Associated Press

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Examines American journalists' and media companies' roles in Hitler's
Germany, reigniting the debate on the relationship between political power
and the media.
Despite Hitler's international use of propaganda, and despite the power of the
US press, historians have neglected American journalists' activity in Nazi
Germany. American media companies expanded their presence in Germany
after 1933, and the Associated Press (AP) conducted business with Hitler's
regime throughout the war.
Norman Domeier's study, now in English, is the first to examine critically and in detail the roles of American journalists and media companies in Hitler's
Germany, showing that they knew about but kept secret the plans for
rearmament, the occupation of the Rhineland, the annexation of Austria, and the invasions of Denmark, Norway, and the Soviet Union. The book documents the "companionship" between Adolf Hitler and Karl Henry von Wiegand, chief German correspondent of the Hearst press, who was the first and last American to interview him. Most important, it details the secret exchange of news photographs - discovered by Domeier in 2017 - between the AP and the Nazis from 1942 to 1945. Thousands of AP photos were used in the Nazi press, usually with anti-American or anti-Semitic spin, while the AP distributed ca. 40,000 Nazi photographs to US newspapers. Domeier's book reignites the debate on the relationship between political power and the media, opening up new perspectives on the political and cultural history of journalism beyond one-sided idealizations.

Das »Dritte Reich« war kein abgeschotteter Propa-
gandastaat, sondern in eine internationale Medien-
öffentlichkeit eingebunden. Der Nationalsozialismus
wurde global wahrgenommen und debattiert; NS-
Deutschland versuchte seinerseits weltweit, sein
Ansehen zu erhöhen und andere Gesellschaften zu
beeinflussen. Hierzu nutzte es nicht nur Propaganda
und Massenmedien, sondern auch Formen der
Kulturdiplomatie. Die Beiträge beleuchten die
Geschichte des nationalsozialistischen Deutschlands
aus einer transnationalen und globalgeschichtlichen
Perspektive und verbinden dies mit neueren Ansät-
zen der Medien- und Kommunikationsgeschichte.
Sie zielen nicht zuletzt darauf, der aktuellen Diskus-
sion um Propaganda, Informationskriege und Öffent-
lichkeitsarbeit diktatorischer Systeme eine histori-
sche Tiefendimension zu verleihen.

Malawi has experienced significant media coverage during disasters, with the Malawian media
playing a vital role in raising awareness of Cyclone Freddy and its impact. This study aims to
contribute to these efforts by researching the representation of women in media coverage
during disasters, specifically analysing the portrayal on the Zodiak Facebook page. It addresses
the existing gaps in research regarding the influence of media framing on public perception
and gender stereotypes. The study is guided by framing theory and a case study of Cyclone
Freddy coverage. This methodology contributed to the understanding of how tight deadlines
and the 24-hour news cycle can lead to immediate information prioritization over nuanced
analysis, perpetuating gender stereotypes. The findings from the study emphasize that media
coverage often portrays women as helpless and in need of external support, which can create
public misunderstanding and reinforce negative stereotypes. In disaster scenarios, while media
is crucial for expediting rescue and relief activities, it may also consciously or unconsciously
represent women stereotypically, demanding further research and corrective measures.
Exploration of this study's objectives will also contribute to a deeper understanding of media's
role in shaping public perception during disasters.

Analyzing the peer assessment portion of the US News and World Report's college rankings, we find that administrators and faculty rate more highly universities whose football team receives a greater number of votes in either the final Associated Press or Coaches Poll. Controlling for unobserved heterogeneity, our estimates suggest that a one standard deviation increase in the number of votes received in either the Associated Press or USA Today Coaches' Football Poll is viewed as positively as a forty point increase in a school's SAT score at the 75 th percentile.

