Aegean Scripts

This paper describes the Linear A / Minoan digital corpus and the approaches we applied to develop it. We aim to set up a suitable study resource for Linear A and Minoan. Firstly we start by introducing Linear A and Minoan in order to make it clear why we should develop a digital marked up corpus of the existing Linear A transcriptions. Secondly we list and describe some of the existing resources about Linear A: Linear A documents (seals, statuettes, vessels etc.), the traditional encoding systems (standard code numbers referring to distinct symbols), a Linear A font, and the newest (released on June 16th 2014) Unicode Standard Characters set for Linear A. Thirdly we explain our choice concerning the data format: why we decided to digitize the Linear A resources; why we decided to convert all the transcriptions in standard Unicode characters; why we decided to use an XML format; why we decided to implement the TEI-EpiDoc DTD. Lastly we describe: the developing process (from the data collection to the issues we faced and the solving strategies); a new font we developed (synchronized with the Unicode Characters Set) in order to make the data readable even on systems that are not updated. Finally, we discuss the corpus we developed in a Cultural Heritage preservation perspective and suggest some future works.

The slides: https://www.academia.edu/14675424/Minoan_Linguistic_Resources_The_Linear_A_Digital_Corpus_-_SLIDES.

This paper focuses on the occurrence of sealings impressed by the same seal faces or by very similar seal faces at different archaeological sites in the Late Minoan I period. Sealings are small clay lumps impressed one or more times with one or more seal faces, and at times inscribed with Linear A signs. Such a sealing system was aimed at controlling the mobilization of resources and goods. The existence of a dense network of inter-regional trade in the Neopalatial Period is indeed well documented by the overall archaeological evidence. Since impressions left on clay nodules by the same seals or by very similar seals occur on different types of sealing found at different sites on Crete (Knossos, Sklavokambos, Hagia Triada, Gournia, Zakros, and Chania) and outside Crete (Akrotiri on the island of Thera), we can argue that the inter-regional trade was, at least in part, managed by one or more central administrations. The aim of this paper is to clarify this last point and address the issue of whether or not we can infer the existence of diplomatic and legal bonds between the Knossos Palace and the other main Aegean settlements from the sealings.

The study of scribal hands, workshops and activities has offered a new insight to Mycenaean epigraphy. The role of the individual scribes has greatly been enriched by the study of palm and finger prints giving us additional information on the preparation of Linear B tablets. Now we can also find out more on the collaboration of the scribes, but also on whether they are manual workers or other.

In this paper I suggest that the evolution of the earliest form of Minoan writing coincides with the transformation of the Minoan seal repertoire towards iconicity. Although the initial stages of the development of the "Archanes Script"(a sequence of five signs which may have conveyed phonetic values) are elusive, it is tempting to see its emergence on seals with an emblematic function as meaningful. I have argued that the constituent signs of this 'formula' possibly evolved out of a gradual transformation from a representational to a symbolic function, as exemplified by specific seal-groups of the Late Prepalatial period (late 3rd millennium B.C.). The contention that emblematic devices, such as seals, may have been one of the sources of inspiration for symbolic visual imagery is reinforced by cross-cultural analogies relating to the earliest stages of Near Eastern scripts (Proto-cuneiform, Proto-Elamite). At the same time, the combination of signs with a pictorial character (semasiographic signs?) and pure script signs (the first glottographic signs) on a few seals of the "Archanes Script Group" may reflect a successful emulation of the earliest imported Egyptian scarabs.

In three occasions Egyptian texts give us extracts of the language of the Keftiw: a school writing tablet with personal names, an inscription with place names, and a papyrus with two magical spells! The information that we can extract, although puny, could help us in our attempt to approach the Keftiw language and its nature. All difficulties of interpretation
have to be analysed and each step has to be taken cautiously.

