Alexander Severus

Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Augustus (208-235 CE) was the final emperor of the Severan dynasty (193-235). He was raised to the purple as a teenager, following the assassination of Elagabalus. Contrary to his short-lived predecessors, Severus Alexander’s thirteen-year reign was, for the most part, a period of stability. Contemporary and later writers, however, focus largely on the influence exerted by his mother, and on the military crises he faced at the end of his life.

For EAH, see:  https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444338386

The reign of the Roman emperor Maximinus (235 to 238 CE) is often seen as a turning point marking the beginning of the „Crisis of the Roman Empire“. In this paper I try to demonstrate that the reign of Maximinus and the civil war of 238 do not mark a significant caesura in Roman history. If there was an empire-wide crisis, it began in about 250 or as early as 193, but not in 235.

Julius Calpurnius Piso, a son of Arrius Piso, was the author of The Revelation. He was married to Hadrian's sister and was father-in-law of Tacitus' son. He wanted his grandson to become emperor after Hadrian, and was killed by Hadrian in 137 CE along with his grandson. Instead, his descendants became bishops of Rome & Alexander Severus, emperor.

Since I have been studying so many different areas of ancient history, particularly that of ancient Rome, this subject has been of some interest to me and others for a number of reasons. It has been apparent that the decline in the content of silver in Roman coinage directly related to various factors within the Roman Empire over the course of several centuries; namely, through the First Century AD/CE to the Fourth Century AD/CE. The examination of the part that coins played in history is crucial in helping to make important determinations in a number of areas of the study. For instance, the names used by various emperors, their family members, wives, and sometimes, relatives. It is for much more than simple interest or trivia that we, as historians, examine ancient coins. We find many things of interest and importance, that is, of value to us in our quest to learn more about the people and times in which they lived. Coins of the various emperors contain information. They give us portraits of the emperors which give us some idea as to how they looked. They tell us things from what they chose to include on their coins, such as symbols, gods and/or goddesses, motto and more. And, at times, we may even find examples of propaganda and historical reference. But in this instance, we are examining the silver content or the amount of silver contained within the silver denarius (or "denarii" in plural) as minted under the various emperors. Which, may tell us a few things or at least indicate or support various views of certain emperors at particular points in the historical timeline of the Roman Empire. One of the first things that comes to mind is that as the Roman Empire was expanding and more people and territory was being added to it, the demand for more coinage became a priority. And, one of the easiest ways to make silver coinage 'stretch' is to "water it down" so to speak. Or, in other words, reduce the silver content rather than the size of the coins-which, by the way, was another thing that we see happening as time went on (a good example of this can be seen in the reduction of size in both the denarius and the tetradrachm over the course of time). Coins which were produced under the Emperor Augustus were virtually as pure as they could make them, about 98 percent pure. We see, as time went on, that the silver coins minted under later emperors were reduced to 'billon' (a token amount of silver) and essentially copper coins with a silver wash to make them appear to be silver. Of course, with use, the silver washed coins would begin to show the copper as the silver wore off. Basically, the coins which were produced by the Julian Emperors remained for the most part, stable. The exception to that (and remember, we are focused primarily upon the denarius in this paper), could be coins produced for the various Roman territories in the form of coinage issued for use in the provinces. Once the rule of the Julian Emperors ended with the death of Nero, we begin to see where the rule of successive emperors changed the content of silver in their coins. The Silver Content In The Denarius Under Various Emperors*: [Again, remember that we find silver reduction in coins produced for the provinces] Augustus (ruled : 27 BC/BCE-14 AD/CE) 97/98%. Claudius (ruled : 41-54 AD/CE) 97%.

Esta monograjla que tan generosamente ha acogido entre sus puhlicacionl!S la Fundación Pastor responde a un prolongado eifuerzo de rehabilitación histórica. Desdl! el s(qlo XIX, todos los relatos de las fuentes clásicas descritos como omina agorados a un personaje, cuyo .futuro prefiguran, jiteron acusados de contener noticias tei"iidas de rasgos curiosos, anecdóticos e irreales, propios para mostrar las supersticiones e ingenuidad del homhre antiguo, pero carentes de interés histórico directo. Sólo algunos perspicaces estudiosos, como Waldemar Deonna oJean Gagé, supieron descubrir las íntimas relaciones con la realidad social, en todas sus .facetas, que detrás de estas narraciones se esconden, por más qui! su línea de investigación no gozase de la necesaria continuidad.