In the past, pressing fluids from ground plant matter has typically been accomplished with a hand press. Fluids must be separated from dry matter as part of the methodology for various applications in plant species including latex quantification. This article describes the design and construction of a hydraulic press used for extracting fluids from plant tissue samples, the accompanying press plates, sieve vessels, and collection pan, and the process we use for pressing plant fluids from sunflower (Helianthus annuus) homogenate. The overall height of the press is 205.7 cm (81 in.) and the width is 94.0 cm (37 in.). We have used the press for several years and have not identified any flaws in its design and performance. While designed and constructed for use in latex extraction we envision the press and associated press plates, sieve vessels, and collection pan could be used in a variety of other applications.

La prédiction des prix des actions est un domaine crucial dans le monde de la finance. L'utilisation du traitement du langage naturel (NLP) pour analyser les données non structurées telles que les actualités, les rapports financiers et les réseaux sociaux aémergé comme un moyen prometteur d'améliorer la précision des prévisions de séries chronologiques. Cetté etude explore l'application du NLP pour extraire des informations pertinentes des données non structurées afin de prédire avec précision les mouvements futurs des prix des actions. En utilisant des techniques avancées de modélisation et d'analyse des sentiments, cette recherche viseà démontrer comment le NLP peutêtre intégré dans les prévisions financières pour une prise de décision améliorée et des résultats plus fiables.

The 2008 U.S. Presidential election was a voting booth landslide for Democratic candidate Barack Obama over Republican candidate John McCain among 18-to-29 year old voters. This research analyzes 2008 National Election Pool exit poll data and seeks to explain why candidate Obama did so well in this election among this category of voters. The author finds that the evaluation of politicians' personalities is a critical part of explaining young voters' choice of candidate Obama as president. This research also found that young voters favored Obama because he was a Democratic Party candidate and liberal on political and social issues. In addition, the author finds some evidence of political parties reaching out to young voters as favorably affecting their voting choice which is important to analyze further given that both parties-in particular the Democratic Party-heavily favored the use of social media to do so. This cross-sectional analysis studies groups by age, party identification, and political ideology, in their general likelihood to support candidates in the 2008 presidential election. Lastly in analyzing young voter behavior from the 1992-2012 presidential elections, this research did not find evidence of a strong turnout of youth voters translating into an advantage for Democratic presidential candidates within that demographic group. Scholars have stated (Shea and Harris, 2006) that recent trends in voting patterns and attitudes, the 2000 election in particular, have pointed to the withdrawal of young citizens from politics that has been rapid, deep, and broad. Explanations for young voter withdrawal have been contentment, apathy (Shea and Harris, 2006), cynicism, and the feeling of alienation from the political system (Patterson 2002, in Shea and Harris 2006). Other studies have shown that youth, especially those from diverse communities lack a sense of civic duty, a known driver to the polls (Campbell, 2008). In general, young voters do not see their citizenship as an opportunity for involvement, they do not know how or where to get the information or skills they need for greater participation in civic life, and above all, they just do not make it to the polls on Election Day (Moffett and Albowicz, 2003).

This paper examines the exclusion of Vanessa Nakate, a Ugandan climate activist, from a group photo published by the Associated Press (AP) during the 2020 World Economic Forum. Using the muted group theory, it explores the implications of Nakate's omission as the sole black individual in the image, shedding light on the broader issue of symbolic annihilation faced by black women activists in Western media. Through visual and textual analysis, the study reveals the power dynamics and biases behind AP's decision to crop Nakate, fueling subsequent controversy. Furthermore, the paper examines AP's response to the backlash, analyzing their strategies to rebuild their reputation, including issuing an apology and releasing the original photograph.

A dramatização no rádio nos seus primórdios vinculou-se    a    interesses    publicitários    e    era    direcionada, sobretudo, ao público feminino, potencial comprador dos produtos patrocinadores. A maioria dessas radiodramatizações    girava    em    torno    de    conflitosamorosos.Contemporaneamente,  essas  radionovelas passam  por  mudanças:  trazem  novas  temáticas  e voltam-se    para    diferentes    audiências    como,por exemplo,  movimentos  sociais.  São  veiculadas  no  rádio, mas  também se expandem  para  as  redes  sociais.  A proposta  deste  textoé  refletir  sobre  formas,  também jornalísticas,    de    informar,    tomando    como    objeto radionovelas  realizadas  em  um  curso  de  Comunicação de    uma    universidade    federal    nordestina.    Como metodologia, foi feita uma revisão bibliográfica e crítica, além  da  descrição  do  estudo  de  caso.  Um  dos  pontos que  o  trabalho  evidencia  é  a  possibilidade  dessas produções incorporarem princípios do jornalismo, como apuração,  checagem  de  fontes,  interesse  e  relevância, todos mesclados a elementos ficcionais.

