Border control

Ceuta y Melilla, las ciudades fronterizas de la Unión Europea en África, pueden ser definidas como territorios de excepción. Fundamentalmente por dos motivos. El primero: el estatus jurídico-político diferenciado que la arquitectura institucional española y comunitaria les reserva. Y el segundo: las particularidades de la política de control migratorio/fronterizo allí implementada. Ceuta y Melilla no están constituidas en Comunidades Autónomas. No forman parte del espacio aduanero de la Unión Europea, el Tratado de Schengen se despliega sobre ellas con notables singularidades y, formalmente, se hallan fuera del paraguas de protección de la OTAN.
Enmarañado con las reivindicaciones territoriales de Marruecos, este estatus jurídico-político especial convierte a Ceuta y a Melilla en claras «excepciones de Estado». En este caldo de cultivo, en torno a las vallas que separan a ambas ciudades del resto de África opera un régimen de movilidad acrobático. Con harta frecuencia el régimen fronterizo de Ceuta y Melilla se muestra incompatible con el respeto a los derechos humanos y a la integridad física de los migrantes, conformando un «estado de excepción» de facto en materia de control migratorio.

Den 25 januari 1744 lämnade Annika Åqvist sin välbeställda rusthållargård i Roslagen för att ta sig till Hamburg och förena sig med sin make Olof. 1 Ett drygt halvår tidigare hade Olof hastigt tvingats lämna landet misstänkt för att ha uppmanat sina sockenmän att ansluta sig till dalupproret. Hans flykt misstänkliggjorde även Annika och hon utgav sig därför under sin resa för att vara änka och försökte hålla sitt mål hemligt. I Helsingborg blev dock myndigheterna misstänksamma, och Annika arresterades. Under den följande rättegången skärskådade rådhusrätten Annikas inblandning i hennes makes förehavanden, men inte nog med det: rättsprotokollen visar hur magistraten i Helsingborg granskade Annikas resande i stort, och de ansträngde sig för att utreda Annikas samtliga kontakter och handlingar. 2 I föreliggande artikel analyserar jag den tidigmoderna svenska statens misstänkliggörande av Annikas resande och rörlighet. Utifrån en enskild fallstudie undersöker jag hur lokala överheter formulerade migranten som ett säkerhetsproblem, och diskuterar vilket hot Annika utgjorde mot magistraten och 1. Artikeln ingår i projektet "Baltic Hospitality" finansierat av Östersjöstiftelsen, vid Södertörns högskola.

In the last decade, various information systems have been created to process data in 'near to real-time' across agencies to 'improve situational awareness and to increase reaction capability' at the external borders of the European Union. While the policing of mobilities is increasingly discussed in terms of instantaneity, speed, and real-timeness, little has been said about the temporalities of data mobility. This paper focuses on the socio-technical architectures that are generative of data mobilities and analyses the temporality of data circulation as the outcome of a contingent formation of various actors, sites, and materials. Based on an indepth analysis of the Frontex information system Joint Operation Reporting Application (JORA), it works out several sources of turbulence that turn data mobility into a 'crooked' process of patching multiple temporalities and paces together. It will show how the implementation of JORA faces data frictions, issues of data quality, the synchronization of multiple orderings, and the clash of temporalities of border control practices on the ground. Thus, the infrastructuring of data circulation has effects on interorganizational forms of collaboration and knowledge production as well as on border work in the field of European migration and border control.

Face and facial pattern detection is an active research area that is useful for many practical applications. In this paper, we present an innovative technique for eye detection using Augmented Dynamic Time Warping (ADTW) algorithm. Dynamic Time Warping (DTW) is a reliable algorithm that can perform similarity matching between two sequences but it requires supplimnetry techniques to be effective and efficient when used as a pattern detection tool. Therefore, for template matching in a facial pattern detection, the DTW is augmented with proposed image processing strategy along with a proper weighting scheme to increase its efficiency and accuracy. Our proposed ADTW overcomes some of the shortcomings associated with the traditional dynamic time warping and hence improves the alignment of the warping path of the sequences. The results of the implementation of the ADTW to detect eyes in facial images of subject with and without glasses show a marked improvement in detection accuracy when compared with that of the traditional DTW. © 2012 ICIC International.

www.ijicic.org/10-08069-1.pdf

È possibile raccontare le attuali rotte migranti dentro, intorno e contro i
confini europei attraverso la lente storica della Underground railroad,
l’esperienza essenzialmente black di fuga e sottrazione dalle catene della
schiavitù e dal regime delle piantagioni degli Stati uniti del sud prima della
guerra civile?
Forse sì, a patto di riconoscere in due vicende temporalmente lontane e sotto molti aspetti incomparabili una comune matrice: la tensione verso un luogo percepito come libero e la creazione di rotte e spazi alternativi che in questo libro continuano a essere indicati come "Europe".
In un viaggio etnografico attraverso una serie di situazioni di confine, di luoghi provvisori e di spazi riappropriati (a Calais, Ventimiglia, Ceuta e Melilla, Pozzallo, Atene, Patrasso) si finisce così per imbattersi in altrettante stazioni di un’ipotetica e riaggiornata ferrovia sotterranea, UndergroundEurope, unica possibile via di fuga rispetto alla geografia claustrofobica e razzializzata dell’Europa di oggi.

