Epistle to the Galatians

Author: Kirsten Laurel Guidero
Publisher: CBE International

Evangelicalism can find a foothold in renewed practices of reading Scripture. This article first illustrates the larger problems haunting evangelical patterns of reading Scripture by analyzing as a test case two prevalent evangelical interpretations of Gal 3:26–29.2 Next, I offer a better interpretive method and spell out how it treats this passage. We will see that, far from viewing the biblical texts too reverently, with a proposed correction of qualifying textual authority—an approach some evangelicals who struggle with difficult elements of Scripture have adopted—both of the earlier approaches may fail to respect the text enough.

Although Paul is sometimes depicted as anti-rational, he actually assumes in his letters that human reason, with the aid of the Spirit, can achieve genuine religious knowledge. The specific kind of reason which Paul assumes will be fruitful has a distinctly narrative shape. Paul's theological knowledge is structured as a story within which he and his converts interpret their own lives. Ethical reasoning is a matter of "emplotting " oneself within this theological narrative and asking what fate lies ahead in the story for one who acts in certain ways. When we look more closely at the letter to the Galatians we find that Paul is primarily arguing there for a re-configuration of Israel's theological narrative. The Apostle understands new events as further episodes in the one over-arching story. This means that, just as later chapters in a book can surprise readers and force them to re-consider what they read early on, so new experiences can open up interpretive &quo...

In the Acts of the Apostles, there are two quotations from the Book of Amos: Am 5:25-27 in Acts 7:42-43 and Am 9:11-12 in Acts 15:16-18. Both of them were taken from the Greek version of the Septuagint, and in several places reworked in order that they might better suit Luke’s theological-rhetorical aims.
The quotation from Am 9:11-12 LXX was supplemented in Acts 15:18 with a literary echo of Gal 2:9a-c for a rhetorical characterization of the character of James as giving his consent to the mission among the Gentiles (cf. Gal 2:9), but in fact having grave reservations concerning the exceptional grace, whose reception was declared by Paul (Gal 2:9ab; cf. 2:12c.f). Such a particular use of the quotation from Am 9:11-12 LXX in Acts 15:16-18 additionally confirms the fact that Luke in his narrative used the letters of the Apostle, and not only general Pauline traditions or ideas.

Este trabalho pretende apresentar as antíteses argumentativas desenvolvidas por Paulo na sua epístola aos Gálatas. Ao apresentar essas antíteses, segue-se a construção de que elas corroboram para a afirmação da resposta central de Paulo em Gl 2.16, " que o homem não é justificado pelas obras da lei mas pela fé em Jesus Cristo ". Para evidenciar a argumentação antitética de Paulo em Gálatas é proposto um quadro visual que tensiona não só os contrastes mas também a intenção de Paulo ao propor uma consideração positiva sobre qual das posições é válida.

St. Paul’s epistle to the Galatians offers a fascinating window into the life of the Christian church in its earliest days. We see in this letter a pastor guiding his people through questions of salvation, theology, and ethics. The more we read, the more we realize that many of the same questions facing the Galatian Christians continue to face us today: Are we still under the Old Testament Law? What happened to the Law when Jesus came? Who are the people of God?

From Law to Logos: Reading St. Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians is a primer for reading Galatians for all it is worth. The focus of this book is preparing modern Christians to understand Galatians by reading it as a letter, in its entirety, over and over again. At the end of each chapter, the reader is better prepared to read and study Galatians in its literary, historical, and theological context.

Since Nils Dahl’s famous article on God as the most neglected factor in the study of the
New Testament, many studies on God in the various corpi of the New Testament have
been and are still being published. In this regard, the Pauline Letters have received a
fair amount of attention. In this study an overview of studies on God in the Letter to
the Galatians is provided. Four such studies are discussed: N.T. Wright’s study, “The
Letter to Galatians: Exegesis and theology” (published in 2000), Richard Hays’s “The
God of mercy who rescues us from the present evil age” (published in 2002), Jerome
Neyrey’s chapter on God in Galatians (in his book, Rendering to God. New Testament
understandings of the divine, published in 2004) and Christiane Zimmerman’s book
Gott und seine Söhne. Das Gottesbild des Galaterbriefs (published in 2013). Each of
these contributions is discussed in detail, after which the contributions of the four
studies are compared, and some suggestions are made as to aspects that still need
attention.