Response heaping (also referred to as rounding or digit preference) occurs when respondents show a preference for rounded numbers (often those divisible by five or 10). Conventional wisdom is that this is the result of taking cognitive shortcuts to make question answering easier, and as such, that it may be a form of survey satisficing. In four studies, we test this conventional wisdom for the first time by exploring whether response heaping occurs for five types of survey questions (behavioral frequency questions, questions that ask about an

We investigate multiple biases in the individual weekly ballots submitted by the 65 voters in the Associated Press college football poll in 2007. Using censored tobit modeling, we find evidence of bias toward teams (1) from the voter's state, (2) in conferences represented in the voter's state, (3) in selected Bowl Championship Series conferences, and (4) that played in televised games, particularly on relatively prominent networks. We also find evidence of inordinate bias toward simplistic performance measures-number of losses, and losing in the preceding week-even after controlling for performance using mean team strength derived from 16 so-called computer rankings.

One of the central questions surrounding the 2008 presidential election is the role of race in shaping electoral choice among non‐Hispanic whites, and whether race played an equivalent role among Hispanics, whose willingness to vote for an African American candidate was raised as an uncertainty during the primary campaign. The authors argue that, beyond the usual association of racial sentiment with party preference, the effect of Obama's race on the 2008 election is significant, but substantially smaller among Latinos than among non‐Hispanic whites. Although Latino voters often express racial sentiments that are indistinguishable from whites, there was a significant disconnect between those racial sentiments and Latinos' vote choice and evaluations of candidate Obama. The authors explore the explanatory power of explicit, indirect, and implicit measures of racial sentiment and find that an indirect measurement—the Racial Resentment Index—retains the greatest predictive vali...

We investigate multiple biases in the individual weekly ballots submitted by the 65 voters in the Associated Press college football poll in 2007. Using censored tobit modeling, we find evidence of bias toward teams (1) from the voter's state, (2) in conferences represented in the voter's state, (3) in selected Bowl Championship Series conferences, and (4) that played in televised games, particularly on relatively prominent networks. We also find evidence of inordinate bias toward simplistic performance measures-number of losses, and losing in the preceding week-even after controlling for performance using mean team strength derived from 16 so-called computer rankings.

For the 65 colleges and universities that participate in the Power Five athletic conferences (Pac 12, Big 10, SEC, ACC, and Big 12), the football and men's basketball teams are highly visible. While these programs generate tens of millions of dollars in revenue annually, very few of them turn an operating "profit." Their existence is thus justified by the claim that athletic success leads to ancillary benefits for the academic institution, in terms of both quantity (e.g., more applications, donations, and state funding) and quality (e.g., stronger applicants, lower acceptance rates, higher yields). Previous studies provide only weak support for some of these claims. Using data from 2006-2016 and a multiple regression model with corrections for multiple testing, we find that while a successful football program is associated with more applicants, there is no effect on the composition of the student body or (with a few caveats) funding for the school through donations or state appropriations.

For the 65 colleges and universities that participate in the Power Five athletic conferences (Pac 12, Big 10, SEC, ACC, and Big 12), the football and men's basketball teams are highly visible. While these programs generate tens of millions of dollars in revenue annually, very few of them turn an operating "profit." Their existence is thus justified by the claim that athletic success leads to ancillary benefits for the academic institution, in terms of both quantity (e.g., more applications, donations, and state funding) and quality (e.g., stronger applicants, lower acceptance rates, higher yields). Previous studies provide only weak support for some of these claims. Using data from 2006-2016 and a multiple regression model with corrections for multiple testing, we find that while a successful football program is associated with more applicants, there is no effect on the composition of the student body or (with a few caveats) funding for the school through donations or state appropriations.