During the past few years the border waters between Europe and Africa have become an EU-policy crucible. In the midst of the tightening of EU border controls and refugee protection claims, supranational, national and local actors fi nd themselves in a phase of legal insecurity and negotiation. Th is article is based on ethnographical research carried out in Libya, Italy and Malta. It sheds light on the diff erent actors' practices at sea and in the surrounding border region. It also explores how new parameters for refugee protection are emerging in the border regions of the European Union. Th e article argues that the policy practices of the co-operation between Italy and Libya as well as the informal operational methods carried out in the Mediterranean Sea function as a trailblazer of the overall EU refugee policy. In the long term, some of these practices will aff ect and change the legal basis and the formal regulations of the European refugee regime. Th e principle of non-refoulement could fi rst be undermined and then abolished in this process. Using an approach that combines the empirical study of border regions with a legal anthropological perspective, the article analyses the Union's processes of change and decision-making on local, national and supranational levels and their interconnections.

Against a backdrop of rising unemployment and increased deprivation, this FRA Annual report closely examines the situation of those, such as children, who are vulnerable to budget cuts, impacting important fields such as education, healthcare and social services. It looks at the discrimination that Roma continue to face and the mainstreaming of elements of extremist ideology in political and public discourse. It considers the impact the crises have had on the basic principle of the rule of law, as well as stepped up EU Member State efforts to ensure trust in justice systems.

ABSTRACT The objective of this article is to understand how security works at frontiers in Brazil, bringing to light some of its controversial aspects. From the analysis of the structure set up by the Federal Government and based on Agatha Operation and Sentinela Operation, considerations will be made about the changes that can bring more control over such regions of our territory. This indicates that the currently

In recent years, a number of European countries abolished national border controls in favor of Europe’s external frontiers. In doing so, they challenged long-established conceptions of sovereignty, territoriality, and security in world affairs.

Setting forth a new analytic framework informed by constructivism and pragmatism, Ruben Zaiotti traces the transformation of underlying assumptions and cultural practices guiding European policymakers and postnational Europe, shedding light on current trends characterizing its politics and relations with others. The book also includes a fascinating comparison to developments in North America, where the United States has pursued more restrictive border control strategies since 9/11. As a broad survey of the origins, evolution, and implications of this remarkable development in European integration, Cultures of Border Control will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations and political geography.

The article explores the ambiguous dialectic between the technocratic ideology of risk management and the recurrent call for emergency measures which characterizes Euro-Mediterranean border control policies, showing how Frontex has ultimately succeeded in capitalising on the recurring cry to humanitarian emergencies coming from some Member Countries. Far from seeing its legitimacy undermined as a risk management agency that should predict and prevent potential migratory crisis, it has incorporated the emergency rethoric into its official communication, making it a legitimating tool for a steady expansion of its role, prerogatives and resources to the detriment of alternative actors in migration policy. This reproduces the paradoxes of a humanitarian policy which is intended at protecting the bare life of migrants and asylum seekers, while violating their fundamental rights to escape and find asylum elsewhere.

The thesis describes the immigration law of European Union, concentrating on both already exisiting solutions and the suggested new one that should be introduced in order to improve the actual law dispositions in this matter. The thesis concentrates exclusively on the problems of legal immigration, so does not include the problematic of illegal immigration or asylum. The thesis refers to the problem of the border control and Schengen area, too.

Immigration detention centres have an ambiguous legal status. Functioning outside the criminal justice institutional circuit, they can be hardly framed by ordinary legal categories. Their legal ambiguity is perfectly reflected in the existing literature, which proposes different interpretations of the legal status of immigration administrative detention. This article explores the issue trying to isolate four theoretical points of reference out of the complex debate that political, social and legal sciences have conducted on the expanding role of administrative detention within the framework of contemporary immigration control policies. Each theoretical perspective defines the legal status of immigration detention starting from a particular image of the stranger, seen as an enemy, as a risk bearer, as a person in need of humanitarian aid and, finally, as a non-person. The analysis will then converge into a final reflection on the relationship between migration, freedom, and security in contemporary democracies which will discuss borders as the contemporary blind-spot of human rights.