This article examines the attested responses to the Great Famine by the Early Christians generally and the apostle Paul in particular. By doing so, it demonstrates that the collection was not a requirement of Peter, James and John, but was raised by the Corinthian, Macedonian, and Galatian churches themselves separately, and was first accepted by Paul, then taken up by Paul as his own project as he assumed leadership. Finally, it is proven by this article that the Jerusalem Donation, as it is called, raised by Paul and his Gentile churches, proved a great success, as it was welcomed by the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem far more warmly than has hitherto been acknowledged by some biblical scholars.

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Jewish-Christian relations emerge out of a complex trajectory that originates in Jewish-Gentile relations within the Jesus movement. The Jewish-Christian saga originates in later misperceptions about a conflict among followers of Jesus with varying degrees of Jewish, Pagan, and Gnostic affinities, affiliations, and inclinations.

Jewish-Christian relations did not emerge out of a first century conflict between ‘Judaism’ and ‘Christianity.’ The main thrust behind the “parting of the ways” is best characterized as a controversy about Judaism within the Jesus movement (not as a conflict with Judaism).

The anti-Jewish, anti-Pagan, and anti-Gnostic biases of the Christian canonical and authoritative texts are the result of complex and layered trajectories, and should be understood to reflect, for the most part, debates within the Jesus movement—not struggles with external religious communities. Despite a complexity and a variety of contexts, Judaism, Gnosticism, and Paganism were not participants in this struggle. They were the subjects of a debate, (mostly) among Gentile believers, about what belief in Jesus should be. The crisis was about Judaism, not with Judaism.

The anti-Jewish polemic in the New Testament reflects debates between Jewish and Gentile followers of Jesus - not a polemic between Christians and Jews. Thus, the New Testament texts do not reflect a struggle between 'Christians' and 'Jews' but rather a heated dispute about Judaism and about Torah observance among Jesus' early followers. However, with the passage of time, loss of context, and later agendas, the tensions and trauma produced by this crisis came to be understood by later believers as reflective of a Jewish-Christian conflict.

The future of Judeo-Christian relations and the future of the Christian self-perception depend on which meta-narrative on the Christian origins and on Jewish-Christian relations will be eventually embraced, taught and internalized by scholars, institutions and believers. Each of the relevant meta-narratives or models; the traditional thesis, the competition thesis of Simon, and the thesis advocated in this monograph, have implications of great importance and scope.


"I am in fundamental agreement with Bibliowicz's thesis (that the anti-Jewish polemic in the New Testament reflects debates between Jewish and Gentile followers of Jesus - not a polemic between Christians and Jews), and with the implications which he has drawn for Christian theology... May this book find a wide readership among people devoted to the cause of the healing of memories between Jews and Christians."

- Peter C. Phan, Professor, Chair of Catholic Social Thought, Georgetown University, President of the Catholic Theological Society of America


"Standing on a brilliant and insightful reconstruction of Paul, and on a quite shocking (but perhaps compelling) reading of Mark - the author offers a number of original and in some cases quite compelling theoretical reconstructions of the context and purposes of early Christian texts... a work of sublime moral passion."

- David P. Gushee, Distinguished University Professor of Christian Ethics, Director, Center for Theology and Public Life, Mercer University. President, American Academy of Religion. Author of Kingdom Ethics: Following Jesus in Contemporary Context


"An intrepid excursion into the Christian discourse… The quest of an intellectual, a humanist… Interesting and, in fact overwhelming...A timely and honest engagement of the Christian texts, authors, and scholars by a Jewish intellectual."

- Burton L. Mack, Professor of Early Christianity, Claremont School of Theology, California, Author of A Myth of Innocence: Mark and Christian Origins


"An important work…Sensitive and deeply researched… In the deepest sense, a profound theological work."

- Clark M. Williamson, Professor, Christian Theological Seminary, Indiana, Author of Way of Blessing, Way of Life: A Christian Theology


“There is great merit to Bibliowicz's approach... I highly recommend this book for anyone interested in the Jewish-Christian dialogue.... Scholars may disagree with a number of Bibliowicz' conclusions, as I do with his interpretation of the Epistle to the Hebrews.  But even in disagreeing, scholars in the field of Jewish-Christian studies, will learn new ways of challenging and thinking about old presumptions."