For the 65 colleges and universities that participate in the Power Five athletic conferences (Pac 12, Big 10, SEC, ACC, and Big 12), the football and men's basketball teams are highly visible. While these programs generate tens of millions of dollars in revenue annually, very few of them turn an operating "profit." Their existence is thus justified by the claim that athletic success leads to ancillary benefits for the academic institution, in terms of both quantity (e.g., more applications, donations, and state funding) and quality (e.g., stronger applicants, lower acceptance rates, higher yields). Previous studies provide only weak support for some of these claims. Using data from 2006-2016 and a multiple regression model with corrections for multiple testing, we find that while a successful football program is associated with more applicants, there is no effect on the composition of the student body or (with a few caveats) funding for the school through donations or state appropriations.

We propose a new approach to uncertainty communication: we keep the uncertainty representation fixed, but adjust the distribution displayed to compensate for biases in people's subjective probability in decision-making. To do so, we adopt a linear-in-probit model of subjective probability and derive two corrections to a Normal distribution based on the model's intercept and slope: one correcting all right-tailed probabilities, and the other preserving the mode and one focal probability. We then conduct two experiments on U.S. demographically-representative samples. We show participants hypothetical U.S. Senate election forecasts as text or a histogram and elicit their subjective probabilities using a betting task.The first experiment estimates the linear-in-probit intercepts and slopes, and confirms the biases in participants' subjective probabilities. The second, preregistered follow-up shows participants these bias-corrected forecast distributions. We find the correcti...

Today, international news agencies are faced with an ever-changing technological landscape and pace of production to which they must adapt. They must also balance the loss of revenue, the loss of audience loyalty, and the competition they face from disinformation sources. In this context, our research proposes an analysis of the main challenges faced by news agencies AFP, Reuters, AP and Bloomberg in the era of GAFA and Artificial Intelligence. Chapter 1: Introduction International news agencies are global "news brokers" 1 that collect, write, and share information from around the world or from a specific country to newspapers, periodicals, broadcasters, government agencies, and other users. 2 Typically, an agency does not publish the news itself, but provides it to its subscribers who, by sharing the cost, obtain services they could not otherwise afford 3 .

Purpose- This study aims to investigate entertainment marketing activities in the digital entertainment era. In doing so, this study targets to explore digital entertainment marketing activities and strategies. Methodology- The study employs a qualitative method designed as an explorative study. Case study is conducted as a research method. A purposive sampling method is performed. Purposive sampling methods are used to discover and explain facts and events. Typical case sampling which is one of the purposive samplin is conducted. In this method the most typical cases are chosen among a series of cases where a new application or innovation is wanted to be introduced by the researcher. Data is collected by the semi-structured interview technique with the chief marketing officer of a dıgital music platform application. Findings- Digitalisation is the most succesful tool of information and communication technology. Findings reveal that digital consumer engagement is one of the essentia...

In this study, we investigate the similarities and differences between rankings of search results by users and search engines. Sixty-seven students took part in a 3-week-long experiment, during which they were asked to identify and rank the top 10 documents from the set of URLs that were retrieved by three major search engines (Google, MSN Search, and Yahoo!) for 12 selected queries. The URLs and accompanying snippets were displayed in random order, without disclosing which search engine(s) retrieved any specific URL for the query. We computed the similarity of the rankings of the users and search engines using four nonparametric correlation measures in [0,1] that complement each other. The findings show that the similarities between the users' choices and the rankings of the search engines are low. We examined the effects of the presentation order of the results, and of the thinking styles of the participants. Presentation order influences the rankings, but overall the results indicate that there is no "average user," and even if the users have the same basic knowledge of a topic, they evaluate information in their own context, which is influenced by cognitive, affective, and physical factors. This is the first large-scale experiment in which users were asked to rank the results of identical queries. The analysis of the experimental results demonstrates the potential for personalized search.