La detenzione amministrativa è un’eccezione rispetto al delicato equilibrio tra potere politico e libertà personale disegnato dalle moderne costituzioni democratiche. Solo in casi limitati e per motivi di stringente necessità è, infatti, consentito al potere esecutivo di ricorrere a forme di privazione della libertà personale che, nel quadro dello Stato costituzionale di diritto, sono una prerogativa esclusiva del potere giudiziario. In molti paesi occidentali la detenzione amministrativa degli stranieri è tuttavia negli ultimi decenni diventata una pratica di controllo ordinaria, una routine amministrativa che non ha più bisogno di essere legittimata da particolari emergenze. L’abuso dei poteri detentivi nel quadro della politica migratoria ha sottoposto migranti e richiedenti asilo ad una sistematica limitazione dei diritti, assoggettandoli a forme di detenzione o restrizione della libertà personale che offrono minori garanzie rispetto a quelle previste dal sistema della giustizia penale. Ciò ha amplificato, oltre al rischio di abusi e discriminazioni, l’effetto complessivo di criminalizzazione.
Il volume analizza il processo attraverso il quale si è giunti ad una progressiva normalizzazione della detenzione amministrativa degli stranieri, combinando in maniera originale la prospettiva della teoria politica, della sociologia e della critica del diritto. Particolare attenzione è dedicata al caso italiano, discusso alla luce dell’evoluzione della normativa internazionale ed europea in materia di migrazioni ed asilo, nonché del dibattito teorico che negli ultimi anni si è sviluppato in seno alle scienze politico-sociali sulla questione del rapporto tra migrazioni, libertà e sicurezza nelle democrazie occidentali.

This chapter describes the evolution of the Italian maritime border control policies in the last twenty years, analyzing the process that has led to the creation of a complex and integrated border control apparatus. Integrated here refers to the facts that border control policies increasingly involve the action of many institutional actors and that the geopolitics of border control produces a wide frontier zone extending from third countries' territorial waters up to the archipelago of first reception and detention centres located on Italy's southern shores. The chapter starts with a preliminary examination of the wider context in which the control of irregular migration by sea takes place in the Mediterranean scenario, focusing then on the description of the Italian border control apparatus. In particular, it will describe the legal basis and the complex institutional framework that shaped maritime border surveillance policies in the last twenty years. These policies will be analysed by describing their evolution up to the latest operational activities launched in the Strait of Sicily with the aim to tackle the refugee crisis. The analysis will highlight the leading role played by Italy in the increasing militarization of border control policies taking place also at the EU level, by illustrating how this is due not so much to the humanitarian need to provide greater search and rescue capacity on the high sea, as to the political will to strengthen the external governance of internal security by using the fight against smuggling and trafficking in human beings as a cover for legitimizing an increased presence of EU security forces in crisis contexts.

La política de la Unión Europea en materia de control de la migración forma parte de un proceso mundial de contención de las migraciones no deseadas y de prohibición de la capacidad de circulación de los pobres y marginados del mundo. Este proceso ha ido acompañado de una constante erosión de los derechos de los migrantes y los refugiados y solicitantes de asilo a entrar y establecerse en los países desarrollados.  A partir de esta premisa de partida, el objetivo de este artículo es doble. Por un lado, pretende contribuir a explicar la creciente sofisticación e inhumanidad de la política europea, que conduce a espacios cada vez más reducidos en los que los migrantes pueden reclamar sus derechos y ser tratados con dignidad. Por otra parte, quiere exponer cómo en respuesta a lo que se plantea como una crisis por la llegada sin precedentes de refugiados y migrantes irregulares a partir de 2015 se desarrolla una política para una pretendida gestión «humana y eficiente » de la migración centrada en la protección de las fronteras exteriores. En particular queremos destacar como aludiendo a la excepcionalidad de la presión migratoria se han creado espacios de detención en las fronteras exteriores.  Los hotspots ideados como una medida provisional para hacer frente a situaciones de emergencia humanitaria se han convertido en espacios de detención permanente donde se mantiene a los migrantes y solicitantes de asilo en condiciones que no cumplen las mínimas medidas de acogida sugeridas por el Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR) .

In this paper I will try to understand in what sense it is possible to talk of a migrant or refugee 'crisis' in the EU. I will also consider the consequences a narrow interpretation of the 'crisis' in terms of increasing migratory pressure has had for the evolution of the EU border control regime. I will first describe the essential features of this border control regime. I will then show how the intense public debate on the 'crisis' has prevented public opinion from seeing how its root causes were not to be found in exogenous factors hitting the EU from the outside, but, rather, lie in the intrinsic weaknesses of the EU border control regime which the political instability in the Mediterranean region has brought to light. I will then look at the EU response to the crisis, showing how this has moved in the direction of an attempt to restore the EU border control regime. Finally, I will argue that the alleged 'crisis' has brought about a further consolidation of the uneven political geography of the EU borders.

Nel 2005 nasce l’agenzia europea Frontex, cui è stato affidato il difficile compito di coordinare l’attività di controllo delle frontiere comuni svolta dalle diverse forze di sicurezza nazionali. Frontex rappresenta uno straordinario laboratorio per le politiche di controllo della mobilità umana nell’Europa contemporanea. Un laboratorio attraverso il quale l’Unione sta concretamente sperimentando un inedito modello di gestione post-nazionale della frontiera. Questo libro rappresenta il primo sistematico tentativo di analizzare dal punto di vista delle scienze politiche, giuridiche e sociali, l’impatto che l’agenzia Frontex ha avuto sulle politiche di controllo delle migrazioni a livello europeo. Esso ripercorre la genesi dell’agenzia e ne descrive in dettaglio il funzionamento concreto, offrendo per la prima volta al lettore italiano un resoconto empirico completo sulla sua struttura e le sue attività. Nel fare ciò, tenta di esplorare il significato che un simile esperimento politico può avere per la geopolitica della frontiera europea, situando la discussione sulla nascita e il funzionamento di Frontex nel contesto del dibattito sul rapporto tra migrazioni, sicurezza e trasformazione dei confini nel mondo contemporaneo.