-Eugene J. Fisher, Distinguished Professor of Theology, Saint Leo University. Former consultor to the Vatican Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews and member of the International Catholic-Jewish Liaison Committee representing the Holy See.


"…An original and plausible claim that goes beyond most of modern scholarship… a solid contribution to the study of anti-Judaism in early Christianity."

- Joseph B. Tyson, Professor, Religious Studies, Southern Methodist University, Author of Marcion and Luke-Acts: A Defining Struggle


“I very much appreciated the depth and scope of the scholarship, accompanied by the kind and humble spirit of the author. It may also prove to be one of the formidable and formative scholarly contributions of the decade for both biblical and historical scholars.”

—Michael Thompson, Professor. Religious Studies – Oklahoma State University


"Impressive work...With this impassioned study available to us, it will no longer be possible for us to ignore the unintended ways the unthinkable came to be and still say 'we did not know.'"

- Didier Pollefeyt, Professor, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium, co-author of Anti-Judaism and the Fourth Gospel and Paul and Judaism


"A meticulous study…a mammoth endeavor… goes beyond others in his interpretation of the evidence, tracing and documenting distinctions and tensions in the early Jesus movement."

- N. A. Beck, Professor of Theology and Classical Languages, Texas Lutheran University and author of Mature Christianity in the 21st Century: The Recognition and Repudiation of the Anti-Jewish Polemic of the New Testament.


"The topics Bibliowicz engages are complex. Although some of his interpretations are controversial... Gentile Christians should set aside apologetical agendas and honestly ponder the challenges put forward by the author."

- Dale C. Allison, Jr., Professor of New Testament and Early Christianity, Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, Author of Constructing Jesus: History, Memory, and Imagination


"In methodical and precise fashion Bibliowicz takes the reader through the relevant ancient Christian texts bearing on the question at hand. In so doing, he proposes an intriguing, compelling thesis. The book should prove to be a major voice in the ongoing debate."

- Brooks Schramm, Professor, Biblical Studies, Lutheran Theological Seminary


"A detailed and insightful exploration of the writings of the early Jesus movement… argues convincingly that the origins of Christian anti-Judaism are to be found among early non-Jewish followers of Jesus who were in conflict with Jesus' disciples and first followers … a must read."

- Tim Hegedus, Professor of New Testament, Waterloo Lutheran Seminary, Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada


"Well-researched and thorough. Intelligent and thoughtful... accessible, the argumentation compelling."

- M. Murray, Professor, Bishop's University, Canada, Author of Playing a Jewish Game: Gentile Christian Judaizing in the First and Second Centuries C.E.


"Bibliowicz uses solid scholarship to engage large and difficult topics while managing to be balanced and clear... invites Christians to walk a deep journey towards truth ... and suggests a compelling nuance; that the conflicts in the early texts were between Jewish and Gentile followers of Jesus, not between Jews and Christians."

- David L. Coppola, Professor, Executive Director, Center for Christian-Jewish Understanding, Sacred Heart University

Racconta la Bibbia che Aman, primo ministro persiano, una volta appreso che il suo antagonista Mardocheo è ebreo, si adopera affinché, insieme a lui, siano sterminati tutti gli ebrei del regno. Le sorti però si rovesciano e Aman finisce sulla forca che lui stesso aveva fatto predisporre per Mardocheo. La vicenda, narrata nel Libro di Ester, è al centro della festa carnevalesca di Purim, in cui si ricorda la salvezza degli ebrei e la morte di Aman, il ministro che ne aveva progettato lo sterminio. Nella sua congettura, che si basa su un'originale quanto controversa interpretazione del Libro di Ester, Frazer ipotizza che Cristo sia stato ucciso nel corso di una sacra rappresentazione di Purim. Scartare l'ipotesi frazeriana come un esercizio di immaginazione sarebbe facile. Più interessante sarebbe seguire Frazer nella convinzione che all'interno della sua congettura su Cristo siano presenti, e possano quindi ricercarsi, «grani di verità». Questo volume introduce un sorprendente e fecondo nucleo problematico nello studio dell'intreccio-scontro tra cristianesimo ed ebraismo. Il testo di Frazer, qui presentato per la prima volta in italiano, è pressoché ignoto (perché non incluso nella versione ridotta del Ramo d'oro preparata dall'autore, tradotta in tutte le lingue). Alla Crocifissione di Cristo seguono alcune dense pagine di Edgard Wind, che studia, mettendola in relazione con la tesi di Frazer, la raffigurazione di Aman proposta da Michelangelo alla Cappella Sistina, dove Aman è rappresentato crocifisso. ---------

