Apollo

Ovid's narrative of Apollo and Daphne introduces elements not apparent in earlier extant versions of the myth, such as the involvement of Cupid and his deployment of two distinct arrows, one golden that sets Apollo's passions aflame, and the other lead that makes Daphne averse to all male advances. The passion-averting arrow in particular is a curious addition to Cupid's arsenal. This paper will argue that the lead arrow can be better understood when viewed alongside the practices and discourses of ancient magic and medicine, especially the widespread use of lead for erotic defixiones, antaphrodisiacs, and even contraceptives.

This article examines the relationship between Hesiod and Empedocles through a comparative analysis of the Prometheus and Pandora myth and the Queen Cypris narrative. The author sustains that correspondences between the works of Hesiod and Empedocles can be interpreted through the framework of overlapping narrative structures, which would help to establish the order of the fragments. The relationship between Empedocles and Hesiod is polemic due to the fact that they belong to rival schools of wisdom. In the case of Empedocles, that school emanated from the Sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi.

Through the twentieth century, the continual exploration of outer space and its imaginary colonization in science and fiction has led to a new understanding of the space-time continuum. While the physical space surrounding planet Earth was conceptualized ever more precisely, the encounter with the immensity of time has provoked less resonance. This article analyzes the temporal dimension of the Age of Space in three steps. First, it juxtaposes various ways of conceptualizing the so-called Space Age as a significant period in human history. Second, it examines orders of time inherent in West-European space thought, in particular the widespread appeal of time dilatation as seen in Eugen Sänger’s popular 1950s photon rocket scenario. Third, it charts the experience of time on board spaceships, as detailed in astronauts’ autobiographies. This article argues that the appeal of the Space Age lay not only in the promise of continued physical expansion but also in the total control over the fourth dimension envisioned for the future.

Nikokles, the last Paphian king, marked the history of Cyprus beyond the kingdom of Paphos. During his reign, c. 325/321–311/309 BC, he tried to take advantage of the troubled political context in the Mediterranean area resulted from so-called Wars of the Diadochi. Paphos knew a lot of transformations and innovations under Nikokles who appears as a very active sovereign. It is especially illustrated by the religion that was deeply linked to the secular power. The religious activity of the last Paphian king is particularly visible through the inscriptions which are the main source of the present paper. The cult evolution as well as the sacred topography of the kingdom of Paphos are analysed in order to show how crucial they were for the ideological and political plan of Nikokles. The study of this religious policy leads to the question of the real ambition of the king and the question of his possible role in the foundation of the future Nea Paphos.

(also: Heldenschau). In Vergil's Aeneid, Anchises, like Aeneas, may be seen as a pattern of Augustus, as his survey of his progeny reflects Augustus' censorial activity (Augustus conducted his first census, without holding the office of censor, in 28 B.C.E.). This theory is supported by: verbal cues alluding to Rome’s topography and the location for the upper-class recognitio equitum; technical terms used to describe Anchises’ activity as he assesses his descendants; Anchises’ hortatory and monitory speech, similar to that of censors known from other literary works; and Vergil's choice of heroes to represent the Republic, most of whom were also censors or from families of censorial status.

Öz

Deliliği, aklı yücelten bir karşıt ya da bir yaşam tarzı olarak değil, farklı semantik olanakları tümüyle tıkayan topolojik bir sınır olarak ele aldığımızda, yalnızca insanların değil, felsefenin de deliliğinden bahsedebilir oluruz. Mutlak kosmos’un yarattığı dehşetten kaçınmak amacıyla mutlak khaos’a yönelen her düşünce, söz konusu semantik olanakları var eden sınırın ötesine ilerlemeyi, dolayısıyla da felsefenin nihilizme boyun eğişini talep etmektedir. Bu bipolar eğilimlerin düşünceyi sürüklediği nihilizmin karşısında felsefenin ayakta kalabilmesinin yegâne yolu, khaos ve kosmos’un simbiyotik ilişkisine odaklanmak, diğer bir deyişle düşünceyi bir khaosmos labirenti olarak kurmaktan geçmektedir. Bu çalışmada, ilkin Nietzsche’nin başlangıçta nasıl böylesi bir khaosmos labirentini inşa etme eğilimde olduğunu, ardından da giderek kosmos’a sırt çevirip düşüncesini mutlak khaos’ta yoğunlaştırdığını göstereceğim. Bu durumu felsefenin deliliğinin bir örneği olarak ele aldıktan sonraysa, Deleuze’ün Nietzsche yorumuna Apollon’u da dâhil ederek, khaosmos’un diliyle konuşan bir düşüncenin nasıl göstergebilimsel olanaklar yaratabileceğini ortaya koyacağım.