The EU’s concern with the fragile states of Sahel is not new. This became evident already in 2011 through the EU Strategy for Security and Development in the Sahel (EU 2011). The conflict that erupted in Mali in 2012 pushed the issue of the Sahel even higher on the agenda, and the migration crises of 2014/15 made the Sahel a concern of ‘high politics’ for Europe. As a result, the EU and other international stakeholders are increasingly involved on the ground in Mali and several other Sahel countries through Operational Serval and now Barkhane (France), MINUSMA (the United Nations) and the deployment of two EU police and military training missions. It is the latter two missions that constitute the main case studies in this report. They are the EU Capacity Building Mission (EUCAP Sahel Mali) and the EU Training Mission to Mali (EUTM). Despite the efforts of these international interventions, security in Mali is deteriorating, and the conflict has spread to the centre of the country. Central Mali is currently gripped by escalating insecurity, due to an increase in inter-communal conflicts, the proliferation of self-defence groups and non-state actors including violent extremist ‘jihadist’ groups and bandits. Consequently, 2017 has been the most violent year since the French intervention in 2013 (see Ba and Bøås 2017).

This paper offers a critical review of the EUTM and EUCAP in Mali, arguing that this is another example of international interventions that may be well-intended, but that end up producing very mixed results on the ground. One reason for this is the gaps between intentions and implementation and between implementation and local reception/perceptions. Whereas the first gap points to mismatches between EU policy intentions and what effect the implementation of these policies actually have (see for example Hill 1993), the latter gap reveals the inability of an international actor to both understand how key concepts such as ‘security sector reform’ and ‘border management’ are understood on the ground as well as translating its own policies and Brussels’ developed mandate into policies that makes sense for people on the ground (Cissé, Bøås, Kvamme and Dakouo 2017).

This paper will therefore assess the opportunities, limits and consequences of EU crisis response on the ground by studying the match or mismatch between the mandates and the practices in the field. The crisis responses examined are the EUTM, EUCAP as well as the
border management policies within the EU Trust Fund (EUTF). In doing so, we will investigate and evaluate the EU’s practices of ‘conflict sensitivity’ and their bottom–up considerations by describing its practices in engaging local actors (elites as much as affected communities) and evaluating the presence or absence of local ownership and the latter’s significance for the impact-effectiveness of EU policies.

This paper is based on review of documents and detailed fieldwork in Mali. Most of the interviews and meetings that forms the background for this work was conducted when most authors of this report were in the field in October and November 2017.

By adopting the perspective of law and geography, this article explores the new morphology of borders and places a special emphasis on the role of law in redefining their spatiality. In particular, it identifies three main geo-strategies along which the contemporary border regime is organized, namely, the geo-strategy of nodes, zones and walls. In describing the new legal geography of borders, the article also highlights how the transformations and shifts of the classic Westphalian border regime have impacted on some of the main categories through which borders are legally framed. More specifically, this contribution focuses on jurisdiction, which traditionally represents the convergence point of the complex relationship between territory, sovereignty, and rights.

This article presents the results of an empirical research carried out within Italian reception centres for asylum seekers. The article shows how reception centres can become a trap from which asylum seekers are no longer able to escape as they become victims of a process of social disempowerment making them dependent on the “humanitarian government.” This reproduction of dependence enables the reception system to carry out a subtle social control function, achieving the effect of confining asylum seekers within a concentrated place that can easily be controlled by the police. But this form of control is exercised even though the law does not provide any explicitly repressive means for keeping them under surveillance. So-called reception centres exert a centripetal force which is hard to resist, and which in a sense has an ability to trap asylum seekers more than any wall. The Italian reception system amounts to a form of “humanitarian confinement,” in that provides hospitality for asylum seekers, while subjecting them to a form of control enacted through humanitarian agents.

Lesbos, l'île aux grillages. Migrations et enfermement à la frontière gréco-turque Laurence PILLANT et Louise TASSIN Laurence Pillant est doctorante en géographie à l'UMR TELEMMe (Aix Marseille Université) et à l'Université de Harokopio (Athènes). Ses travaux portent sur les transformations socio-spatiales inhérentes aux développements du contrôle migra-toire à la frontière gréco-turque à partir du XXI e siècle. Elle a notamment publié « Les conséquences socio-spatiales des nouvelles modalités du contrôle migratoire à la frontière gréco-turque », L'Espace Politique, n°25, avril 2015, en ligne, et

This article analyses from a socio-legal point of view how the European Union Agenda on Migration is reshaping the Common European Asylum System by focusing on the impact it has had on the reform of the Italian reception system. After a preliminary examination of the European Union standards on reception, this paper focuses on the European Union Agenda on Migration and shows that its main aim is to stimulate frontline Member States to reform their border control and reception practices by strengthening powers for the surveillance and detention of asylum-seekers. It then explores the Italian case, analysing how the hotspot approach has been implemented in practice and the influence it is having in pushing the Italian reception system from a policy model driven – albeit with a certain degree of ambiguity – by humanitarian concerns, to a model where security and border control priorities prevail. Finally, it concludes by describing some of the main features of the social sorting apparatus which was created by the European Union Agenda on Migration for discriminating between asylum-seekers in clear need of protection who can be relocated to other Member States, and others who should be trapped in the reception systems of frontline Member States.