A content analysis of four non-elite U.S. newspapers found news wires are the strongest predictors of international news. Coverage at some newspapers tends to spotlight a narrow list of countries and neglects the cultural heritage of significant portions of their communities.

This study adds visual analysis to the body of work on solutions journalism. Guided by visual theory focusing on the dominating nature of messages included in visual content versus text, we use content analysis to explore the use of photos in solutions-oriented news stories, specifically to see whether the photos published alongside solutions-based news stories also represent solutions or whether they portray an incongruent message. Among our results, we found photos reflect the solution depicted in the story only 63.5 percent of the time. Photos taken by an internal source (e.g. staff photographer) are more likely to depict the solution than if obtained by an external source (e.g. wire service). In addition, the higher the emotional appeal and positive emotion found in the photo, the higher the likelihood that the photo reflects a solution. A contradictory visual may complicate the message of the solutions in the story. Our findings suggest more emphasis must be placed on the study...

Photographs are representations of images used for communication on newspapers. They evoke readers’ feelings and excite emotions on the presented issue. How newspaper readers in Onitsha respond to photographs dealing with violence, like the Fulani herdsmen attack on Agatu communities in Benue State, is investigated in this study. The survey research method was used to evaluate the reactions of 369 respondents, determined through the Topman’s formular, to the violence depicted in Sun and The Guardian newspapers. It was found that clarification of information stimulated consumption desire for photographs; photographs that aid news stories in the intensification of media experience aroused the greatest emotion than those that stand alone. Content presentation perspective was found to influence readers’ attitude towards the presented issue. Public agenda arising from the photographs aroused emotional dispositions. It was recommended that caution should prevail in presenting violent phot...

In the 2003 California gubernatorial recall election 2,775,785 absentee ballots were cast, representing about 30 percent of all voters statewide. Given the number of absentee ballots and the increasing propensity for voters in California and elsewhere to choose this voting method, we some basic questions: Who are absentee voters, and are they different from polling place voters? To answer these questions, we fielded a statewide survey of absentee voters in the days before the October 7 recall election, asking respondents why they voted absentee, their partisan and ideological preferences, demographic characteristics, and other relevant questions. We find that absentee voters do not differ significantly from the overall state electorate in terms of their vote preferences, despite being older and better educated. For example, 56 percent of absentee voters in our survey voted "yes" on the recall, compared with 55 percent for the entire state, according to official returns. Further, absentee voters favored Arnold Schwarzenegger over Cruz Bustamante by a considerable margin, similar to the overall election This project would not have been possible without the support and assistance of the Center for the Study of Los Angeles at Loyola Marymount University. In particular, we are indebted to Xochitl Marquez, Chris Zepeda, and Sal Paniagua, who helped implement this project. In addition, we received valuable feedback on the questionnaire wording from Nathan Woods and Ricardo Ramírez, and we are grateful for the final review and comments from Peter Miller, which improved the overall article. For access to the data sets used here, please contact Fernando Guerra,

Spontaneous, open-ended survey responses can sometimes better reveal what is actually on people’s minds than small sets of forced-choice, closed questions. Our analysis of closed questions and trade-related open-ended responses to 2016 ANES “likes” and “dislikes” prompts indicate that Americans held considerably more complex, more ambivalent, and – in many cases – more negative views of international trade than has been apparent in studies that focus only on closed-ended responses. This paper suggests that contrast between open- and closed-question data may help explain why the effectiveness of Donald Trump’s appeals to trade resentments surprised many observers.