indice di "Purim e Passione. Note in margine ai testi di Frazer e di Wind" di Andrea Damascelli ---

131 Frazer e i «grani di verità»
134 I due articoli di Edgar Wind
136 Giovanni 3,14 e la relazione fra Legge e Grazia
139 Purim come parodia della Passione
146 Il Libro di Ester
154 Purim
156 Purim e Pesach
158 Pesach
161 Pesach e la tradizione evangelica
167 Il giogo di Geremia e l’afiqòmen
174 Hillel, Pesach e l’eucarestia
177 Melitone e la cena a Emmaus
180 Salmo 22 a Pesach
184 Uccisioni a Pesach
197 Una fonte per Michelangelo
198 Il Rotolo del Tempio e la maledizione del fico
202 Il serpente di rame e la maledizione della legge
204 Galati 3,13 e la negazione di Girolamo
207 Croce, maledizione e redenzione
213 Abramo, Fineas e la croce di Paolo
225 Metamorfosi di Aman
228 Cosa dice chi dice Aman
236 Un nucleo oscuro

243 Excursus 1. Il soggetto della «Derelitta» di Botticelli
246 Excursus 2. Le orecchie di Aman
248 Excursus 3. Papavero e memoria
250 Excursus 4. Modelli di violenza ---

http://www.quodlibet.it/schedap.php?id=1746#.VqPFSkuYXN0

L'articolo espone due problemi evidenziati in modo appassionato da Agostino nello scambio epistolare con Gerolamo, uno più circoscritto sull'interpretazione di un passo dell'Epistola ai Galati (Aug. epist. 28 e 40) e uno più generale sul modo opportuno di tradurre la bibbia (Aug. epist. 71). Inoltre, l'analisi di una densa risposta di Gerolamo contenuta nella lettera 72 consentirà di ricavare informazioni utili sullo scambio epistolare non soltanto in senso teologico e letterario, ma soprattutto in una prospettiva storico-culturale, mostrando che la comunicazione fra i due Padri si mantiene costantemente a un alto livello letterario evidente per esempio negli oculati riferimenti alla tradizione classica e agli autori curricolari.

This essay analyses the theme of Christ’s faithfulness in the theology of Galatians as indicative of Paul’s theology as a whole. It sees ἔργα νόμου (‘works of the law’) and πίστις Χριστοῦ as reflecting Paul’s antithetical pairing of Torah and Christ. This
polarity means that the contrast is between two distinct covenants, one bounded by law the other bounded by Christ. According to Caneday the source of this polarity is a narrative of Israel incurring the curse of the law for its unfaithfulness to the covenant and those who belong to the ‘works of the law’ are under the curse of Torah. In contrast,
Christ’s faithfulness through his curse-bearing death serves to redeem others from the curse of the Torah. The coming of πίστις is the restating of the coming of Abraham's seed, the coming of Christ’s faithfulness to fulfill God's promise covenant made with Abraham and his seed (the Christ) and to undo the curse of the law covenant.

The importance of this Commentary on Galatians for the
history of Protestantism is very great. It presents like no
other of Luther’s writings the central thought of Christianity,
the justification of the sinner for the sake of Christ’s merits
alone.We have permitted in the final revision of the manuscript
many a passage to stand which seemed weak and ineffectual
when compared with the trumpet tones of the Latin
original. But the essence of Luther’s lectures is there. May
the reader accept with indulgence where in this translation
we have gone too far in modernizing Luther’s expression—
making him “talk American.”
(This text was made available at the following website: https://ccel.org/ccel/l/luther/galatians/cache/galatians.pdf)

Paul not only introduced ethical monotheism,  scriptural religion, and teleology  to the Roman world, he also pioneered the rich and fruitful universe of personal belief. He was the first to familiarize ‘Western’ minds with the emotional and intellectual universe that moderns call ‘individual consciousness and belief.’ This contribution has not received proper credit due to our intuitive inclusion of beliefs and values within the realm of religion and to our (modern) awareness of ‘individual belief.’

