Dervish

Termenul de " derviş " desemnează o persoană care se ghidează după modelul ascetic sufit şi urmează o tariqah caracterizată prin sărăcie şi auteritate. Dervişul se focusează în special pe iubire şi servitudine şi altruism, cu scopul de a ajunge la Dumnezeu. În majoritatea ordinelor sufite, dervişul practică dhikr prin exprimări fizice, pentru a atinge acest scop. Motivul pentru care dervişii aleg sărăcia extremă şi, implicit, nevoia de a cerşi, este aceea de a învăţa umilinţa, dar şi de a se cunoaşte atât pe sine cât şi misterele universului. Banii primiţi, însă, nu trebuie cheltuiţi pentru bunăstarea lor, ci sunt donaţi săracilor. Numele de " derviş " poate fi tradus el însuşi prin " cerşetor ". Dervişii sunt prezenţi în interiorul sunismului datorită lui Rumi, dar şi în alevism, inspirat de bektaşism. Ştim deja despre bektaşism că a fost influenţat, la rândul său, de mai multe religii şi curente de gândire ale lumii. În cazul de faţă, vom vorbi despre influenţele provenite pe filieră mongolă şi şamanică, mai ales cu privire la ritualul de iniţiere al dervişului. Asemenea ucenicului şaman, un derviş este inţiat de către un maestru şi participă la ritualurile consacrate ordinului, care constau adeasea în repetarea numelor lui Dumnezeu. Precum şamanul, dervişul se angajează în practici hipnotice, până ajunge la extazul mistic. Nu putem spune cu exactitate dacă aceste practici derviste sunt provenite exclusiv pe filieră mongolă, ţinând cont că practica inţierii şi a ritualului extatic şamanic a fost răspândit în întreaga lume, pornind din continetul african, până în America Latină, însă, trebuie să ţinem cont că şamanismul mongol a fost şi încă este forma cea mai puternică şi influenţabilă de şamanism. În plus, şamanismul se manifesta în imediata vecinătate a graniţelor musulmane şi, deci, caracteristicile acestuia puteau inspira pe mulţi şi puteau fi incluse în noile curente de gândire. Elementul caracteristic al dervişilor este dansul în jurul propriei axe, spre dreapta. Dansul acesta este performat în interiorul unui ceremonial de venerare, în care dervişii ţintesc către atingerea lui Dumnezeu şi abandonarea egoismului, a dorinţelor, focusându-se în special pe Dumnezeu. Dansul lor simbolizează rotirea planetelor din sistemul solar şi, deci, viaţa.

The Mevlevism order was established in the Seljuk period in Anatolia in the thirteenth century. After the death of Mevlana Celaleddin-i Rumi, his son Sultan Veled systemized his father's thoughts and created his own rules and brought the rituals to a ceremony in the form of sema ceremonies. Sultan Veled gave the name “Mevlevism” to his sect and was called “Mevlevihan” to his Dervish Houses.
Nearly 140 Mevlevihane building was established in a wide geography which its east is in Tabriz (Iran), west is in Pecu (Hungary), north is in Gözleve (Ukraine), South is in Cairo (Egypt) and Mecca in Saudi Arabia. Nearly 80 of these Dervish Houses remained in the Republic of Turkey. After the declaration of Turkish Republic, these Dervish Houses were closed in 1925 by the law of “closure Tekkes and Zaviyes”, no. 677.
There are two kinds of Mevlevihan, which are “Asitane” and “Zaviye”. Mevlevihan called Asitane are the main Dergahs which are full-fledged and has removing “ordeal” possibilities. The number of Asitane constructions is around 15 in all Mevlevihan buildings. Another Mevlevihan building is Zaviye. Zaviye were ruled by Mevlevi, who has the title of “şeyh” and “dede”. Many of the Mevlevihan become a historical monument because of their architectural style and construction date. However, most of these structures have been ruined over the years. Apart from a small number of Mevlevihan, which was established as "Külliye", "Semahane" parts of these Mevlevihan were used as mosques and remained up to date. When the architectural programs of the Mevlevihans are examined, it is seen that the Mevlevihans, which were settled down in 13th century have an architectural program after the 16th century and they take Konya Mevlana Dergah as an example. However, it is not possible to mention about same sized and specified spaces in all the Mevlevihans. There are similar sections only in the large-
scale Mevlevihans which are “Asitane” status. In this study, an evaluation and classification study was carried out on the architectural formation of the Mevlevihans one of the Dervish constructions in Islamic architecture which attracted attention with its wide geography.