Abstract

When we consider madness not as an opposite that praises reason or as a lifestyle, but as a topological limit that completely blocks different semantic potentials, we can talk not only of the madness of human being but also the madness of philosophy. Every thought, which tends towards absolute khaos in order to avoid the terror of absolute kosmos desires to move beyond the limit that creates the aforementioned semantic potentials, and thus, desires the submission of philosophy to nihilism. The only way philosophy can survive the nihilism that these bipolar dispositions drive thought into is to focus on the symbiotic relationship between khaos and kosmos; in other words, to establish thought as a chaosmos labyrint. In this article, I will first show how Nietzsche initially tended to construct such a labyrinth of chaosmos, but then gradually turned his back on kosmos and concentrated his thought on absolute khaos. After taking this position as an example of the madness of philosophy, I will, by incorporating Apollo in Deleuze’s interpretation of Nietzsche, illustrate how a thought speaking in the language of chaosmos can create semiotic potentials.

In 36 B.C. Octavian announced his intention of building a new temple to Apollo next to his house on the south-west edge of the Palatine Hill, and in 28 he dedicated the completed temple with its associated porticoes and libraries. Excavations conducted in the area in the 1950s and 1960s confirmed the identification of the temple's remains and revealed the adjacent portion of Augustus' house. However, the excavations were never fully published, and much remains uncertain about the topography of the sanctuary. 1

En analysant les traces laissées sur le sol par le voleur de ses vaches, Apollon glisse une allusion à un Centaure en tant qu'auteur du vol, n'invoquant cependant cette hypothèse que pour la rejeter aussitôt. En dépit du caractère incongru de ce faux syllogisme et par-delà ses effets comiques, cette allusion laisse dévoiler des significations « théologiques » qui s'accordent avec les enjeux théogoniques de l'Hymne homérique à Hermès.

While analyzing the traces left on the ground by the thief of his cows, Apollo mentions allusively a Centaur as the author of the theft, although he formulates this hypothesis only to reject it immediately. Despite the incongruity of this false syllogism and beyond its comic effects, the allusion reveals "theological" significations corresponding to the theogonic issues of the Homeric Hymn to Hermes.

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Landscape builds identity and extraurban sanctuaries, which are built in the limits of the territories of the poleis, help to this building. The functions of the extraurban sanctuaries are various. They mark the limits of the territory, materially and perceptively; they build a religious world which functions as a vital reference and they draw a special social order that is characteristic of states. The sanctuary of Apollo at Bassai, that bears a perceptive relation to the sanctuaries in Mount Kotilon, was understood, outside, as the identity Phigaleian spot against the Spartan enemy and, inside, as the image of the elite´s power. The rebuildings of the temple were always connected to the political  hazards of Phigaleia, Messenia and Sparta and the cult of Apollo Epikourios was in relation to the war and, concretely, to the mercenaries.

The cult of Apollo Delphinios in Miletos is particularly well suited to illustrating the interconnection of politics and religion in the Greek polis. His sanctuary, the Delphinion, which is the central sanctuary of Miletos, is subject of a research project whose first results are presented here. After giving a short synopsis of the current state of research are consulted the rich epigraphical finds in respect of the functions of the Delphinion, especially its role as central sanctuary, where the prytaneion was located and where the most important public inscriptions were on display. Furhtermore the early history of the site is analysed. Recent geo-archaeological deep-drillings show a first settlement in late Chalcolithic times (c. 3500-3000 BCE) which had to be abandoned because of the rising sea level. Only in the 7th - 6th century BCE did the site become dry land again. The ground was strengthened by fillings to erect the heavy marble architecture of the late Archaic sanctuary (c. 530/20 BCE). Offered is a first view of its earliest monumental building phases in late Archaic and early Classical times partly with the help of as yet unpublished excavations. In addition is presented a partial reconstruction of the south hall of the sanctuary - presumably the prytaneion. A discussion of the central position of the sanctuary in the town's topography follows; it lies in the agora which was extended in late Archaic times by vast fillings of the marshy southern parts of the Lions' Harbour. The Delphinion served as a model insula for the late Archaic 'Hippodamian' grid-plan. Moreover, the origin and development of the cult of Apollo Delphinios in Miletos and by comparison in other Greek poleis is treated in a religio-historical section. Finally, the concurrent enlargement of the Delphinion and the agora as the religious and political heart of Miletos from the middle of the sixth century BCE - the time of the city's greatest prosperitiy - is interpreted as a sign of the growing self-confidence of the polis citizens.

