especially the lay leaders of
these secret Evangelical communities, strong personalities often perceived as the ‘enlightened’, or as the select few on the road to God, gave rise to a lack of trust and critical reactions. Their specific doctrinal beliefs, leading rather often to prophetic movements, turned out to be the only possible
solution in the context of the continuous religious persecution in both states. While, at the end of the 18th century, thanks to the influence of Enlightenment discourse, the French Huguenots endeavoured to participate actively in the civic life of whole society, the Protestant minority in Bohemain lands still stuck to by its exclusiveness, blocking therefore its social integration.

In September 1701, Henry Bentinck Viscount Woodstock, a son of a Dutch-English nobleman Hans Willem Bentinck, and his Huguenot head-tutor Paul Rapin-Thoyras embarked from The Hague on a Grand Tour across Europe. Such a trip was usually the final stage of the educational curriculum of a nobleman or a rich bourgeois. Woodstock’s father, the Earl of Portland, was a close friend of William III, the Stadtholder of Holland and the King of England, and spent therefore most of his time in England. Careful planning preceded the commencement of the Tour. Letters were exchanged between the father, in England, and his son and son’s tutor in The Hague. The letters written before and during the Grand Tour shed light on various aspects of education and personal relationship between the family and the tutor.

Huguenots in Transylvania during the Long Reformation: The Hungarian Translation of Pierre du Bosc’s Sermon and its Surviving Copy from 1754 (a case study)

This paper provides a new contribution to the early modern history of the cultural exchanges between France and Hungary. Taking as its starting point the concept of Long Reformation, the article introduces an unknown source, the Hungarian translation of Pierre Du Bosc’s sermon (La doctrine de la grâce…, 1662), in order to unearth some of the relevant contexts that had articulated the reception of Huguenot theology and devotion in Transylvania during the first half of the eighteenth century. The Hungarian rendering of Du Bosc’s text itself is a philological conundrum, as it had been translated by György Dési Lázár, but its only surviving copy is the one made by József Hermányi Dienes in January 18, 1754. Furthermore, the text displays a number of homiletical features that seem to suggest a particular relation between the translator and the copyist, who not only reduplicated the text but he had edited it as well. It is fair to say that the Hungarian translator (Dési Lázár) and the copyist (Hermányi Dienes) are both authors of this unpublished text, which had been disseminated exclusively in scribal publicity. As I was able to identify several eighteenth-century printed editions of Du Bosc’s collected sermons and some of their Hungarian owners, it is possible to conclude that Du Bosc was a relatively known author, favoured especially by a Calvinist Hungarian readership. Thus, the Hungarian translation appears to have been yet another text serving the needs of Reformed Hungarian people who often interpreted their destiny and condition in a rather similar way as Huguenots did before and after the Revocation of 1685.

Les grandes assemblées protestantes au Désert constituent un formidable théâtre dont l’acteur principal est le pasteur qui dans les premiers temps du redressement des Églises de Béarn, s’affiche comme le conducteur de la communauté. Bien que le message repose sur l’écrit, le geste et l’oralité sont loin d’être secondaires et c’est par le geste que passe le message le plus fort. La prédication n’est en effet pas toujours bien comprise par l’ensemble de la foule comme le montrent les témoignages, c’est davantage le caractère extraordinaire de ce nouveau personnage, sa mise en scène et les propos tenus en dehors des prédications qui restructurent la communauté. La communication passe certes par le sermon, mais peut être encore davantage par sa mise en scène au sein d’un cérémonial spécifique entièrement dédié au service du pasteur qui en est le maître d’œuvre et en use jusqu’à le détourner, voire à le transgresser.

The Huguenots were a religious minority in France who fought during the second half of the sixteenth century for their Protestant (Calvinist) beliefs, and to whom concessions were granted by the crown with the Edict of Nantes in 1598. The Huguenots continued to enjoy their privileged status until the Edict was revoked in 1685. This collection of essays explores the character and identity of the Huguenot movement by examining their institutions, patterns of belief and worship, and interaction with French state and society.