However, for first-century Romans, belief (i.e., the beliefs of individuals) was to a large extent an unknown and unappreciated component of the human cognitive and religious experience. Individual belief was of no concern to the Roman authorities, religious or secular. The focal point of Roman life, culture, and religion were actions and deeds—not the beliefs of individuals. Religion was largely cultic. To most Romans, religion was a ritual act of allegiance with few requirements or implications. Beliefs and values, so central to moderns, were part of philosophy, not of religion.

St. Augustine is considered by many to be the first existentialist of the Western tradition for his early investigation of inner consciousness. However, after studying Paul, I consider him to be the true precursor of the Western exploration of individual religious introspection.  Paul’s emphasis on individual belief must have been novel and empowering. Moreover, by gravitating to the Gentile world, Paul became one of the great trans-cultural figures.

By distilling the Jewish message to its essence and by choosing belief as the delivery vehicle, Paul designed one of the most effective campaigns in the history of trans-cultural theological transfers.  ‘Sola Fide’ (by belief alone), Paul’s doctrinal battle cry, turned out to be the perfect channel, the perfect vehicle for the penetration of the Roman cultural and psychological defenses for it ‘delivered’ the essence of Judaism to his target audience.

Individual belief, as understood by moderns, was an under-developed and consequently unprotected, dimension in Roman religious thought. By concentrating on belief, Paul fashioned an intellectual and religious Trojan horse that targeted an open flank in the Roman armor. Paul’s message did penetrate the Roman cultural and emotional defenses, without activating the defense mechanisms that protect sacred tenets. Paul’s emphasis on belief must have been revolutionary. The notion that the beliefs of every individual were the arena where the drama of salvation unfolded must have been exhilarating in a society where individual freedom, regardless of class, was very limited. Furthermore, the idea that individual belief not only mattered, but was ‘the’ essence of human existence and the only measure for salvation, must have been an inspiring insight. For the first time in Western history what each individual believed was crucial. We can only imagine the great impact that this encounter must have caused in the Roman mind.

On the other hand, Judaism was too alien, demanding, and idiosyncratic for most. ‘Selling’ Judaism to the Romans would have necessitated a multi-dimensional overhaul of Roman society and was destined to fail. Paul understood that Judaism’s customs and traditions were a stumbling block on the path to bringing the Pagan masses to righteousness.  Similar to the Muslim, Hindu, and Parsee religions, first-century Judaism was a wide-ranging worldview of prescriptions and regulations that governed the totality of individual and community life.  Although (mostly) respectful of Judaism and intrigued by it, most Romans would not embrace it.

My reading emphasizes Paul’s confrontation with fellow Jewish followers of Jesus and their Gentile sympathizers. What incenses Paul is the opposition of some among the founding fathers to his de-Judaized interpretation of Jesus’s legacy. What ‘they’ (the Jerusalem leadership and their Gentile sympathizers) ‘reject’ and ‘do not understand’ is not belief in Jesus, but Paul’s version of it. Contrary to the traditional view (Paul’s theology as grounded in his theological confrontation with establishment Judaism),  I see the integrity of the Jesus movement and its fidelity to Torah as the central issues at stake.  Since Paul was expecting an imminent second coming (Rom. 8:18) it seems that his ministry was not aimed at the creation of a new religion. Nonetheless, in retrospect, we can see that Paul’s ministry was the beginning of a new religion that developed ambivalent attitudes towards Jews and Judaism. Both may have been unintended. As to the Jewish dimension, I see no clash between the historical Paul and mainstream Judaism. Paul’s confrontation was with the Jewish leadership of the Jesus movement,  not with ‘external’ Jews.