Marks incised or painted on Eastern Mediterranean pottery from the Late Bronze Age – generically known as «potmarks» – have been extensively studied in the past two decades. Incised markings have also appeared on ingots and other metallic supports, although these have arguably received less attention. It has long been clear that some of these marks consist of signs drawn from existing writing systems, with Cypro-Minoan playing a special role, and this has contributed to scholars’ research on the relationship between marks and script. However, many unknowns remain. An old and significant problem relates to difficulties in assessing which marks can be securely identified with Cypro-Minoan signs, stemming from the lack of a detailed palaeographical study of the script’s signary. Recent advances in our knowledge of Cypro-Minoan, especially with regards to the palaeographic variation and identity of its signs, now enable us to better understand which marks are extracted from that writing system and which are not. With a special focus on ingot- and potmarks from the Eastern Mediterranean and Sardinia, this article discusses methods for distinguishing Cypro-Minoan marks from non-Cypro-Minoan marks. It is argued that a greater number of marks can now be securely identified with signs of the Cypro-Minoan script. In a second stage, findings are compared with other parameters, such as vessel shapes and functions, find-spots and places of import, and methods (incised or painted) and timings (before or after firing or casting) of the marks. This re-evaluation reveals no significant distribution patterns, suggesting that many different marking systems might have been in use or that the choice of Cypro-Minoan signs used as marks was not very systematic. In our conclusions, we discuss the implications of these results for our knowledge of the dynamics of Bronze Age Cypriot society.

The results of deciphering the middle text of the Rosetta Stone point to the fact that there are many details which cannot be found in the text written (inscribed) in ancient Greek alphabet. This conclusion proves the science awareness from the time of Thomas Young (1822) that the middle text was the original. On the basis of our research we can make this knowledge more precise with the conclusion that the pharaoh's decree from the middle text of the Rosetta Stone in original is written (inscribed) in the language of the ancient Macedonians with letters of the alive (living) masters of that time, i.e. with the official letters and language of the state that had been ruled by them for more than a century.

Donauschriftforschung gestern und heute: Harald Haarmanns Einführung in die Donauschrift (2010) CORINNA SALOMON Der deutsche Linguist Harald Haarmann hat 2010 eine Einführung in die Donauschrift veröffentlicht -ein Titel, der geeignet ist, zahlreiche Forscher aus den Bereichen der Sprach-und Schriftwissenschaft sowie der Archäologie und Urgeschichte zu überraschen. Die Interpretation von verschiedenartigen Zeichen auf Fundgegenständen aus Kulturen des neolithischen Balkan als Schriftzeichen ist natürlich sowohl für Wissenschafter verschiedener Fächer als auch für interessierte Laien ein attraktiver Gedanke -ein solches Buch dürfte daher auch über die scientific community hinaus einige Aufmerksamkeit auf sich ziehen. Allerdings stehen die meisten heutigen Fachvertreter dieser These skeptisch bis dezidiert ablehnend gegenüber. Diese Ablehnung geht so weit, dass eine eigene Untersuchung der Materie meist gar nicht mehr erfolgt. Haarmann aber als der führende (oder jedenfalls 'präsenteste') Proponent der These von Existenz einer Schrift im alteuropäischen Kulturkreis scheint nun prädestiniert, dem Thema durch Erläuterung und grundlegende Argumentation einen festeren Stand im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs zu verleihen. Sein Überblick über die Thematik sollte auch einen Einblick in die Arbeitsweise gewähren, die ihn zu seinen Ergebnissen gelangen lässt. Aber leider leistet die Einführung eben das nicht. Der größte Mangel des Werkes ist dabei vielleicht Haarmanns unvollständige und parteiische Darstellung der Forschungsgeschichte. Deshalb scheint es angebracht, diese hier zunächst zu rekapitulieren.

The subject of what has come to be described as "Minoan Goddess" is tackled by a number of scholars from several fields of study (Archaeology, Anthropology, Sociology, History of Religion, Political activism to name a few). Proposed interpretations are biased by the overexposure of selective icons and motivated by different stimuli, ignoring evidence that does not fit in the model of their preference.

Since 1896, when the three written clay balls were found by A. S. Murray in Egomi of Cyprus, Sir Arthour Evans was led to conclude that those findings belonged to a different type of writing which he named ‘Cyprominoan’. This writing was clearly influenced by the earlier Linear A one, which was discovered in Crete. During the 110 years that have elapsed since then, the number of the written findings has been increased with words of the Cyprominoan writing.
The 217 inscribed findings from various regions of both Cyprus and Ugarit constitute an interesting set of words (sample) for statistical analysis of the frequency the various syllables (graphs) appear in relation with their position at the beginning, middle or end of the different words.
The study of the aforementioned statistical analysis has been carried out based on the recently published J.P.Olivier’s collection  under  the title: ‘EDITION HOLISTIQUE DES TEXTES CHYPRO-MINOENS’.
The study takes into consideration the complete set of the 110 syllable-letters of the Cyprominoan writing. In that way we create a clear sample from all the preserved words which we can use in our statistical analysis.
Although the sample of the Cyprominoan words is not large, yet based on the frequency of the appearance of the Cyprominoan syllable-letters and in combination with their similarities to the syllable-letters of both Linear A and classical Cypriot scripts, we can attribute, with satisfactory probability , phonetic values to the syllable-letters of Cyprominoan writing in a percentage of about 50%
At the end of this study it has been attempted to replace the above suggested phonetic values of the Cyprominoan script in both Cyprominoan inscriptions and seals. The result indicates that the Cypriot Minoan words in Cyprus’ findings are comprehensible according to the Greek Language whereas in the Ugarit findings it seems that the words are not probably Greek which is of course expected in a region comprised of other nationalities which borrow the Cypriot syllable set in order to form their language.
It’s quite interesting that in a number of inscriptions of Cypriot Minoan writing whose transliteration was attempted, it was observed that the words relate the semantic (the picture of the seal)