In his Hymn to Apollo, Kallimachos conspicuously omits mention of Apollo’s famed oracle at Didyma. However, he draws his audience’s attention to the Euphrates, which has no special significance to the god. The itinerary he charts for his Apollo hymn maps onto the inter-kingdom politics of the eastern Mediterranean and a geopolitical reading of the poem reveals the poet’s engagement with contemporary relations between the Ptolemaic and Seleukid empires, offering further clues about the poem’s date. This politically antagonistic dimension resonates with the literary polemics long recognized as a central feature of the hymn.

Zusammenfassung Der gallische Göttername Belenus existierte in dieser Gestalt niemals in einheimischem Zusammenhang; lediglich eine keltische Gottheit Belinos läßt sich mit einiger Sicherheit postulieren, und dies auch nur im Gallischen und Brittonischen. Belenus ist das Ergebnis eines sekundären Lautwandels und ist nur als Beiname des Apollo in Nordwestitalien belegt; eine Herkunft dieser Form aus dem Noricum ist plausibel. Die rekonstruierte Form *béli-nobedeutete wahrscheinlich ‚stark' und ist von den germanischen und slawischen Wörtern für ‚Bilsenkraut' sowie span. beleño ‚id. ' gänzlich zu trennen; letzteres geht auf lat. *venēneum zurück. Ebenfalls diskutiert wird ein venetischer Göttername Fōniō, der auf ital. *bhou̯ -ni-‚Gunst/günstig' zurückgeht.

The paper deals with the problem of identifying the emperor and the god Horus. The victorious image of the Roman ruler, identified with the falcon god, was promoted through images on the temple reliefs, coins, and was worshiped in the private religious associations. According to the text of the Greek papyrus P.Giss 3, the features of the solar gods Horus, Apollo and Jupiter appeared in the image of the living emperor, Hadrian, who identified with them in the Nile valley and acted as psychopomp leading the late ruler to the sky. The ruler also performed
in the image of Horus-Helios-Ra manifesting himself as Sol Invictus. The departed emperor, Trajan, absorbed the features of Jupiter the Triumphant and Osiris – the winner of death. The contamination of the image of the late emperor-father and that of the living ruler-son, reflected in P. Giss 3, found in the temples of Egypt where Horus and Osiris were identified. The Ka-τύχη of the living monarch, identifi ed with Horus, and that of the late ruler in the image of the godfather were closely interconnected, had the Egyptian and Greco-Roman background and became a factor in legitimizing the power of the ruling emperor. The combination of the Egyptian and Greco-Roman features in the emperor’s image was a new form of interpretation of the power of the ruler in the Nile Valley

The traditionally forbidding visage of law mimics the constructed face of the “God of our Fathers.” The punitive ‘Father God’ and the harsh letter of the law are connected in both their errors and their promises for transformation. Both the ‘Father’ and ‘His Law’ primarily impose their wills  through “authority” and “force.”

Jewish feminist theologian Judith Plaskow questions whether the law is a female form. Plaskow contrasts the law’s constrictions and abstraction with traditional femeie characteristics of openness and fluidity. Plaskow hopes to redeem her tradition through a God of relationship and love, affirming both law and a new feminine authority. Perhaps only such a law, with masculine and feminine in correct relation, can save law from falling victim to economic interest that seem more viable than a decrepit legal system. Such a supple law may let women practice law without giving up an essential thread of themselves. It may also free men to acknowledge their feminine sides, and to integrate this other aspect of themselves into their lives as lawyers.

The daughter or female imagines that law is available to all, especially those oppressed by masters. The daughter envisions law beyond the system of domination, law once again sacred, inviting rather than forbidding through spirit—blessed, belonging to us all, holy, whole. It calls for a lawfulness so intense that it dances outside the “law.”