From the back cover:
Jean Rou (1638-1711), was a Huguenot scholar, educator and civil servant. Despite having an established career as a lawyer at the Parlement de Paris, he chose instead to dedicate himself to scholarly publications. After being accused of offending the Catholic Church in his Tables de l’histoire universelle moderne (1675) and consequently imprisoned in the Bastille, Rou had to leave France. Initially, he went to England, where he was employed as a tutor. After a short return to his motherland, where he taught local nobles, he was invited to The Hague, in the United Provinces, to teach the sons of Cornelis van Aerssen van Sommelsdijk, the future governor of Suriname. Finally, in 1689, Jean Rou was appointed as translator of the States-General of the United Provinces.
Based on his memoirs and extensive archival sources, this book offers a biographical study on Jean Rou. It focuses on the means by which he established and managed his career in France and abroad. It also presents a comparative examination of the educational ideas and practices of Jean Rou and his position as a man of letters. Although Jean Rou is in the centre of this book, it offers a fascinating insight into intellectual and social practices of Huguenots at his time from two angles that have been rarely discussed before.

Je voudrais ici montrer que les lettres que le pasteur et journaliste Jacques Pérard (Paris 1713-Stettin 1766) a adressées à  Prosper Marchand depuis Stettin et plus rarement depuis Amsterdam et Berlin constituent une mine d’informations pour saisir l’intense circulation à l’œuvre entre les pasteurs huguenots en Prusse : lecteurs, journalistes, auteurs érudits perpétuellement en quête de libraires-imprimeurs,  et la librairie hollandaise francophone, comprendre le rôle des intermédiaires que sont Pérard et Marchand dans un système où les auteurs sont souvent en Prusse et les presses en Hollande, ainsi que certains aspects de la crise de la librairie hollandaise des années 1740 –qui se traduit notamment par le départ de certains libraires pour la Prusse. La correspondance active de Pérard avec Marchand montre aussi comment en quelques années une relation professionnelle étroite s’élargit à une relation amicale forte.

This thesis investigates, through the case-studies of Marie de La Tour, duchesse de La Trémoïlle, and Charlotte de La Trémoïlle, countess of Derby, the freedom of action and the degree of initiative enjoyed by noblewomen in seventeenth-century France and England. It also provides a close-up of the Huguenot nobility and the English
aristocracy, traditionally considered to have experienced a deep crisis in the mid-seventeenth century. This study demonstrates that the French Protestant aristocracy retained a great amount of influence over the Reformed church leaders and were willing to share that control with the monarchy.
Marie de La Tour was blamed for the decline of the La Trémoïlle landholding, and this investigation shows that the preservation of patrimony was indeed not her first priority. Landed sales were accepted in order to build up alliances with Cardinal Richelieu and various La Trémoïlle clients in the Breton Estates. Large dowries were granted to outmarrying daughters, such as the future countess of Derby, but were not a decisive factor in choosing in-marrying brides. Instead, what mattered was to bolster the La Trémoïlle's claim to the status of prince étranger by marrying into 'sovereign' families, such as the Bouillon (princes de Sedan), the Derby ('sovereign lords of the Isle of Man'), the
landgraves of Hesse-Cassel, and the dukes of Saxony-Weimar. Marie de La Tour even hoped – in vain – to marry her daughter to the king of England, as this would incontestably confirm her family's rank at the French court. This international network of support was the La
Trémoïlle's greatest asset. It helped achieve recognition of their rights to the kingdom of Naples discussed at the Westphalian peace conference, which led to a de facto recognition of their princely status at court.
The English Civil War hit the La Trémoïlle's in-laws, the Stanley family particularly hard, culminating in the execution of the seventh earl of Derby in 1651. However, the land bought with Charlotte de La Trémoïlle's dowry was freed immediately after she became a widow. Her dower lands – reversionary in nature – would have been restored as well, had it
not been for Charlotte's own 'delinquency'. She had to pay an unusually high composition fine, but managed to recover her estates. Despite transitory financial difficulties, she managed to arrange very advantageous matches for her three daughters.
Charlotte de La Trémoïlle and Marie de La Tour both experienced difficulties in entering the inner circle of courtiers, possibly because of their allegiance to the (Huguenot) Reformed Church, which pleased neither Henrietta Maria nor Anne of Austria. Both women thus sought social recognition outside the court. Charlotte tried to build up her
own social circle on the Isle of Man, and later to befriend the duchess of York, but she remained rather isolated. In France, the salons led by Madame de Rambouillet and the princesse de Condé, and the literary circle inspired by the duchesse de Montpensier conferred cultural prestige on Marie de La Tour, her daughter and daughter-in-law. The
salonières were themselves courtiers, and did not openly challenge the Crown, yet they made it clear that the monarchy was not the sole arbiter of social credit. Marie cultivated her image as précieuse and femme savante through her collections at the castle of Thouars and her rich albums of pictorial dévises and literary mottoes.
Marie's adherence to the Reformed faith was not always a social obstacle. Her position as 'Reine des Huguenots' allowed the duchess, on the contrary, to build up personal prestige, and justified her intervention in the doctrinal debate opposing Amyraut and the orthodox scholar André Rivet.
During the Fronde and the Interregnum in England, both women were able to pursue their family interests making use of vertical (patron-client) as well as horizontal (mostly kinship) ties.This modus operandi blurred the boundaries between 'private' and 'public' spheres, allowing them to participate in political life, and wield a substantial amount of influence, without upsetting the patriarchal system.