European Union (EU) Member States and institutions introduced a number of legal and policy measures in 2014 to safeguard fundamental rights in the EU. Notwithstanding these efforts, a great deal remains to be done, and it can be seen that the situation in some areas is alarming: the number of migrants rescued or apprehended at sea as they were trying to reach Europe’s borders quadrupled over 2013; more than a quarter of children in the EU are at risk of poverty or social exclusion; and an increasing number of political parties use xenophobic and anti-immigrant rhetoric in their campaigns, potentially increasing some people’s vulnerability to becoming victims of crime or hate crime.

This article explores why and how the British and Australian authorities monitored their British Cypriot communities and how this impacted upon their respective immigration policies in connection with British Cypriots. Both the British and Australian authorities monitored sections of the British Cypriot community for similar reasons, especially political, using similar techniques, yet adopted different immigration policies on more Cypriots arriving. While the historiography for this period claims that the British were moving towards restricting immigration from their Empire and Australia was opening its borders, the opposite is in fact the case for the British Cypriots. The British did not alter their policies or procedures very much on the immigration of Cypriots from the 1930s, and even opened their border to Cypriot informers during the EOKA period. On the other hand, the Australian authorities progressively placed restrictions on Cypriots until they suspended immigration in 1956.

This paper discusses research results from anthropological fieldwork carried out in Malta in 2007. The island, which is situated in the central Mediterranean Sea between Tunisia, Libya and Italy, is a focal point regarding the continuing refugee situation. One of the research aims was to investigate the situation at sea concerning Search and Rescue (SAR) operations for migrants and refugees crossing the Mediterranean by boat. In the year 2006, 556 missing and drowned migrants were registered in the central Mediterranean between Libya, Malta and Italy, this number increased to 642 in 2008. 1 The goal of the research in Malta was therefore to understand why an increasing number of migrants were dying at sea and what role the European security forces play in this context.

The European Border and Coast Guard (EBCG) was officially launched in October 2016. In the European Commission's view, it marks a milestone in the history of the integrated management of European Union (EU) borders. This article describes the main features of the new agency, focusing on two key issues. First, it analyzes the powers that the new agency is entrusted with in an attempt to understand whether it will be able to articulate a " European space of control " where an authentically postnational border police will take the lead over national border agencies. Second, it explores whether, and to what extent, the reform of the EU border agency has been accompanied by the development of mechanisms to exercise effective democratic and judicial control over its activities. The discussion concludes by arguing that the views of those who believe that the evolution of EU justice and home affairs policies does not raise particular challenges for the exercise of democratic control over EU security agencies and the protection of fundamental rights during their operations are fundamentally flawed, and that new ways to ensure proper scrutiny over security policies that take account of the peculiarities of EU institutional structure need to be devised.

This article analyses the search and rescue (SAR) activities carried out by three NGOs (MOAS, MSF and Sea-Watch) in the Central Mediterranean, and asks whether and in how far non-governmental SAR contributes to the repoliticization of the EU maritime border. The article first introduces the concept of depoliticization/repoliticization, as well as that of humanitarianization. Two sections summarize the development of the SAR regime and the governmentalization of international waters in the Strait of Sicily from the Cap Anamur case to 2016, and from late 2016 to recent days. Against this backdrop, the article analyses the different political positions taken by MOAS, MSF and Sea-Watch, their operational activities, as well as their cooperation and relations with the other actors involved in SAR. The three NGOs react differently to the contradictions that are typical of humanitarian non-state action. MOAS keeps a neutral political profile, whereas MSF and Sea-Watch regard their SAR activities as part of a political, not only humanitarian commitment. While the convergence of delocalized state sovereignty and humanitarian reason leaves hardly any room for manoeuvre, MSF and Sea-Watch try to question and contrast governmental policies and practices, as well as to turn international waters into a political stage from which they can make their voice heard and on which they can play the watchdog role.