"From Euripides’ tragedy to Plato’s philosophy, up to the erudite Callimachean poetry, an interesting association can be observed between mentions of Delos and its swans and the transition from the threnodic expression of sorrow to the liberating, healing power of paean. This article begins with a brief excursus into the Homeric epic, to discover the most ancient coexistence between threnos and paean, and into archaic liric poetry and Homeric Hymns, to find the origins of the swan connotated as the Apollinean bird of poetry; the focus then shifts to some passages in Euripides (Heracles, Ion and Iphigenia in Tauris), Plato (Phaedo) and Callimachus (Hymn to Delos and Hymn to Apollo), in which the swan lake of Delos is mentioned, trying to understand its significance and permanent features."

This article attributes five fragmentary sculptures from the Agora excavations
to the east pediment and akroteria of the Temple of Apollo Patroos, on the
basis of their scale, technique, style, and subjects. Comprising an epiphany
of Apollo with the Muses in the pediment and the slaughter of the Niobids
above it, the ensemble is dated to ca. 306–300 B.C. in accord with the temple’s
revised date of ca. 313–300 proposed by Mark Lawall in 2009. Its religious
and political significance is examined. Two appendixes revisit Euphranor’s
statue of Apollo Patroos and other sculptural fragments found around the
temple, and the Niobids that Pausanias saw in the choregic monument of
Thrasyllos.

Below I present the editio princeps of a fragmentary honorific decree from Siphnos. An old copy of the text by L. H. Jeffery deposited at the CSAD in Oxford shows that the inscription was discovered by the British excavators of Kastro in the 1930s, although it was never published. Prosopographical evidence suggests that the honorand was an Athenian, who was, in all probability, granted proxeny by the polis of Siphnos. The lettering and the formulae used suggest a date in the late fifth or the early fourth century B.C., but the democratic institutions evident in the prescript exclude the decade 404-394 B.C., when oligarchical Sparta maintained a firm grip on the whole Aegean world.

This paper considers the etymologising of the names of Apollo in Plato, Cratylus and Plutarch, The E at Delphi. It is argued that the richness of the god’s etymologies in these texts and in classical literature more generally suggests that a special connection was seen between the nature of Apollo and the practices of etymologising; this connection is in part owed to the similarities between etymologising and prophetic speech and practice and in part to the fact that ancient etymology reveals settled, unchanging truths about language, just as Apollo manifests the settled, unchanging order of the world. The paper sheds light not just upon ancient etymological practice from Homer onwards but also on certain conceptions of the nature of Apollo.

This article focuses upon the colossal Apollo dedicated by the Naxians at Delos ca 600 BC. The study deals with: 1. the style of the statue and its place among the earliest Marxian monumental stone sculptures; 2. the 4th century BC inscriptions and a (probably) lost Archaic dedicatory inscription; 3. the meaning of the famous Archaic base inscription "I am of the same lithos, statue and base", the spheres and the first statue bases.

This paper explores how the complementary gods Dionysus and Apollo, in their very specific manner reflecting their essence, become present through song. It shows how, in both Homeric Hymns (7 and 3), song is the medium and the kernel of the inner story, while the choral performance of the diachronic past blurs with the present rhapsodic hymn in synchrony. Dionysus is focused as the epiphanic god per se, appearing all of a sudden, in a sketchy and enigmatic Hymn that elicits the recipient to decode his signs on the pattern of mysteries, whereas the long and winding Hymn to Apollo, put in several frames and pursuing Apollo’s career from his birth to his rise to full power, reflects his “palintropic harmony of bow and lyre” fusing in poignant and violent immediacy.


corrected proofs

Partiendo de una lectura del soneto XI de Garcilaso, se intenta mostrar cómo el poeta establece en él una fórmula visual que luego adapta en su primera Elegía y en sus Églogas II y III: el de una ninfa que, apareciendo, alza la cabeza y mueve su cabellera. Esta manifestación del numen del lugar suele remitir a un cambio en el nivel de la enunciación, lo cual otorga a esta fórmula un valor metadiscursivo. Combinada con la Dafne ovidiana recordada por el mismo Garcilaso, esta ninfa se convierte en la Fábula de Polifemo de Góngora en una ninfa fugitiva –según una variación del motivo ya atisbada en la poesía de Garcilaso–. En un tercer momento, se lee la evolución de las evocaciones de esta ninfa renacentista desde la hipótesis formulada en 1893 por Warburg para la interpretación del Nacimiento de Venus y de la Primavera de Botticelli, según la cual la aparición de la ninfa, con los detalles que evocan el movimiento del viento en la cabellera o en los pliegues de las vestiduras, se ha de entender como uso de una fórmula que indica, dentro de la obra de arte, la clara voluntad de imitación de la Antigüedad.