Diane de Poitiers has always been identified by artists and poets with Diana, goddess of hunt. The crescent moon, quiver, and arrows became symbolic attributes of the duchess of Valentinois who embodied the authority and prestige of the female deity, and raised herself to the status of demigod. This essay addresses how the iconography of Diane de Poitiers is used as a metaphor for political propaganda. The emblem of chastity with a strong dislike for men, the virgin goddess who never got married or had children, Diana surprisingly became the most appropriate alter-ego of the maîtresse-en-titre of the king of France. As the moon replaces the sun and lights up the world by night, the royal favorite assumes the political role to intercede between king and people. In other words, she represents the hidden side of the absolute monarchy. From politics to political satire, Diane de Poitiers is also represented as Venus (diametrically opposed to Diana) in a controversial and still debated fresco cycle at the castle of Tanlay, where French Catholics and Huguenots are dressed-up as Olympians in a contemporary and original way.

"The aim of the article is to reconstruct the educational practices at the Nassau court in Leeuwarden (Friesland), based on the example of Johan Willem Friso of Nassau-Dietz. It examines not only the educational programme, but also the tutors involved in the education of Johan Willem Friso, many of whom were Huguenots. The resaons for which the Nassau (and Orange) families chose for a Huguenot tutor are explored in this article.  The educational practices are discussed in light of the changes to interests and position of nobility in the Early Modern period, as well as of the particular position of the Stadtholder in Friesland and Holland. The article is based on correspondence, mostly kept in the Royal House Archives in The Hague."

La démilitarisation de l’espace fut probablement l’un des plus grands défis que la pacification eut à relever au temps des guerres de religion. À travers l’action de deux commissaires – Jacques Lallier, sieur Du Pin, et de Claude-Antoine de Vienne, sieur de Clervant – chargés de l’application des articles du traité de Fleix (26 novembre 1580), cette étude invite à mesurer l’importance de la tâche des « pacificateurs » à la lumière des résistances rencontrées. Le Haut-Languedoc offre un paysage idéal à une telle enquête non seulement à cause de la densité des fortins antagonistes mais aussi grâce à la richesse de la documentation laissée par les deux commissaires protestants, accompagnés périodiquement par un commissaire catholique. Face aux nombreuses requêtes contradictoires que le duc de Montmorency, gouverneur de Languedoc, dut juger ultérieurement, les commissaires ne pouvaient que s’attaquer aux « marques de guerre » mineures à commencer par les guérites. La disparition de ces petits réduits destinés à la garde des lieux fortifiés fut destinée à signaler la fin de l’ère de la méfiance. La transformation des tours en murettes, le comblement des fossés et la suppression des ravelins devant les portes eurent ce même motif afin de terrasser les obstacles physiques de la coexistence pacifique entre voisins catholiques et protestants.