Though it is generally agreed upon that the Greeks borrowed (and modified) the alphabet from the Phoenicians, there is no consensus about the moment when this took place. Over the years, several dates have been proposed, ranging from the 14 th to the 8 th / 7 th century BCE. In classical studies the prevalent opinion is that the alphabet was introduced in or shortly before the 8 th century BCE, when the first attestations of Greek alphabetic writing appear. There are, however, quite a number of indications (from existing and new evidence) that plead for a much earlier date. In this article, a detailed analysis of the presently available archaeological, epigraphic and linguistic data will be presented to argue the case for an introduction in the 11th century BCE at the latest.

In Nirukta II.16 , Yaska refers to the opinions of various former schools regarding the meaning of the word ‘Vrittra’:

      Sanskrit: “Tat ko Vrittrah?” – ‘meghah’ itti nairuktah, “Tvashtro šura” itty aitihasykah
Macedonian: “Ta  koj  (e) Vrittrah ?” – ‘magla’ vetti naratorot, “Tasht  (na) šura ” vettia raskažuvačite
          English: “So who (is) Vrittra?” – ‘fog’ said the narrator, “Father (of ) brothers in law” say the storytellers

‘Makedonia’ it would appear in a Sanskrit form as ‘Makadan-î ’, and would properly signify “the belonging to”, not to say “the spouse” of the Macedonian, but more approximately “the mother” of all the Macedonians.”  (The) extension of the Sanskrit feminine character / î / among other words, has the same relation to the primary word as the Macedonic /ia/ (i.e. “-land”, like in Russ-ia, Serb-ia, Croat-ia, etc.), expressing the names of the inhabitants, same as “Italiani”, which is how the Italians call themselves. Thus, Sanskrit / î / has the same relation to the primary word denoting the inhabitant, and much the same as in Sanskrit mahatî - ‘the great’ (fem.).

Accordingly, ‘Makedonia’ reappears again in its modern Hindi  form as “Makeduniya”, with the very same meaning – “mother’s world” , underlining the proper homeland of Macedonians as their “Mother-world”.

At the beginning of the 60’s of the 20th century famous Indian sanskritist Durga Prassad Shastrì was in visit to Russia. After two weeks he told to the translator: “Stop translating, I understand what you are saying. You are speaking here some corrupted form of the Sanskrit!” This conclusive revelation of its common origin with Macedonic languages was a major breakthrough in the development of historical linguistics. When later Durga Prasad Shastri came back home to India he made a scientific announcement of his findings in an article about the close relation between Sanskrit and Macedonic languages.

Linear B was only one of a series of related writing systems. It bears a close relationship with two earlier scripts in use in Crete during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, and a more distant – but nevertheless very significant – relationship with the syllabic systems of Cyprus in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. Most of these other scripts are considered to be undeciphered, with the exception of the Cypriot Syllabic script of the first millennium bc, which like Linear B was used to record the Greek language.

Bo прилог на овој милениумски континуитет е несоборливото сведоштво на Јорданес од 551 г. во неговата „Гетика", каде тој многу децидно и недвосмислено го сумира овој непрекинат континуитет на Македонскиот јазик:
„...секој знае и забележал дека племињата се навикнати да преземаат (едни од други) многу имиња. Римјаните преземале македонски имиња, „Грците“ - римски, Сарматите - германски, Готите - претежно Хунски".