Özet Türk İslam Devletleri'nden günümüze kadar intikal eden toplumsal temel problemlerden birisi de Alevilik ve Alevi kesimlere karşı olan olumsuz bakış açısıdır.Nasıl ki, Sünni aileler çocuklarını yetiştirirken,Alevilerden uzak tutmaya çalışıyorsa,aynı şekilde Alevi aileler de çocuklarının Sünnilerle evlilik yapmalarını uygun görümüyor.Bu sorun yüzyıllardır devletlerin;siyasi,sosyal,ekonomik,dini ve kültürel sorunu olmakla kalmamış,iki mezhep arasında zaman zaman nefrete dönüşebilecek sonuçlar da doğurmuştur.Bana göre sorunun esası,Aleviler'in kendilerini anlatabilecek kadar donanımlı yetişememeleri ve Sünniler'in de Aleviler'e karşı kesin net bir çizgi ile ön yargı takınmalarıdır.Bu önyargı gereğince Sünniler, Aleviler'i dinsizlikle itam ederken,Aleviler de Sünniler'i,yezitlikle itam etmekten geri kalmamışlardır.Neticede her Sünni'nin,dini bütün bir Müslüman olması beklenemeyeceği gibi,her Alevi'nin de dini bütün olması beklenemez.Tıpkı her Alevi'nin has Kızılbaş olması beklenemeyeceği gibi,her Sünni'nin de yezit olması ihtimali söz konusu dahi olamaz!Din ve dindarlık,kişinin nefsiyle olan savaşında kendisine karşı olan galibiyeti ve mağlubiyetinden başka bir şey değildir.Söz konusu olan kavramların insan ilişkilerine alet edilmesi son derece yanlıştır. 1 Bu çalışmada yer alan Alevilik mezhebi üzerine yerleşmiş olan birtakım kavramların kısaca açıklanması,umarım ki bu ön yargıların bir nebzede olsa kırabilir. Abstract Alevism is the biggest problem of Turkish Islamic states for centuries. Alevis and Sunni families constantly mutilate each other and their children are affected negatively. In my opinion, the real problem is that the flames themselves can not tell and Sunnis must be prejudiced against the Alevis. Whereas neither the Alevis nor the Sunnis are perfect. People understand that and love each other. There are some basic concepts about Alevism. This article has briefly mentioned these concepts. I hope these concepts are understandable in some way and people lift prejudices against each other.

Names, such as Kalenderi, Cavlaki, Haydari, Vefai, Bababi, Kizilbash, Bektashi,
Rafizi, Abdal, Ishik and Torlak, were used in order to define Turkmen dervishes who
came with migrations to Anatolia between the 11th and 13th centuries, in the context of
their Sufi conception and belief-centred ritual identities. Most of these names are given
as a result of the attempts from the outside to define the communities because they were
not involved in the religious and political concept of that time and they also had esoteric
religious rituals. Researches defined these communities under the term “heterodox”
because the communities were excluded from the Sunni and Shia concepts in the context
of sharia (religious law) in scholarly studies too. However, the question whether these
names, used for the communities mentioned above, define various religious orders or
groups or not has brought a new debate. In the available literature, mostly within archival
documents, historical sources, “menakibname” and “tezkire”, evaluations are made in
the context of the names and definitions given in the works and documents, which were
written by persons who were not members of the communities in question, and the
approaches of the members or persons close to the community were ignored. Based on
these detections, our study gives a comparative analysis of the naming of the heterodox
communities mentioned above, especially taking into consideration the works of the
community members. In this respect, we used an emic and etic approach that does not
ignore the esoteric structure of the communities. As a result, we noticed that a significant
majority of these communities does not consider themselves different from each other
in the context of religious identity, Sufi doctrine, ritual universe and naming, and that the
considerable majority of the differences in the above-mentioned naming are the result of
the attempts to “define from the outside”.