The 2020 Presidential Primary Election Exit Poll asked LA County voters for whom and for what they voted and their overall voting experience at their respective vote centers. The following data brief reports on questions related to the vote center experience as well as knowledge about the switch from polling places for 3,596 respondents. See Addendum for questions crossed by the time the respondent voted.https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/studyla-databriefs/1005/thumbnail.jp

Following the historical 2008 presidential election, academics and pundits alike marveled over the high voter turnout among youth. In 2008, 51 percent of those under the age of 30 turned out to vote. This compares with a mere 40 percent youth turnout rate in 2000. In the 2008 presidential election, 66 percent of youth votes were cast for Barack Obama. While it is clear from these figures that young people are becoming a more powerful political force, why they are becoming more engaged remains unclear. This study seeks to address why youth turned out in greater numbers in 2008 by examining three important variables: the impact of the 9/11 attacks, intensity of candidate preference, and voter contact. I track these variables using the American National Election Studies (ANES) times series data, drawing comparisons with 2000, when youth turnout was historically low. An analysis of these variables among different age groups in 2000 and 2008 reveals that the Millennial generation display...

Does the decision to vote signify that African Americans are "fired up" (i.e., that they are excited about the election), or is it a function of Blacks' long-term commitment to activism (i.e., that their sense of social responsibility keeps them "ready to go" to the polls)? We argue that campaign enthusiasm and civic duty can work together, exerting an interactive influence in some contexts, and moving independently in others. Using survey data from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Studies, we discover that both enthusiasm or civic duty matter in the sense that high levels of civic duty can substitute for a lack of enthusiasm, and that high levels of enthusiasm can substitute for the lack of a sense of civic duty. This pattern of enthusiasm and civic duty being "mutually-attenuating" conditions of Black turnout is clearest in 2016: the stronger the effect of one variable, the weaker the impact of the other, and this conditional effect is exists regardless of age. Our findings join the ongoing and spirited conversation about racial politics in the United States, and they contribute to the study of campaign enthusiasm and civic duty, two of the strongest and most reliable motivators of political behavior.

Some aspects of our attitudes are composed of things outside of our consciousness. However, traditional survey research does not use measurements that are able to tap into these aspects of public opinion. We describe, recommend, and demonstrate a procedure by which non-selfreported responses can be measured in order to test whether these responses have independent effects on individuals' preferences. We use one of the better-known physiological measureselectrodermal activity or skin conductance-and illustrate its potential by reporting our own study of attitudes toward President Barack Obama. We find that both self-reported emotional responses and physiological responses to Obama's image independently correlate with variation in the intensity of attitudes regarding his job approval and his central policy proposal: healthcare reform.

Controversies over voting outcomes, and subsequent laws to seemingly curb irregularities, have led to increased scrutiny over the process of voting day activities. While studies find evidence that majorities perceive rampant fraud, the explanations for these opinions have mainly pointed to political predispositions, largely ignoring the influence of racial attitudes. We propose that contemporary opinions on electoral malfeasance are shaped by the context of a popularly elected African American president, Barack Obama, and subsequent racial resentments. Analyses of data from the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study reveals that racial resentment significantly predicts higher perceiver electoral malfeasance, even after controlling for political predispositions. Surprisingly, significant racial resentment effects exist among both Obama and McCain supporters, and these effects are strongest among those who perceived Obama won because of his race. Our results highlight the hyper racialized spill-over effects into judgements about the political system.

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The presence of an African-American candidate on the ballot running for President in 2008 raises the possibility that the election outcome might have been influenced by anti-African-American racism among voters. This paper uses data from the Associated Press-Yahoo! News-Stanford University survey to explore this possibility, using measures of both explicit racism (symbolic racism) and implicit racism (the Affect Misattribution Procedure). The parameters of multinomial logistic regression equations were estimated to test the hypotheses that racism might have behaved differently on election day than they would have had racism been eliminated. The findings suggest that racism's impact on the election outcome could have been substantial, by causing (1) people

Executive Summary Anti-Black attitudes became slightly more common between 2008 and 2012. Sizable proportions of both Democrats and Republicans manifested anti-Black attitudes, though anti-Black attitudes were more common among Republicans than among Democrats. People who identified themselves as Republicans in 2012 expressed anti-Black attitudes more often than did Republican identifiers in 2008. People with more negative attitudes toward Blacks were less likely to approve of President Obama's job performance. ...