This article aims to examine the role played by the σάνδαλα in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes and to show that it is thanks to their enormous footprints and the «epiphanic» manner in which Hermes manipulates them that the god is able to affirm the divine nature he holds de facto and to claim that his divine status is validated de jure.

Cet article se propose d'analyser le rôle que jouent les σάνδαλα dans l'Hymne homérique à Hermès et de montrer que c'est grâce à leurs empreintes immenses et à la manière dont Hermès les manipule sur le mode «épiphanique» que le dieu réussit à affirmer la nature divine qu'il détient de facto et à revendiquer que son statut divin soit validé de jure.

Estudio del simbolismo de la serpiente en cinco mitos griegos que presentan un mismo leit-motiv: el combate que un dios o un hombre excepcional mantienen contra un monstruo de clara filiación terrestre. No obstante, en cada uno de los casos, cada mito supone un avance gradual, que va un paso más allá que el anterior y nos proporciona nuevas e interesantes lecturas de estos enfrentamientos permitiéndonos profundizar en el complejo simbolismo de la serpiente en el arte y la literatura griega.

Theo Angelopoulos is regarded as the main figure of the New Greek Cinema. His intense use of structures and themes of Greek tragedy and epic indicates his profound connection with the historical and literary reservoir of his native land. This article explores the poetic essence of Greek tragedy in his films, focusing on Ulysses’ Gaze (1995), and The Weeping Meadow (2004). The authors study the structure and themes of these two films and the poetic symbols and motifs such as fluidity, river and source as well as some other poetic elements of Greek tragedy, to argue that Angelopoulos stands as a latter-day Greek tragic poet.

Following F. Nietzsche, Apollo and Dionysus are often regarded as opposites. The two brothers shared however the same temple at Delphi, considered by the Greek as the umbilical center of the world and the most sacred place on earth. The cults of both gods were focused on actions of women in the state of possession: the Pythia, in the grip of Apollo, uttered prophecies inspired by the god, and the thyiads, known as maenads elsewhere, on alternate years roamed the mountain forests, following the call of Dionysus. Gender misbalance among Dionysus’ rapturous worshippers probably reflects the proclivity of women in patriarchal societies to channel their suppressed psychological tension through ecstatic rites, and the dominance of female prophets as instruments employed by the Greek gods to announce their will to the mortals can be explained as a result of responsivity of women to manipulation of consciousness. However, the intersection between Apolline prophecy and Bacchic ecstasy at Delphi suggests a link between the female votaries of the two gods. This paper presents an overview of the evidence on ecstatic cults of Apollo and Dionysus in Delphi, compares ancient testimonies with insights into the anthropology and neuroscience of alteration of consciousness, and suggests that the proximity of the two cults ensued from their deep multi-dimensional connection.

Presents fragments  from early years of Kourayos's ongoing excavation of a recently discovered at the Isthmian sanctuary of Apollo on Despotiko, an islet part of greater Paros in the Cyclades that was attached to Antiparos by an isthmus until Roman times. Almost all is drinking ware (cups and kraters) used in feasting at the sanctuary. Although there are relatively few fragments of Attic black-figure, Attic imports were not common (as on Paros itself) until after the Persian Wars, including first rate pieces from the later fifth century attributed to the Dinos Painter and Talos Painter.

Part of a special issue on "Twilights of Greek and Roman Religions," this article considers ancient Jewish and Christian engagement with Apollo traditions in texts and material objects from the second century BCE to the sixth century CE. I track a shared strategy in which both Jews and Christians adopt imagery or tropes that surround Apollo, but either (1) reassign them to their god or Jesus, or (2) relocate them within spaces devoted to the worship of their god. In light of Roman imperial use of Apollo traditions, I draw on postcolonial theory to suggest that we might label this recurrent transformative strategy "ambivalent appropriation." Persistent ambivalent appropriation of Apollo traditions by ancient Jews and Christians counters ancient narratives about Apollo's prophecy at Delphi declining and/or ceasing, thereby challenging any notion of a twilight for Delphic prophecy.