The French Loire valley was one of the main attractions on the Dutch Grand Tour in the 17 th century. It had prestigious academies, private tutors of aristocratic skills such as fencing and formal dancing, and religious communities of Huguenots. This article examines how Protestant Dutch elite travellers expressed their interest, empathy, and connection to these groups of like-minded individuals. Travellers reflected both on past events of the 16 th-century French Wars of Religion and on current difficulties. Focusing on the years leading up to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which drastically changed France's religious situation in 1685, this article discusses how travellers presented the Huguenots' troubles.

Considérant le sujet de l’éducation huguenote au temps de l’interdit confessionnel, cette enquête interroge l’articulation entre principes d’instruction et modalités de résistance réformées afin de cerner la spécificité d’une éducation militante qui, par le biais d’une instruction de substitution, entend armer ses partisans d’une capacité à faire face à la politique d'éradication du protestantisme et à la tentative de catholicisation des huguenots.

Si tant est que la déstructuration des institutions scolaires officielles n’équivaut pas à un vide instructif, il reste à repérer les principes et les stratégies sur lesquels repose cette éducation combative supplétive. Autrement dit, comment les réformés – pasteurs et fidèles – opèrent face au démantèlement de leurs instances éducatives ? Quelles mesures pratiques et principes idéologiques mobilisent-ils pour remédier à ce défaut d’instruction ? Interrogeant les moyens didactiques dont se dotent, entre 1685 et 1745, les instances du Désert, cette analyse vise à approcher le défi de l’éducation clandestine et la nature du combat enchâssé dans ces préoccupations éducatives.

Abordant en premier lieu l’instruction au temps de l’interdit – les étapes de la déstructuration du système éducatif huguenot et les enjeux de la bataille de l’instruction –, l’on examinera ensuite les dispositifs et règlements élaborés au Désert, avant d’évaluer les principes structurants qui président à la riposte éducative huguenote. L’enquête n’est pas tant axée sur les contenus enseignés que sur le principe d’instruction qui articule, dans le temps long, la résistance protestante et ses pratiques éducatives clandestines.

In the France of the sixteenth century, the huguenots were a major problem for the government balance and the primacy of the Catholic religion. The French Calvinists were persecuted and martyred. The struggle against Huguenot heresy became one of King Henry II’s priorities. In this period Born the project to found a French colony on the Brazilian soil. At the birth of this colonial project concurred different reasons:  political and economic (undermining the Luso-Spanish hegemony in Latin America), religious and doctrinal (create a community in which the Catholic church could be reformed and start a peaceful coexistence with the Protestants, trying to provide to a reunification of Christendom). In 1555 the knight of Malta, Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon, with the blessing of the king of France, sailed to Brazil. The shipment, which arrived on the Brazilian coast in November 1555, settled in the Guanabara Bay. Here came to life a colonial possession known as Antarctic France. The purpose of this article is to retrace the major events in the history of this colonial possession, analyzing the causes that led to its birth and the reasons that have caused its failure

Comment le zèle s’articule à la fidélité – plus exactement à la revendication d’une fidélité à la foi calviniste – dans l’homilétique réformée de la fin du XVIIe siècle ? Le discours sur le zèle se veut-il allégorique (emblématique d’une fermeté spirituelle) ou postule-t-il une pratique (valorisant une foi insoumise) ? Si oui, laquelle ? Autrement dit, s’il ne relève pas d’une réflexion purement théorique (revendiquant la vigueur d’une fidélité doctrinale) mais bien d’une visée applicative (prônant une allégeance active à Dieu et à la Réforme), quels comportements induit-il, quelles attitudes croyantes promeut-il ? Qu’est-ce que le zèle et que représente-t-il dans l’économie symbolique de la prédication protestante en butte à la catholicisation forcée qui accompagne la révocation de l’Édit de Nantes en 1685 ?

