Journal of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria Volume 13 Number 2 2010 (pp. 339-348)
Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
Evelyn Mbah
Department of Linguistics, Igbo and other Nigerian Languages, University of Nigeria,
Nsukka
E-mail:
[email protected]
Phone: 08037751302
The paper studies the activities of tone in noun reduplication. It observes that when
some nouns are reduplicated, some inherent tones of the nouns change. Of all the five
different tonal structures of nouns studied, four have tonal changes. The tonal structures
and their changes are: two low tones change to low high low low tones, low high change
to low high downstep high, high downstep change to high high downstep high, and high
high change to high high downstep high. The only situation where the tone does not
change is if and only if the noun has a combination of high and low tones. The tonal
structures are guided by some principles. With the principles, some constraints on tones
are used to determine the adequacy of optimality theory in accounting for tonal changes
in noun reduplication. By promotion and demotion of IO and BR constraints a certain
type of reduplication is achieved. Promotion of IO constraints yields partial tonal
reduplication, on the other hand, if the BR constraints are promoted, full tonal
reduplication is the outcome.
Introduction
Tone is an important aspect of linguistic study. About 70% of the world’s languages are
tonal (Yip 2007). A tone language is defined as “… one in which an indication of pitch
enters into the lexical realization of at least some morphemes” Hyman (2006: 229). By
this definition, accentual languages like Japanese or Lithuanian (Blevins 1993) are
included as a sub-type of tone language, in which words have one (or several) tone or no
tones, and the tone is associated with a particular syllable or mora. Some other areas of
the world like sub-Saharan Africa, China, and Central America have almost all their
languages tonal. Igbo, like all of the Nigerian languages is tonal. The number and type of
tone in a word vary in languages. In Igbo, all syllables are tone-marked (Nwachukwu
1995). In a Tanzanian [Bantu] language known as Chizigula (Kenstowicz and Kisseberth
1990), some words have all syllables low-toned while in others one or more syllables
have a high tone. In some cases when two lexical items are close to each other (as in
associative construction, reduplication etc) one or more of the inherent tones may
change. Apart from Cantonese where there is a little or no change of the underlying tone
at the surface form, many other tone languages move, delete, or alter their underlying
tones.
Tonal changes exist due to a specific local tonal context or due to positional and/or
prosodic factors. In the former, languages like Igbo, Yoruba, Bantu, Mandarin, among
others have their tonal changes based on the types of tone that are adjacent to the other.
In Bantu there is a popular rule known as Meeussen’s Rule where in a situation of two H
adjacent tones, the second one deletes. In Mandarin, when two L tones are adjacent, the
first one changes to a LH rise (Yip 2007). This is also applicable to Igbo (Nwachukwu
1995 and Mbah 2008). In Yoruba, a vowel with an input L tone surfaces with a HL
contour output if preceded by H, and on the other hand, a vowel with an underlying H
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
340
surfaces as a LH if preceded by L (Akinlabi and Liberman 2000). Similarly, in Chinantec
(Silverman 1997), the tone of the first syllable continues even to the beginning of the
next syllable by way of assimilation. Another reason for tonal change may be as a result
of positional and /or prosodic factors. Some of the languages that exhibit this kind of
tonal change are Shanghai, Chizigula, Trique and Min. In Min, there are two variants of
every tone where one variant is found in the head and the other variant in non-head
location. In San Juan Copala Trique (Hollenbach 1977), there exists eight different tonal
contrast on final syllables and no tone contrast at all on the non-final syllables. Yip
(2007) notes that the reason for the contrast on final syllables is because the final syllable
is the head which carries tone. Thus, “final syllables are the only ones that support
segmental contrasts such as vowel length, nasal vowels, fortis onsets, and laryngeal
codas, and are the location of phrasal stress” (232). In Chizigula, H tones drift to the
penultimate syllable, where the head words usually occur. In Shanghai, there is deletion
of tones that are not in the head syllable of the word. In some tone languages, contour
tones are seen as a single feature as in Ibibio (Urua 2001). In Hausa (Newman 1995,
Jagger 2001), they are seen as sequences of level tones. There are two variants of some
words (bisyllabic and monosyllabic). Where a bisyllabic word is HL, the monosyllable
bears a fall tone. The fall can be seen as a HL on a single vowel due to elision of a vowel
and a relinking of its tone. In reduplication (a process of word formation that repeats all
or part of a word or phrase) segments and suprasegments may be repeated. Sometimes
the exact word or phrase may be copied into the reduplicant. At other times, only an
aspect (whether segmental or suprasegmental) may be repeated in the reduplicant. In
former case reduplication is said to be full while in the later case, it is partial. Tonal
reduplication can be analysed using correspondence theory.