The control of migrant flows was not a decisive function for European nation-states until the end of the nineteenth century. Across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, European states began to document migrants’ individual identities and to implement frontier controls, activities complemented in international coordination of information and policing. Passports and other identification papers became standard tools of movement from the middle of the twentieth century, as did systems of registration by foreigners. The abolition of internal frontiers in the European Union made border control between EU and non-EU countries a sharper demarcation of state boundaries, overlaying serous tensions between Western and Eastern EU states. Historically, European modernity was characterized by outward migration and state border controls developed especially to control exit strategy and to limit the loss of population. In the contempor- ary period, the question of state borders has been made salient by mass migration and more recently by terrorist attacks. The mobilization of European-born citizens as Islamic extremists draws attention to the relative success of the US and Canada in assimilating new immigrants and their offspring. These developments are discussed in this chapter with reference to immigration integration and assimilation, and the migration and security challenge to European state borders. Table of contents: CRISES, STATES, AND ASSIMILATION
The European Experience
State Models of Assimilation
Radicalization or Integration?
A Secular State or a Revival of Lipset and Rokkan’s (1967) Church–State Cleavage?
STATE AND BORDER CONTROL
External Borders
Conflict and Rationalization
Rationalization and Border Control
E-bordering the European State: Schengen Besieged
National versus European States
Conclusion
REFERENCES

A pdf is available by request from [email protected] .  A comprehensive review of U.S. border security before and after 9/11.  Although important changes took place because of 9/11 (DHS, visa policies and processes), in most regards U.S. border security policy has been surprisingly unresponsive to political terrorism (despite rhetoric).  Instead, there is clear evidence of continuous emphasis (escalation) of enforcement against mass labor and family migrants.  There is likewise continuous emphasis (escalation) of enforcement at the U.S.-Mexico land border.  This suggests that U.S. policy is actually driven by socio-political hostility to recent Mexican and Central American migration, and that homeland security is an ideological cover.

This volume examines the relationship between hope, mobility, and immobility in African migration. Through case studies set within and beyond the continent, it demonstrates that hope offers a unique prism for analyzing the social imaginaries and aspirations which underpin migration in situations of uncertainty, deepening inequality, and delimited access to global circuits of legal mobility.

The volume takes departure in a mobility paradox that characterizes contemporary migration. Whereas people all over the world are exposed to widening sets of meaning of the good life elsewhere, an increasing number of people in the Global South have little or no access to authorized modes of international migration. This book examines how African migrants respond to this situation. Focusing on hope, it explores migrants’ temporal and spatial horizons of expectation and possibility and how these horizons link to mobility practices. Such analysis is pertinent as precarious life conditions and increasingly restrictive regimes of mobility characterize the lives of many Africans, while migration continues to constitute important livelihood strategies and to be seen as pathways of improvement. Whereas involuntary immobility is one consequence, another is the emergence and consolidation of new destinations emerging in the Global South. The volume examines this development through empirically grounded and theoretically rich case studies in migrants’ countries of origin, zones of transit, and in new and established destinations in Europe, North America, the Middle East, Latin America and China. It thereby offers an original perspective on linkages between migration, hope, and immobility, ranging from migration aspirations to return.

By focusing on EU policies towards North Africa and the Middle East, this chapter explores the transformation of the ‘southern Mediterranean’ into EU borderlands. This process involves the ‘untangling’ of the various social and political functions fulfilled by borders, the EU’s ‘outsourcing’ of border controls to its periphery on specific issues (but not on others), and the differentiated integration of the southern periphery into the European Union’s legal frameworks and regimes.

The chapter advances the argument that EU policies in the Mediterranean, and particularly the more recent European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), are creating a buffer zone around the European Union. In the Euro-Mediterranean context, this development blurs out the external borders of the EU and therefore adds to the portrayal of that polity as a post-modern. Hence, departing from Brussels’ euphemistic notion of ‘neighbourhood’, this contribution also proposes the concept of borderland(s) for analysing the particular patterns in which the EU and its member states link their immediate periphery to the core. Attempts to co-opt the political and economic elites of North Africa and the Middle East into specific modes of EU governance, while excluding them from Brussels’ decision-making process, is a crucial aspect of this process.

Przedmiotem publikacji jest analiza funkcjonowania strefy Schengen w wymiarze gospodarczo-społecznym
oraz kulturowym. Osadzony w interdyscyplinarnym nurcie studiów europejskich tekst przyjmuje perspek-
tywę analityczną neofunkcjonalizmu, prezentując strefę Schengen jako dopełnienie rynku wewnętrznego
oraz konstruktywizmu, podkreślającego rolę idei jako mechanizmu kształtującego poczucie tożsamości
i wspólnotowości. Konkluzje potwierdzają pozytywny wpływ strefy Schengen na wzrost gospodarczy,
jednak korzyści nie rozkładają się równomiernie wśród państw członkowskich. Układ Schengen usprawnia
też wymianę kulturową i jest uznawany za największe osiągnięcie projektu integracyjnego. Pogłębia on też
efekt izolacji względem państw trzecich, niemniej jego zniesienie oznaczałoby poważne koszty w sensie
ekonomicznym i wpłynęłoby negatywnie na styl życia i swobodę przemieszczania się Europejczyków.
Słowa kluczowe: strefa Schengen, korzyści i koszty funkcjonowania strefy Schengen, Schengen a rynek
wewnętrzny UE.