The building programs of the last two Severan emperors are comparatively ignored in scholarship, in particular regarding thematic intentions behind them.  In addition, scholars tend to think of imperial monuments in terms of how they increase the emperor's power, to the detriment of other equally compelling reasons for an emperor to engage in euergetism. 

Originally written for Dr. Charmaine Gorrie's graduate seminar on the art and architecture of the Severans at UBC, this paper addresses both problems by considering the urban programs of Elagabalus and Alexander Severus at Rome as expressions of the sacerdotal, dynastic, and beneficent duties expected of each emperor.  It contains the first buddings of some ideas the author would like to play around with and develop further regarding thematics in urbanism and motivations for building.

EXPEDItIO PERSICA I TRIUMF CESARZA SEWERA AlEKSANDRA NAD PERSAMI (231-233 R.) P oczątek trzeciej dekady III w. po Chr. upłynął pod znakiem ostrego konfliktu militarnego pomiędzy Imperium Romanum a sasanidzką Persją. W następstwie ataku króla perskiego Ardaszira I (Ardaxšīr) na wschodnie pogranicze Imperium Romanum dokonanego w 230 roku cesarz Sewer Aleksander (M. Aurelius Severus Alexander, właściwie Gessius Bassianus Alexianus) 1 zorganizował i osobiście poprowadził w latach 231-233 ekspedycję zbrojną przeciw Persom 2 . W zachowanych przekazach źródłowych jest ona znana pod różnymi określeniami, przy czym najczęściej pojawiały się terminy expeditio Persica 3 , bellum Persicum 4 , dalej expeditio Orientalis 5 , sacra expeditio 6 (w wersji greckiej εἱερὰ στράτευμα) 7 , wreszcie -anachronicznie -expeditio Parthica 8 . (wybór tekstów źródłowych); Winter, Dignas 2001: 87-93 (wybór tekstów źródłowych z komentarzem);

According to the author of the Historia Augusta, Severus Alexander placed in his lararium maius the images of Apollonius of Tyana, Christ, Abraham and Orpheus alongside the deified Roman emperors and the maiorum effigies, in the context of his supposed openness policy towards Christianity and Judaism. This paper aims to examine the value of this discussed testimony of the Vita Alexandri Severi by investigating the complex transformation of religion in the late Roman world, as well as the relations between Jewish-Christian culture and Hellenistic and Roman civilitas before the so-called ʻPeace of the Churchʼ.

Keywords: Historia Augusta, Severus Alexander, religion, syncretism, Christianity

Secondo l’autore della Historia Augusta, Severo Alessandro avrebbe collocato nel suo lararium maius le immagini di Apollonio di Tiana, Cristo, Abramo e Orfeo accanto agli imperatori divinizzati e alle maiorum effigies, nel contesto di una presunta politica di apertura verso il cristianesimo ed il giudaismo. Il presente contributo intende verificare il valore di questa discussa testimonianza della Vita Alexandri Severi, indagando il complesso processo di trasformazione che investì la religiosità del mondo tardoantico e che contraddistinse, già prima della cosiddetta ʻPace della Chiesaʼ, le relazioni tra la cultura giudaico-cristiana e la civilitas ellenistico-romana.

Parole chiave: Historia Augusta, Severo Alessandro, religione, sincretismo, cristianesimo

The analysis of the epigraphic documentation concerning the Severans in Lucania, Southern Samnium and Apulia showcases the vitality of these regions during the reigns of Septimius Severus (193– 211), Caracalla (211–217), Elagabalus (218–222) and Severus Alexander (222–235). City councils set up an impressive number of dedications to these emperors, and, in particular, honorary statues. This phenomenon is not casual. In fact, several inscriptions reveal that Severus and Caracalla paid a certain attention to the communities located in these regions. Restorations of roads and public buildings at the emperors' expenses are well documented, as well as, perhaps, interventions in the disputes between cities. Furthermore, the epigraphic evidence attests to many individuals from this area that achieved prestigious positions in the imperial administration, thus establishing valuable connections between local communities and the imperial court.