The hallmark of reduplication within the framework of correspondence theory is
that the base and the reduplicant have identical components. In tonal noun reduplication
like other forms of reduplication in Igbo, there are cases where the input tone varies with
the base and the reduplicant. Some Scholars like Myers & Carleton (1996), Akinlabi
(1997), Hyman & Mtenje (1999), Downing (2002 a, b and nd) among others argue
following McCarthy (1994) that in cases where there are tonal mismatches between the
input and reduplicant, they result from ‘The Emergence of the Unmarked’ (TETU). In
TETU, the base is argued to bear the marked tone whereas the reduplicant has the
unmarked tone. In the section that follows, we will show how tonal matches and
mismatches manifest in the Igbo noun reduplication using Correspondence Theory.
Noun Tonal Reduplication in Igbo
In this type of reduplication, there are two types of tonal reduplication: full and partial.
Many of the noun tonal copyings appear to be partial. When certain nouns are
reduplicated, there are some observable changes existing at the suprasegmental level.
The tone of the affixed reduplicant and that of the base sometimes vary. The variation is
as a result of tones trying to minimally violate some universal phono-constraints. It is our
intention in this subsection to study the variation using the appropriate constraints.
In Igbo, tonal variations are not haphazard. There are rules guiding and regulating
the mismatches (see Emenanjo (1978), Ikekeonwu (1993), Nwachukwu (1995), and
Obianika (2006). We can posit the following tones of the base and the reduplicated
forms:
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
341
i.
Where the base tones are two low tones, the reduplicated form would be a LHLL
form, as in:
Base LL
a.
b.
c.
ii.
If the base tones are two high tones (HH), the reduplicated form takes the HHSH,
as in:
Base HH
O u
u
b.
u
c.
very angry
Reduplicated form LHSH
↓
eggs
↓
u
all back
how many each
↓
e.
pears
If the base tones are HS, the reduplicated ones are HHSH, e.g.:
Base HS
a. ↓
b. ↓
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
many meat
strengths
↓
d.
v.
u
If the base tones are LH, the reduplicated tones are LHSH, e.g.:
a. Base LH
b.
c.
↓
↓
d.
iv.
Reduplicated form HHSH
O u↓O u
death
↓
c.
iii.
Reduplicated form LHLL
ground
sacrifice
a kind of musical instrument
↓
Reduplicated form HHSH
↓
very high
↓
↓
irons
moneys
If the base tones are HL, the tones are fully copied into the reduplicant, as in:
Base HL
/akwa/ cloth
/mba/ town
u /nd/ life
/ose/
pepper
uo /l/ house
Reduplicated form HLHL
/akwaakwa/
/mbamba/
xx
ndnd/
/osoose/
uouo /ll/
cloths
towns
greenish
peppery
houses
342
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
The following principles guide the above noun tonal reduplication rules:
A. In noun reduplication, identical inter-morphemic tones are not allowed between
reduplicative junctures. In situations where there may be identical tones at the
reduplicative junctures, there would be an insertion of a non-identical floating low
tone to bridge the sequence. This principle is applicable to the nouns with HH and
LL tones. For a HH noun, we can illustrate with Fig 1:
H H H H
i s i
H H ↓H H
H H (L) H H
is i
i si
isi
isi i si
Fig 1 shows that where we have a sequence of High tones between junctures, a floating
low tone needs to be inserted between the boundary. The floating low tone links to the
right, that is to base. The linking makes the segment to have a glide tone of a floating low
tone and a high tone. This kind of glide results in a down-stepped high tone. Hence a
noun with two high tones has the reduplicated form as HHHH.
B. On the other hand, a noun with two low tones can be illustrated with Fig 2.
Fig 2
L L L L
L L (H)L
L
udu udu
L H L L
udu
u
du
ud u u d u
In 2 above, due to the sequence of low tones at the juncture, a floating high tone is
introduced to block the series of low tones. Unlike the floating low tone (that links to the
leftmost base to form a glide), the floating high tone must be anchored. That is, it must
appear on a segment closest to it on the base. Thus, it displaces the last low tone of the
reduplicant. Hence, we have the LL noun reduplication as LHLL.
C. It is ill formed to have in noun reduplication, the structure where a high tone and a
low tone at the reduplication boundary. Thus, *LH#LH. Though this structure
obeys principle A, it is not acceptable in noun reduplication. This form has been
explained in Nwachukwu (1995), that a low tone between high tones must be raised
to a downstep. However, we want to illustrate the mechanism that enables us to get
the low tone raised, as in:
3
L H L H
L H L H
ol e ol e
=
o lo ole
L H H H
L H H H
ol o o le
L H LH H
olo ole
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
343
In Fig 3, since LHLH is disallowed in noun reduplication, the structure sought for a way
of making it acceptable. The acceptance is possible if the rightward H tone is spread to
the low tone so that the LH glide would become a downstep. Hence the LHLH structure
becomes LHHH.