L'articolo esamina Mare Nostrum nel contesto dell’evoluzione dei controlli delle frontiere marittime italiane ed europee, della cooperazione con i paesi terzi del Mediterraneo e dell’avanzamento progressivo della retorica umanitaria nella gestione delle migrazioni. Innanzitutto, esso analizza il processo di affermazione della retorica umanitaria nel linguaggio che caratterizza sia documenti politici comunitari e leggi italiane, sia dichiarazioni pubbliche fatte da attori politici italiani. In secondo luogo, esso confronta Mare Nostrum con le precedenti attività di pattugliamento effettuate dalle autorità italiane nel Canale di Sicilia, al fine di valutare se e in che misura Mare Nostrum abbia effettivamente segnato una svolta rispetto al passato. Quindi l'articolo procede in tale confronto prendendo in considerazione le politiche italiane di respingimento e allontanamento dei migranti e, più in generale, la politica di cooperazione con i paesi nordafricani coltivata al fine di impedire le partenze. L'articolo poi riassume alcuni casi di operazioni di soccorso effettuate da privati, le quali dimostrano come gli attori non statali siano stati di fatto scoraggiati dal prestare soccorso senza autorizzazione statale, anche successivamente al caso Cap Anamur. Infine l'articolo fornisce un aggiornamento sulla conclusione dell’operazione Mare Nostrum e sull’avvio dell’operazione Triton coordinata da Frontex, l’agenzia per la gestione della cooperazione operativa alle frontiere esterne dell’Unione europea.

LAS ZONAS INTERNACIONALES O ZONAS DE TRÁNSITO DE LOS AEROPUERTOS, FICCIÓN LIMINAR FRONTERIZA
Alejandro del Valle Gálvez
REVISTA ELECTRÓNICA DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES nº 9  junio 2005

http://www.reei.org/index.php/revista/num9/articulos/zonas-internacionales-zonas-transito-aeropuertos-ficcion-liminar-fronteriza

El espectacular auge de las comunicaciones aéreas, unido a los fenómenos
desbordantes de la inmigración desde los finales del siglo XX, han convertido a los
aeropuertos con conexiones internacionales y a sus puestos de control fronterizo en
lugares de surgimiento de fenómenos y problemáticas jurídicas novedosas.

Los aeropuertos son aeródromos que poseen unas instalaciones apropiadas para
servicios públicos de transporte aéreo. En este marco, los aeropuertos internacionales  y la necesidad de despliegue de control de frontera de personas y mercancías han llevado a la localización en el interior de las instalaciones aeroportuarias de puestos de control  fronterizo. Estos pasos fronterizos se han convertido en originales  Ubicaciones para el ejercicio de la función de control de frontera. Así, el tradicional modelo de frontera y su correspondiente función de control se ha adaptado a las necesidades de comunicación aérea, al existir también en este particular marco de transporte la necesidad del Estado de hacer observar la legislación interna en el  Primer lugar posible a la llegada de personas y mercancías.

Un ejemplo particularmente incisivo de esta realidad es la UE, que ha generalizado un sistema de control de fronteras interiores y exteriores común a 13 Estados continentales europeos, muy particularmente desde la aplicación efectiva de los pactos de Schengen de 1985 y 1990 y su acervo, y de su absorción posterior por el Derecho de la UE en 1999, con la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Ámsterdam, y que obligó a la remodelación generalizada de los puestos fronterizos en un buen número de aeropuertos de estos Estados
.
El caso es que en los aeropuertos con vuelos internacionales existen espacios o áreas previas o posteriores al cruce de los puestos de control, que han motivado una serie de interesantes planteamientos y cuestiones legales, ya que responden a distintas denominaciones y finalidades, y su régimen jurídico resulta en ocasiones incierto.

“It’s an Act of Murder” Migrants crossing the Mediterranean are drowning as Europe “outsources [their] suffering” to Libya. In this context, human rights and rescue missions, on one hand, face chaos and danger on the other. This is a result of the European Union’s (hereinafter EU) migration policies that aim to stem arrivals on European shores by outsourcing border control management to transit countries outside of the EU. This progressive trend towards externalizing migration results from the “tension between EU Member States’ human rights obligation and their interest in reducing the arrival of refugees and migrants”

INMIGRACION, DERECHOS HUMANOS Y MODELO EUROPEO DE FRONTERAS. PROPUESTAS CONCEPTUALES SOBRE ‘EXTRATERRITORIALIDAD’, ‘DESTERRITORIALIDAD’ Y ‘EXTERNALIZACION’ DE CONTROLES Y FLUJOS MIGRATORIOS.