Aborder le thème de la chute et de la défaillance permet d'étudier l'énonciation et la dénonciation de I‫ٽ‬FKࠩA£IFQ£ I‫£ٽ‬D>OA AB I> CLF. On se propose ici ?‫@ځ‬SKGJM@M G< H<ID¢M@ ?JIO N@ AJMHPG@ G< faute, s'instaure la notion d'altérité @O N‫@ځ‬SKMDH@ G@ࢪN A£P>SBR U @LKCBPPFLKKBI P FKQO>MOLQBPQ>KQ P en un temps de crise du protestantisme réformé français. Crise provoquée par l'impératif ?‫=<ځ‬EPM<ODJI LP‫@ځ‬SDB@ G@ KMJBM<HH@ ?@ ><OCJGD>DN<ODJI AJM>£@ ?@ 'JPDN 3$1 et qui jette les huguenots dans une alternative douloureuse entre soumission au KMDI>@ ‫ٻ‬ GD@PO@I<IO ?@ D@P NPM O@MM@ ‫ٻ‬ @O ࠱?£GDO£ <P MJD ?@N MJDN $G I@ N‫<ځ‬BDO K<N ?@ M@Q@IDM NPM G@N ?DQDNDJIN LPD <>>JHK<BI@IO G@N M£࠲@SDJIN ?@N CPBP@IJON sur le droit de résistance, bien connues des historiens 1 , mais de considérer les modalités de la ferveur ?¢N GJMN LP@ G@N M£AJMH£N AM<I¡<DN I‫@ځ‬SKMDH@IO K<N ?@ G< H¤H@ H<ID¢M@ G@PM ࠱?£GDO£ G@PM >MJT<I>@ @O I‫?<ځ‬JKO@IO K<N PI HJT@I et obéissance à Dieu est central dans la mesure où chaque réponse individuelle porte en elle une certaine idée de la résistance et, partant, du compromis et de la chute, autour desquels s'accentue, dès avant la Révocation, la fracture entre e <P?<>D@PS u @O e KMP?@ION u '< >JIA@NNDJI <PO<IO LP@ G< ?£IJI>D<ODJI ?@ cette faillite, varie sensiblement en fonction de cette tension dialectique entre >O@N @O -JH<DIN Z <GO@MI<ODQ@ KMJ=G£H<ODLP@ LPD ?DQDN@ G@N M£AJMH£N sur l'attitude à adopter face au projet de réunion imposé par le monarque -et ce, malgré l'évolution nette des protestations huguenotes envers le souverain, manifeste dans la littérature où renaissent les idées monarchomaques et s'aiguisent les théories contractuelles 2 .

The chapter considers the distinctive, and radical, nature of the religious pacification known as the Peace of Monsieur (May, 1576). It analyzes it in the context of the military and political situation in which the crown found itself, and considers the immediate reactions to it, ones that lay at the origins of its becoming a dead-letter.

Pour briser l’unité du parti protestant mené par le duc de Rohan dans les années 1620, Louis XIII fit appel au service d’Auguste II Galland (1572-1637). Commissaire aux synodes nationaux des Églises réformées de France (1623-1631), ce dernier devait pacifier les villes protestantes de Languedoc en 1627 pour empêcher le passage d’un secours du duc de Rohan vers La Rochelle assiégée. Au terme de sa mission, Galland rédigea deux mémoires à l’attention du roi qui sont conservés aujourd’hui à la Bibliothèque national de France tout comme les brouillons des lettres envoyées par le commissaire aux villes majoritairement protestantes de Castres et de Montauban en décembre 1628. Ces documents permettent de découvrir la pensée politique d’un protestant royaliste. Galland suit globalement les « politiques » et les « bons Français » et ne s’en distingue vraiment que dans la question de la réunification religieuse : à ses yeux, cette opération est impossible à réaliser car la volonté divine s’y oppose vivement, en choisissant, « par des raisons secrètes », de « souffrir » la division religieuse de la France.