The island of Cyprus was considered one of the most strategic territories of the Achaemenid Empire. The local Cypriot kings continued to rule various parts of the country during this period, but this did not mean the absence of an imperial presence on the island. The satraps of Ebir-Nāri (beyond the Euphrates) ruled directly over Cyprus, and signs of this domination can be seen in some archaeological evidence from the island. From the Achaemenid period, especially the fifth and fourth centuries BC, a large number of statues, headstones and figurines have been found in temples of Apollo at various cities on Cyprus, which according to most scholars show influence of Achaemenid art. This is mostly manifested in the form of curly beard designs. There is no doubt that some of these sculptures were created under the influence of Assyrian art, which reached Cyprus before the political domination of the Achaemenids and significantly influenced its sculptural production. However, there is compelling evidence that some of these sculptures were influenced by Achaemenid sculpture or depict Persian figures. It seems that starting already during the beginning of the Achaemenid period, a close connection was formed between the Achaemenid Empire and the temples of Apollo. On one side of this connection was the financial support of the Achaemenids and on the other, the spiritual support of the god Apollo. This historical connection could provide the basis for the presentation of sculptures of Persian figures or the influence of Achaemenid art on the sculptures offered to the temples.

جزیرۀ قبرس یکی از سرزمی نهای سوق الجیشی تحت سلطۀ شاهنشاهی هخامنشی بود. پادشاهان محلی قبرس، در طول دورۀ هخامنشی به حاکمیت خود بر نواحی گوناگون این سرزمین ادامه می دادند، اما این، ابداً به معنای غیبت حضور شاهنشاهی در جزیره نبود. ساتراپهای اَبَرنَهر (ماورای فرات)، مستقیماً بر قبرس تسلط داشتند و نشانه های این تسلط را در پاره ای شواهد باستا نشناختی میتوان مشاهده کرد. در پرستشگاه های آپولو در شهرهای مختلف قبرس، تعداد زیادی مجسمه، سردیس و پیکرک بدست آمده که به سده های پنجم و چهارم پیش ازمیلاد یعنی همزمان با دورۀ هخامنشی تاریخگذاری شده اند. غالب پژوهشگران بر تأثیرگذاری هنر هخامنشی بر این آثار اشاره کرده اند.
این تأثیرگذاری بیشتر، خود را در قالب شکل آرایش ریش های فِردار نشان داده است. تردیدی نیست که بخشی از این مجسمه ها تحت تأثیر هنر آشوری پدید آمده اند. هنری که پیش از سیطرۀ سیاسی هخامنشیان به قبرس رسیده و پیکرتراشی این سرزمین را به صورتی جدی تحت تأثیر قرار داده بود. با این حال هنوز شواهد مستدلی وجود دارد که بخشی از این مجسمه ها، تحت تأثیر هنر پیکرتراشی هخامنشی ساخته شده و یا شخصیت های پارسی را نمایش می دهند. به نظر میرسد که از آغاز دورۀ هخامنشی، ارتباط نزدیکی میان این شاهنشاهی و پرستشگاه های آپولو شکل گرفته است. در یک سوی این ارتباط، حمایت های مالی هخامنشیان و در سوی دیگر آن، حمایتهای معنوی خدای آپولو قرار داشت. همین ارتباط تاریخی میتوانست زمینه را برای پیشکشی مجسمه های شخصیت های پارسی یا تأثیرگذاری هنر هخامنشی
. بر مجسمه های پیشکشی شده به معابد آپولو فراهم سازد

This essay examines Queen Christina of Sweden’s material response to accusations of barbarism by establishing that her collections of antique sculpture acted as artistic and intellectual foils to her detractors. The goal is to situate Christina’s development of a classicized persona within existing scholarship about the queen as a collector and patron, thereby illustrating its impact on her decision to build one of the largest collections of ancient Roman antiquities amassed by an early modern woman. This is accomplished by identifying key themes such as knowledge and rulership that formed the queen’s public persona and were projected to visitors through her display-spaces. To help understand why specific imagery related to these themes appears repeatedly in her suite of antiquities, allegorical emblems associated with Christina are contextualized as reflections of early modern intellectual movements that entwined Gothicism with Swedish history. Like her sculptural displays, these movements creatively inserted Scandinavia, and by extension Christina, into the Greco-Roman tradition.

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L’articolo, incentrato sulla caratterizzazione di Adrasto nel primo libro della Tebaide, avanza l’ipotesi che il re, in genere considerato un personaggio ingenuo e in balia degli dei (specialmente Apollo), sia invece il depositario di una risoluzione positiva del conflitto tebano, espressa nel discorso ospitale a Polinice e nell’inno ad Apollo con cui il libro si conclude. Proprio il fatto che la Tebaide non possa strutturalmente accogliere tale soluzione fa di Adrasto l’indicatore fondamentale della tragicità del poema.