Among the Bedouins of the Negev desert, Israel, there are Dervish healers specializing in what are now called psychiatric disorders. Five Dervish (three male, two female) were interviewed and observed with reference to concepts of etiology, symptom classification, diagnosis, stages of treatment, and aftercare. The conclusion examines reasons why Bedouins might want to seek treatment from a Dervish, rather than a modern health care practitioner.

Farid bani has been approached from different angles – religious (whether Baba Farid is a Sufi or an orthodox Muslim, how far his views match with or differ from those of the Sikh Gurus), socio-cultural (how he was able to present so vivid a picture of the Punjabi culture of his times, why his verses descended deep into the Punjabi psyche so that he is remembered with reverence even today), linguistic (how he could use so pure Punjabi language which looks so closely modern even today, why Farid chooses couplet as his poetic form, how far this poetic form matches with his themes), philosophical (whether his poetry is pessimistic or not), so on and so forth. But it has not been attempted from the recent ecocritical point of view. The series of my articles on Farid’s poetry of which this paper is second, seeks to study Farid bani from this angle. The first paper discussed various themes of Farid bani and observed that they chiefly project Baba Farid’s nonanthropocentric view of life. The present paper supports the main argument of the first paper focusing this time on dervish, the human protagonist of Farid’s poetry. Viewed from spiritual, moral, social and other angles, Farid’s dervish clearly emerges as a nonanthropocentric man. This paper, thus, attempts to explore Farid bani to find out its modern appeal and relevance to present times.

2011 yılında ilk kez tarafımızdan ilim alemine tanıtılan Agnes Dick Ramsay'nin "Everyday Life in Turkey" adlı eseri Afyonkarahisar Mevlevîhanesi ve ona mensup Mevlevîlerden de söz eder. Among a few travelogue that mention Afyonkarahisar Mevlevi convent and its dervishes, the most detailed one is Agnes Dick Ramsay’s “Everday Life in Turkey” named work.

Abstract: The ideals of manhood have been celebrated in all cultures through interesting stories of adventure, warfare, and love. The concept of Sahibqiran as an ideal king and
world conqueror remained ingrained in the consciousness of the Muslim ruling elite as well as in the common reader’s sensibility throughout Islamic history and across the widespread Islamic territories from the Arabian Peninsula to the South Asian subcontinent.
This article analyzes the concept of Sahibqirani as illustrated by the compositional techniques and thematic devices employed by storytellers of an oral narrative titled
Dastan-e-Amir Hamza Sahibqiran (1855). It explores the historical, political, and cultural backdrop of the honorific Sahibqiran and its romanticization in popular Islamic literature. The Adventures of Amir Hamza: Lord of the Auspicious Planetary Conjunction (2007) is
an English translation of Dastan-e-Amir Hamza Sahibqiran. The work is the longest romance cycle in Urdu, comprising a forty-six-volume written record of an oral storytelling tradition. The stories in this work are centered on the heroics of Amir Hamza, a fictitious character with complex historical and religious affiliations. As a popular Indo-
Islamic romance, it combines history, religion, and culture. This article explores the ideals of manhood and kingship as depicted in this romance and introduces a non-native speaker of Urdu to a new world of collective imagination informed by history, religion, and culture.

L’article étudie la représentation des arts étrangers en prenant appui sur les Mémoires du chevalier d’Arvieux, publiés de manière posthume en 1735. Par son apprentissage de la peinture puis de la musique en Orient, l’auteur, qui fut longtemps consul, témoigne de son intérêt pour l’univers artistique oriental. Peignant son propre portrait puis s’attachant à faire celui des Autres dans ses écrits, Arvieux évolue vers une exploration et une appréciation de la musique arabe qu’il réhabilite. Il confère ainsi à l’art un rôle de lien social interculturel.