Hа стр.111 од првиот том на „Атласот на Светската Историја" од светски познатата едиција Пингвин читаме: „Овој Хомеров Македонски јазик (Коине) се збогатувал и постепено се развивал во модерен јазик, ширејќи се како посебен дијалект од којшто подоцна настанаа Рускиот, Полскиот, Хрватскиот, Србскиот, Бугарскиот, и други јазици, денес познати како „Словенски јазици“, засновани врз Македонскиот.“

Нo, и покрај несомнениот милениумски континуитет, Македонскиот како еден од
модерните јазици на денешнината доживеа да биде стандардизиран релативно касно, дури во 20-от век. За тоа P. Г. А. де Бреј [ R. G. A. de Bray] вели: "Со иронија на историјата, луѓето чии предци им го дале на Словените првиот литературен јазик, биле последни на коишто им беше признаен нивниот современ јазик како посебен словенски јазик, различен од соседниот српски и бугарски. Во средновековно време, Македонците биле дел од Ромејското Царство, сè додека конечно не биле проголтани од Турците Османлии во 15-от век. Поголемиот дел од нив остана под Турција сè до почетокот на 20 век, кога конечно Турците беа протерани од Македонскиот Полуостров во 1912 година. Тогаш македонскиот народ беше разделен меѓу трите (нови) соседни држави - Србија, Бугарија и Грција - состојба на работи која сè уште делумно опстојува и денес, бидејќи сè уште има околу половина милион Македонци и во Грција и во Бугарија и во Србија. Македонците, иако поделени и малку на број, и покрај тоа што беа
искористени економски и политички, сепак успеаја да ги зачуваат своите карактеристични (антички) дијалекти и култура, главно во нивните села и во помалите градови. Поголемите центри беа во претходните векови во најголем дел латинизирани, потурчени, барем површно. Нивните поети и научници, како што се браќата Миладиновци во 19-от век, Б. Конески, В. Иљоски и К. Тошев во нашево време (т.е. 20 век), како и научниците од Русија и Западна Европа, како А.М. Селишчев, А. Мазон и А. Ваилант, собрале многу убави народни песни и пријатни фолклорни приказни, богатства на фолклорот зачувани од македонскиот народ. Мелодиите на нивните песни, по убавина и суптилност, рамноправно се споредуваат со кој било на Македонскиот Полуостров, кој е еден од најбогатите региони во Европа во овој поглед. Така, Македонците, иако угнетувани и сиромашни, го сочуваа својот национален идентитет и својата
културна и уметничка индивидуалност. "

This paper examines the disputed question of the authenticity of the Phaistos disk. The problematic origin of the disk is discussed and arguments are presented that currently favor the authenticity of the disk. Until these arguments are proven wrong the disk cannot be declared a forgery.

The Late Bronze Age ended with a bang in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean: palaces and empires collapsed, from Greece to Egypt; coastal territories were beset by pirates and marauders; migratory peoples were on the move across land and sea; and geopolitical lines were permanently redrawn – conditions reflected, in many ways, by the world portrayed in Homer’s Odyssey. The notorious ‘Sea Peoples,’ mysterious groups of warriors who were credited by the pharaoh Ramesses III with destroying empires across the Near East at this time, fit into this puzzle in some way, although their exact role continues to be hotly debated. In the Odyssey’s various subplots, Odysseus himself carries out activities that are that highly reminiscent of the Sea Peoples, as he engages in raids and skirmishes while circuitously making his way back from Troy. Though it is presented as a falsehood within Homer’s master narrative, one such subplot, the “Second Cretan Lie” (Odyssey xiv 191–359) is striking in its similarity to the experience of one specific Sea Peoples group, whom Egyptian pharaohs referred to as the "Sherden of the Sea", and whose seaborne attacks they claimed that “none could withstand.”
This book marshals documentary, pictorial, and material evidence to examine Odysseus’ Second Cretan Lie in the context of the Late Bronze–Iron Age transition, with particular emphasis on changes in the iconography of warriors and warfare, social and economic upheaval, and remarkable innovation in maritime technology and tactics. Particular focus is given the hero’s description of his frequent raiding activities, including an ill–fated attempt on the Nile Delta, and on his description of seven subsequent years spent in the land of the pharaohs, during which he claims to have gathered great wealth. Setting the evidence for the Sherden of the Sea against this Homeric narrative demonstrates not only that Odysseus’ Second Cretan Lie fits into the temporal framework of the Late Bronze–Early Iron Age transition, but that there were historical people who actually lived that which Odysseus falsely claims as his own experience.