DEL  VALLE  GÁLVEZ,  Alejandro,  “Inmigración,  derechos  humanos  y  modelo europeo  de  fronteras.  Propuestas  conceptuales  sobre  ‘extraterritorialidad’,  ‘desterritorialidad’  y ‘externalización’ de controles y flujos migratorios”, Revista de Estudios Jurídicos y Criminológicos, ISSN-e: 2660-7964, n.º 2, Universidad de Cádiz, 2020, pp. 145-210,
DOI    doi.org/10.25267/REJUCRIM.2020.i2.07


RESUMEN
Las avalanchas migratorias y crisis de refugiados en Europa desde 2015 han motivado una preocupación creciente sobre el respeto de los valores europeos y los Derechos humanos en la actuación de la UE y los Estados miembros al afrontar flujos migratorios y controles de acceso al territorio europeo en las fronteras exteriores. Este trabajo comprueba cómo las líneas fronterizas son lugares problemáticos para la defensa, aplicación y protección de derechos humanos de los extranjeros, provocando una situación de fragilidad de los Derechos humanos en las Fronteras Exteriores aéreas, terrestres y especialmente, en las marítimas de la UE. 
Estamos ante un cambio en la concepción misma de la frontera en esta era pos-globalización, donde determinadas funciones se deslocalizan y se sitúan sistemáticamente fuera del territorio y los puestos fronterizos de los Estados. Sin embargo, las actuaciones territoriales y extraterritoriales deben diferenciarse de las que se producen en actividades de acción exterior en o con terceros Estados a fines de política de inmigración y control de flujos migratorios. La realidad es que se ha configurado para los flujos migratorios un nuevo espacio fronterizo al sur y este del mediterráneo, que necesita una nueva política y estrategia de fronteras exteriores. Por ello la UE se encuentra en búsqueda de un nuevo ‘modelo’ de Frontera Exterior que aporte otros parámetros de actuación y gestión de los flujos migratorios y los controles exteriores.
Por otra parte, se analiza la protección de los derechos humanos por los Estados europeos mas allá de las fronteras exteriores, para determinar en qué medida las funciones de control que se despliegan fuera del territorio afectan a los derechos humanos de los inmigrantes. Para ello diferenciamos entre las situaciones de Externalización, donde los que actúan son Estados terceros; y de actuación Extraterritorial de controles migratorios donde intervienen agentes de Estados europeos. Ambas plantean problemáticas de protección de derechos humanos en controles migratorios fuera de territorio terrestre o marítimo de los Estados miembros de la UE, en los que concebimos como funciones desterritorializadas de control fronterizo. Y ambas deben tener en nuestra opinión diferenciados mecanismos de seguimiento, control y supervisión del respeto de los derechos humanos en las funciones de control de inmigración.
El respeto de derechos humanos de los extranjeros en los controles fronterizos y gestión de flujos migratorios, tanto dentro como fuera delos territorios de los Estados de la UE, es una cuestión vital para la identidad, valores y pervivencia de la integración europea.


PALABRAS CLAVE: ---- Unión Europea, derechos humanos, inmigración, asilo y refugio, fronteras, extraterritorialidad, externalización de controles, fronteras exteriores, flujos migratorios, Nuevo Pacto de Migración y Asilo.


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IMMIGRATION, HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE ‘EUROPEAN MODEL’ OF BORDERS. CONCEPTUAL PROPOSALS ON "EXTRATERRITORIALITY", "DESTERRITORIALITY" AND "EXTERNALIZATION" OF BORDER CONTROLS AND MIGRATION FLOWS


ABSTRACT ---- The migratory flows and refugee crises in Europe since 2015 have motivated a growing concern about the respect of European values and Human Rights in the actions of the EU and the Member States when facing migratory flows and controls of access to European territory in the external borders. This work verifies how border lines are problematic places for the defence, application and protection of the human rights of foreigners, causing a situation of fragility of Human Rights at the external air, land and especially maritime borders of the EU.
We are facing a change in the very conception of the border in this post-globalization era, where certain functions are relocated and systematically located outside the territory and border posts of the States. However, territorial and extraterritorial actions must be differentiated from those that occur in foreign action activities in or with third States for purposes of immigration policy and control of migratory flows. The reality is that a new border area to the south and east of the Mediterranean has been configured for migratory flows, which requires a new policy and strategy for external borders. For this reason, the EU is in search of a new ‘model’ of External Border that provides other parameters of action and management of migratory flows and external controls.
On the other hand, the protection of human rights by European States beyond external borders is analysed to determine to what extent the control functions that are deployed outside the territory affect the human rights of immigrants. For this we differentiate between Externalization situations, where those who act are third States; and Extraterritorial action of migratory controls where agents from European States intervene. Both raise issues of human rights protection in migration controls outside the land or maritime territory of the EU Member States, in which we conceive as Deterritorialized border control functions. And both should have, in our opinion, different mechanisms for monitoring, control and supervision of respect for human rights in the functions of migration control.
Respect for the human rights of aliens in border controls and management of migratory flows, both within and outside the territories of the EU States, is a vital issue for the identity, values and survival of European integration.



KEY WORDS: ---- European Union, human rights, immigration, asylum and refuge, borders, extraterritoriality, externalization of controls, external borders, migratory flows, New Pact on Migration and Asylum.

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This paper attempts to analyze the complex relationship of private military and security companies with the European Union and its border control. The main question it seeks to find answer to is who will take responsibility for the conduct of such organizations. The article follows a theoretical approach however, it uses some examples from the real word. The main results of the paper are the analysis of the attributional grounds based on which the conduct of private military and security companies can be equated with state conduct.