Was Augustine familiar with Philo's allegory in his De congressu eruditionis gratia, presenting Sarah as a figure of wisdom (or virtue), and Hagar as preparatory studies (enkuklia paideia)? Was Augustine influenced by Philo's precedent in recognizing Sarah as 'mother' of the church? Discussion of the progress of Augustine's two cities, De civitate Dei 15.2-3 assigned a pivotal role for Sarah, particularly on the basis of the Pauline allegory of Sarah and Hagar in Galatians 4:21-31 where these women represent, respectively, the city of God and the earthly city. Although the allegory supports a relationship of antithesis between the two cities (not rooted in the Philo's allegorical presentation), we also recognize that for Augustine the two cities are deeply intertwined in the present earthly context. Citizens of the kingdom of heaven are on pilgrimage, as part of the progress of the city of God in history, which is also the theme of civ. 15-18. This essay argues for a precedent in Philo for Augustine's profile of Sarah by recognizing that, aside from an antithesis between the two cities, the theme of pilgrimage accents progress from origins in a massa damnata toward a goal in the heavenly Jerusalem.

L’indagine, incentrata sui tratti mariologici del pensiero paolino, mostra anzitutto come Paolo dia la sua testimonianza scritta su Maria, connettendola in mo-do inseparabile al centro cristologico del suo «vangelo». Ma dalla concentrazione della cristologia paolina sul valore salvifico del mistero pasquale di Cristo più che sulla sua vicenda terrena consegue il carattere conciso del ricordo della madre del Figlio di Dio nella Lettera ai Galati (4,4). Per un motivo analogo, la Lettera ai Romani (1,3-4), riferendosi all’incarnazione del Figlio di Dio, non accenna né a Maria né alla sua maternità verginale, che, però, non è contraddetta dall’utilizzo solo metaforico del termine greco "sperma". D’altronde, Paolo colloca la mariologia nella prospettiva storico-salvifica del suo «vangelo». Perciò, nella Lettera ai Galati, il nascere del Figlio di Dio «da donna» (4,4) rientra nella dinamica di solidarietà universale (cf 2,20ef), vissuta da lui per obbedienza alla volontà del Padre (1,4b). Di conseguenza, l’apostolo preferisce sottolineare qui il carattere umiliante del farsi uomo del Figlio di Dio più che la straordinarietà della sua nascita verginale, così da non attenuare la forza argomentativa del paradosso di questo passo, che esige di essere completato dai dati dei vangeli dell’infanzia.

1Quatorze ans plus tard, je suis monté de nouveau à Jérusalem avec Barnabas ; j'avais aussi pris Tite avec moi. 2J'y suis monté à la suite d'une révélation et je leur ai présenté l'Évangile que je prêche parmi les non-Juifs ; je l'ai exposé en privé à ceux qui sont les plus considérés afin de ne pas courir ou avoir couru pour rien. 3Or Tite, qui était avec moi et qui est grec, n'a même pas été contraint de se faire circoncire, 4malgré les prétendus frères qui s'étaient furtivement glissés parmi nous pour épier la liberté que nous avons en Jésus-Christ, avec l'intention de nous asservir. 5Nous ne leur avons pas cédé un seul instant, afin que la vérité de l'Évangile soit maintenue pour vous. 6Quant à ceux qui sont les plus considérés – ce qu'ils étaient autrefois m'importe peu, Dieu ne fait pas de favoritisme – ils ne m'ont rien imposé de plus. 7Au contraire, ils ont vu que l'Évangile m'avait été confié pour les incirconcis comme à Pierre pour les circoncis 8– car celui qui a fait de Pierre l'apôtre des circoncis a aussi fait de moi l'apôtre des non-Juifs – 9et ils ont reconnu la grâce qui m'avait été accordée. Jacques, Céphas et Jean, qui sont considérés comme des piliers, nous ont alors donné la main d'association, à Barnabas et à moi, afin que nous allions, nous vers les non-Juifs, eux vers les circoncis. 10Ils nous ont seulement recommandé de nous souvenir des pauvres, ce que j'ai eu bien soin de faire.
11Mais lorsque Pierre est venu à Antioche, je me suis ouvertement opposé à lui, parce qu'il était condamnable. 12En effet, avant la venue de quelques personnes de l'entourage de Jacques, il mangeait avec les non-Juifs, mais après leur arrivée, il s'est esquivé et s'est tenu à l'écart par crainte des circoncis. 13Les autres Juifs ont pratiqué avec lui ce double jeu, de telle sorte que même Barnabas a été entraîné dans leur hypocrisie. 14Quand j'ai vu qu'ils ne marchaient pas droit, puisqu'ils ne respectaient pas la vérité de l'Évangile, j'ai dit à Pierre devant tous: « Si toi, qui es juif, tu vis à la manière des non-Juifs et non à la manière des Juifs, pourquoi veux-tu forcer les non-Juifs à se comporter comme des Juifs ?
15Nous, nous sommes des Juifs de naissance, et non des pécheurs issus des autres nations. 16Cependant, nous savons que ce n'est pas sur la base des œuvres de la loi que l'homme est déclaré juste, mais au moyen de la foi en Jésus-Christ. Ainsi, nous aussi nous avons cru en Jésus-Christ afin d'être déclarés justes sur la base de la foi en Christ et non des œuvres de la loi, puisque personne ne sera considéré comme juste sur la base des œuvres de la loi.
17Mais si, en cherchant à être déclarés justes en Christ, nous avons été trouvés pécheurs nous aussi, cela signifie-t-il que Christ serait un serviteur du péché ? Certainement pas ! 18En effet, si je reconstruis ce que j'ai détruit, je me présente moi-même comme coupable, 19puisque c'est la loi qui m'a amené à mourir à la loi afin de vivre pour Dieu. 20J'ai été crucifié avec Christ ; ce n'est plus moi qui vis, c'est Christ qui vit en moi ; et ce que je vis maintenant dans mon corps, je le vis dans la foi au Fils de Dieu qui m'a aimé et qui s'est donné lui-même pour moi. 21Je ne rejette pas la grâce de Dieu ; en effet, si la justice s'obtient par la loi, alors Christ est mort pour rien. »