Sauf à leur but administratif et militaire les voyages officiels des représentants de l’empire Romain servaient aussi à la représentation et l’expression du pouvoir central qui se manifestaient entr’autres dans la quantité et la qualité de la nourriture mise à disposition à ce fin. Nourrir les magistrats voire l’empereur représentait un défi logistique énorme pour la commune visitée. L’approvisionnement était préparé des mois ou même des années en avance vu que l’entourage d’un magistrat Romain consistait de jusqu’à une centaine de membres et que l’empereur se faisait accompagner même de plusieurs milliers de personnes. En outre les représentants du pouvoir central les élites régionales des provinces dominées participaient aux repas autant comme organisateurs que comme hôtes.
Tandis que ce phénomène est passé sous silence dans les textes littéraires des papyri égyptiens le mettent en évidence à l’exemple des voyages de quelques préfets et des empereurs Hadrien, Caracalla, Sévère Alexandre et Dioclétien. Ils offrent d’un part des listes parfois détaillées des denrées à fournier dont une quantité spécifiée impressionnante de bétail de boucherie dans une qualité bien définie. D’autre part ils éclaircirent comment les élites locales et régionales étaient impliquées dans les différentes hiérarchies administratives.
Cette communication s’interrogera sur les aspects pratiques du ravitaillement des représentants du pouvoir Romain en voyage tout comme sur les implications symboliques de cette manifestation de puissance.

Freundschaftlicher Dank gilt Hadrien Bru (Besançon), der uns unmittelbar nach dem Inschriftenfund die entsprechenden Abbildungen gezeigt und dann genauere Hinweise zum Fundkontext sowie der Natur des Inschriftenträgers gegeben hat. Herzlich danken wir Werner Eck für die vielen Richtigstellungen und wertvollen Ratschläge bei der Lesung des Textes. 1 DialHistAnc 41/2, 2015, 220-224 Nr. 4. Nach Angaben der Ersteditoren ist der Stein im Zusammenhang mit den Restaurationsarbeiten einer im 16. Jh. errichteten Koranschule zutage getreten. 2 In der Editio princeps von Bru/Lafl i 2015 beginnt die Lesung des Textes bei Z. 6.

The project of an ideal monarchy that Dio Cassius put into the mouth of Maecenas is considered by modern scholars to be the political programme of the senatorial aristocracy of the early third century A. D., who were ready, to give up claims to political power in exchange for maintenance and consolidation of the privileged position of honour and safety of the Senate and the senatorial estate.
The article notes that Dio's project presumed a weakening or liquidation of such instruments of absolute power as the equites administration, imperial landowning, and the cult of the emperor, and also isolation of the emperors from their main social support, the municipal aristocracy. At the same time, realisation of Dio's proposals would have considerably strengthened the influence and power of the senatorial administration and of the Senate. In those conditions the ruler of the ideal monarchy, possessing unlimited powers, would be able to exercise his power only under strict control of the powerful senatorial oligarchy.
Dio thus while declaring the aim of his programme to be the good of the emperor and of the whole state, was in fact striving to fully ensure real power for the Senate and the Senators. His programme was not evidence of rejection of claims to political power by the senatorial aristocracy of the Severan period, but is evidence of a desive to camouflage these claims so as to facilitate their realisation in the conditions of Alexander Severus' government.

Augusta (1), abrange o período desde a ascensão de Adriano em 117 até a morte de Numeriano e Carino em 284-285. É redigida uma biografia não somente de cada um dos imperadores principais (Angustí), mas também são focalizados os co-regentes e herdeiros presuntivos (Caesares) e os usurpadores (Tyranni). O texto foi preservado num códice do século IX, o Codex Palatinus Laíinus 899, do qual derivam dezessete outras cópias, completas ou parciais, de variada precisão. A obra é denominada no Palatinus pelo nome de Vitae Diversorum Principum et Tyrannorum a Divo Hadriano usque ad Numerianum Diversis conposit (sic), embora o título original fosse provavelmente Vita Caesarum ou Vitae Caesarum. Desde o século XVII tornou-se conhecida como História Augusta, nome dado em 1603 pelo seu editor, o humanista protestante Isaac Casaubon, que encontrou a frase na própria obra, aplicada a Tácito, descrito como Scriptorem Historiae Augustae. O período de Adriano a Caro, Carino e Numeriano não é abrangido integralmente. Há uma importante lacuna de 244 a 260: faltam as vidas dos imperadores que reinaram entre Gordiano III e Valeriano (Filipe, Dé-(1)-A edição fundamental da História Augusta é a de E. HOHL, publicada na coleção Teubner (Leipzig, 1927). A obra, juntamente com a tradução para o inglês por D. MAGIE, recebeu outra edição: The Scriptores Historias Augustae.