The paper focuses on the characterization of Adrastus in the first book of the Thebaid. It argues that the king, usually regarded as a naive character at the mercy of the gods, is instead the representative of a positive resolution of the Theban conflict. This resolution emerges in his words of welcome to Polynices and in the hymn to Apollo at the end of Book 1. The very fact that the Thebaid cannot, structurally, accommodate this resolution makes Adrastus the main indicator of the tragic nature of the poem.

This paper compares cultic traditions surrounding Asclepius, whereby the cultic mention of the god must be preceded by his father Apollo, with Plato's Phaedo, which parallels this cultic tradition by having an Apollinean opening (Socrates' conversion to poetry and composition of a hymn to Apollo) and an Asclepian closure (the puzzling 'cock for Asclepius' mentioned in dying Socrates'  last words). Accordingly, Socrates’ offering of a cock may be construed as prophesising the healing of philosophy through a new beginning, to be identified with the writing of the dialogues. With his eventual conversion,  Socrates 'the father' merely prefigures such new beginning, while Plato, his philosophical 'son', fully develops and realises it.

Full article here: https://brill.com/view/journals/jre/12/3/article-p285_285.xml

This essay explores the reception of Pope Julius ii’s statuary deities in his Cortile del Belvedere through the poetic works of two humanists, papal courtier Evangelista Maddaleni de’ Capodiferro and Savonarolan humanist Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola. The construction of the Cortile animated a lively querelle on the state and mission of the Catholic Church, as it allowed the pagan idols of antiquity to re-enter the holy grounds of the Vatican. Through the analysis of two divergent poetic receptions of the Belvedere gods, this article will explore the Cortile del Belvedere and Julius ii’s Rome, as a space of spiritual dialogue and religious hybridism.

Lucain, au livre v de sa Pharsale 1 , dépeint une pythie en proie à des transports frénétiques, « les cheveux hérissés », « secouant à travers l'antre prophétique une tête éperdue » . Bacchatur, demens : « elle délire, folle », « sa nuque se tord », « un feu terrible l'embrase », elle « roule des yeux farouches, les joues livides » . L'emprise d'Apollon sur la pauvre Phémonoé se fait si violente que la prophétesse s'effondre, morte, à peine le dieu l'a-t-il quittée, à peine a-t-il « réinstillé dans ses entrailles le léthé stygien » et ses puissances d'oubli… Les critiques s'accordent à reconnaître dans ce tableau baroque et envoûtant une vision purement poétique de la Pythie, influencée par l'imaginaire dionysiaque et la figure traditionnelle de la ménade en délire ; les historiens en fustigent, non sans raisons, l'inexactitude 2 . Tout ce qu'on croit pouvoir reconstituer d'une séance oraculaire à Delphes -et il faut reconnaître que notre ignorance est considérable -va dans le sens d'une pythie calme, sinon maîtresse d'elle-même, dont le consultant entend distinctement la réponse articulée et d'ordinaire limpide 3 . N'est-ce pas la pythie ellemême que l'on soudoyait lorsqu'on voulait corrompre l'oracle 4 , et Hérodote ne se contente-t-il pas, pour expliciter le fonctionnement d'un oracle de Dionysos en Thrace de cette notation sibylline : « c'est une prêtresse qui prononce les oracles chez eux comme à Delphes, sans plus 1 v . 64-236 . 2 Pour une position sceptique extrême, voir P. Amandry, La mantique apollinienne à Delphes. Essai sur le fonctionnement de l'oracle, Paris, 1950 . G. Roux, Delphes, son oracle et ses dieux, Paris, 1976, reste, à ce jour, la meilleure introduction, la plus équilibrée . 3 Roux, op. cit., 1976, pp . 147-164 . Les réponses connues de la pythie -historiques et légendaires, sont rassemblées in H . W . Parke et D . E . W . Wormell, The Delphic Oracle, Oxford, 1956 . 4 Hérodote, vi, 63-66 ; 7, 140-142 . Voir le rôle de la pythie, voir les remarques de S. Price, « Delphi and divination », in P. Easterling et J.-V. Muir, Greek religion and society, Cambridge, 1985, p . 141 . asdiwal n o 2 / 2007 dominique jaillard 62