Despite its dangers and pitfalls as an interpretive technique, mirror reading continues to enjoy pride of place as the preferred method for reconstructing the situation in Galatians. But does reflecting back the opposite of the text aid our understanding of Paul’s letter, or does it merely distort the picture? In this essay, we will discuss Paul’s conflict with the agitators in Galatians to reveal the inherent methodological problems of mirror reading this letter. Specifically, we will address the question whether the agitators in Galatia were questioning Paul’s credentials, prompting Paul to write his lengthy narrative in Galatians 1–2. We will then evaluate recent scholars who have sought to retire the mirror in their interpretation of Paul’s narrative, before ourselves providing a fresh reading of Paul’s aims in Galatians 1–2. We will suggest that Paul was not defending himself (or his gospel or anything else) in Galatians. Rather, Paul was constructing a self-contrast with the agitators in an effort to persuade the Galatians to turn back to the one true gospel and to reject the judaising tactics of the agitators.

The article examines some aspects of the so-called "new perspective on Paul” and its meaning for a current understanding of Paul’s theology, especially its relationship to a "Lutheran" approach to Paul. In particular, it analyses Gal 2:15–17, a basic text for some representatives of the “new perspective”.

Via Carraie, 58 -Ravenna Tel. 0544 401290 -fax 0544 1930153 www.giorgiopozzieditore.it [email protected] In copertina: Enrico Pazzi, monumento a Dante in piazza Santa Croce a Firenze Questo numero è dedicato alla memoria di Manara Valgimigli (1876-1965) Finito di stampare nel settembre 2015 da Modulgrafi ca Forlivese (Forlì) Questa pubblicazione è edita con il contributo della Le copertine dei primi tre numeri del «Bollettino dantesco», pubblicati nel 2012-2014. «Bollettino dantesco», numero 4, settembre 2015

This is an early MA piece.

Galatians 4:8 and 9  is a very important position in the book where Paul’s argument on the changed role of Jewish law is enhanced with some important theology-proper and anthropology.  A lot of the work on this passage has focussed on the implications that this passage has directly on Paul’s argument, based on the premise that Paul is simply comparing the Galatians’ preoccupation with the law with their previous idolatry and pagan religion, to show its futility and error.  In doing so, the possibility that Paul is finding a connection between these two themes is largely ignored as it is seen merely as an extreme analogy through which Paul expresses his despair and anger at his Galatian opponents enforcing certain Jewish laws, such as circumcision and seasonal observances.  In this short piece of exegesis, I intend to show that Paul used this analogy not only for its juxtaposition, but also because he may have meant to express a closer link in style between the nature of his Galatian opponents’ legalistic practice and their former pagan traditions.

2 ἀνέβην δὲ κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν, καὶ ἀνεθέμην αὐτοῖς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ὃ κηρύσσω ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, κατʼ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσιν, μήπως εἰς κενὸν τρέχω ἢ ἔδραμον. 3 Ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ Τίτος ὁ σὺν ἐμοί, Ἕλλην ὤν, ἠναγκάσθη περιτμηθῆναι· 2 Fui para lá por causa de uma revelação. Reuni-me em particular com os líderes e compartilhei com eles as boas-novas que tenho anunciado aos gentios. Queria me certificar de que estávamos de acordo, pois temia que meus esforços, anteriores e presentes, fossem considerados inúteis. 3 Mas eles me apoiaram e nem sequer exigiram que Tito, que me acompanhava, fosse circuncidado, embora fosse gentio.

This paper argues that the phrase “works of the law” found
in Paul’s letters is best interpreted as “functions of the law” or
the “characteristic activities of the law.” This paper is divided into
two parts: First, this paper will show that in the Greco-Roman
philosophical tradition ergon often takes the meaning of “function.”
Second, this paper will examine how “works of the law” interpreted
as “functions of the law” might cohere with the overall argument of
Paul’s letters.

Moisés Silva offers here a survey of interpretive method using Galatians as a case study. His is not an interpretation per se (though one does learn where he stands on major interpretive issues), but an instruction on how the exegete should approach the text of Galatians and what questions are important to ask, not only about the text itself but about the vast body of extant commentary available for use.

Shabbir Akhtar's commentary on Galatians is a great achievement in the history of Muslim-Christian relations--the first Muslim commentary on a complete biblical book according to its original language. The book also defines and exemplifies a style of Muslim-Christian conversation that assumes a clash of crucial claims and seeks to understand the other without rushing to affirm the faith of the other.

Section A addresses Barth’s attempts in the prefaces to his commentary on Romans to explain and to justify his exegetical method in response to the accusation that he was “an enemy of historical criticism”.  Section B treats a specimen of Barth’s exegesis of Galatians as presented in a long excursus of CD IV/1. Does his evidently “theological” exegesis of Galatians also involve historical exegesis in any meaningful sense of the term? Section C looks at Barth’s “apocalyptic” interpretation of both Romans and Galatians and does so primarily in dialogue with two Barth scholars, Bruce McCormack and Shannon Nicole Smythe. The basic argument here is that the development of Barth's thought from his commentary on Romans to Church Dogmatics IV reverses the vector of Paul's own argumentation.

Many New Testament scholars feel rather uncomfortable when they encounter Paul’s way of interpreting Scripture. This is particularly the case for those instances where Paul reads Scripture allegorically, i.e. where he suggests a meaning that contradicts the plain sense of a text. In 1 Cor. 9:8-12a, for example, he claims that the prohibition of muzzling a threshing ox (cf. Deut. 25:4) does not actually refer to oxen but indicates the obligation of supporting apostles. An appropriate understanding of such passages, however, is only possible if they are read within a framework of ancient and not of modern hermeneutics. Lanzinger therefore seeks to recover ancient methods of reinterpreting religious traditions by analysing relevant texts from the New Testament environment (Heraclitus, Plutarch, Philo, Dead Sea Scrolls). In doing so, he takes advantage of the categorisations provided by ancient handbooks of rhetoric. It concludes that allegory is a well-accepted method of ancient text interpretation which is based upon a set of rules. This result is applied to the relevant passages in Paul’s epistles (esp. Gal. 4:21-31; 1 Cor. 9:8-12a; 10:1-14; Gal. 3:16). It follows that Paul is well acquainted with the concept of allegory and deliberately applies it in his letters in order to strengthen his arguments in an elegant style.

This paper argues against the commonly held view that Paul's metaphors on "running" are derived from agonistic language imagining a foot race in Galatians. The paper argues instead that the language is derived from prophetic literature, and Habakkuk 2 in particular, which imagines a messenger running from town to town proclaiming the prophetic vision of the just person living by faithfulness.