D. Only one downstep tone is allowed in reduplication. Hence, a floating low tone of
the downstep is not copied into the reduplicant. Given this principle, where the
input tone is a high tone and a downstep tone, the language seeks for a way of
having one downstep tone. This it does as illustrated in Fig 4.
Fig 4 H LH H LH
LH H
H H
ego eg o
H H (L) H H
ege
ego
ege
ego
H H ↓H H
ege ego
In 4 above, since it is inappropriate to have two downsteps in reduplication. In other to
avoid that, the downsteps first metathesis with the high tones such that we have LH
H/LH H. In the Igbo language, a downstep tone never begins a word. Therefore, either a
low tone or a high tone is deleted so that the word will be well formed. Since downstep is
a variant of a high tone, it will be inappropriate to have a high tone deleted. Hence, a low
tone is deleted, leaving the reduplication as H H/ LH H. That is H H / S H.
E. The structure HL is copied exactly into the reduplicant. Thus:
Fig. 5 H L H L
H
L H
L
l l
l l
Considering 5, it obeys all the above four principles. Thus, it is able to copy the tone of
the base exactly into the reduplicant. Observe that this principle violets the rule in
Nwachukwu (1995) that any low tone between high tones be raised to a downstep. The
reason may be that tone rules in reduplication and in associative constructions are not
exactly the same.
The above principles can be translated into the following constraints:
6
i.
OCP: Obligatory Contour Principle states that identical inter-juncture tones are not
allowed.
ii. *(H): A floating high tone must be parsed/anchored. Thus, Parse: (H).
iii. ALIGN R (H); Base [Right]. A floating high tone must be aligned to the rightmost
base.
344
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
iv. * … LH #LH… It is ill-formed to have the structure … LH # LH… in noun
reduplication.
v. * … (L) H, (L) H: Series of floating tones are not allowed in reduplication.
In noun reduplication, the violation of OCP leads to (i) insertion, (ii) delinking and, (iii)
relinking.
ALIGN R[RED H, Base L]: Align reduplicant tone right. The high tone on rightmost part of
the reduplicant should be aligned to the leftmost part of the base. Hence we refer to it as
ALIGN R
MAXBR [T]: Every tone (T) of the base must appear in the reduplicant.
MAXIO [T]: The tone of the input must appear in the base.
**
*
*
**
**
**
*
**
**
**
*HL
**
*L/H
*
*H2
DEPBRTONE
ALIGN R
*LH/LH
**
*
*
**
*LH
*
*
*
HH/HH
HH/H H
HL/HH
LL/HH
HH/HH
LH/HH
g.
HH/HH
h.
HH/HH
i.
HH/LL
j.
HH/LH
k.
LH/LH
MAXBR
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
HH
OCP
RED
MAXIO
TONE
Tableau 1
*
*
*
*
*
**
*
*
*
In the above table, candidate (g) is the optimal candidate. It violates MAXBR because the
tonal copying is not total. It obeys the principles of tonal copying stipulated above.
*
*
*
ALIGN R
*HL
*L/H
*H2
*LH\LH
DEPBRTONE
LL/LL
HL/LL
LH/LL
LH/LL
MAXBR
TONE
a.
b.
c.
d.
*LH
R
OCP
MAXIO
TONE
Tableau 2
*
*
*
*
*
*
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
345
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
LL/HL
LLHH
LL/LH
LL/HH
LL/HH
LH/LH
*
**
*
**
**
*
*
*
*
**
*
**
**
*
*
*
*
*
**
*
**
**
*
In the above table, candidate (c) is the winner. It introduced a high tone at the morpheme
juncture to block a sequence of low tones.
ALIGN R
*HL
*L/H
*H2
*LH/LH
*
*
*
*
DEPBRTONE
HH/HH
HL/HH
HH/HH
LH/HH
HL/HH
*
HH/HH
HH/HH
*
HH/LH
HL/HH
MAXBR
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
*LH
HH
OCP
RED-
MAX10TONE
Tableau 3
*
*
*
*
*
*
**
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
In the above tableau, candidate (g) emerges the winner. It is total tonal reduplication. It
only violates base-reduplicant constraints.
a.
a
a LH/LH
b.
a
a HL/LH
c.
a
a LL/LH
d. a
a LH/LH
e. a
a HH/LH
f.
a
a LH/HH
*
*
*
*
*
*
DEPBRTONE
MAXBR
ALIGN R
*HL
*L/H
*H2
*LH/LH
*LH
a LH
OCP
RED-
MAX10TONE
Tableau 4
346
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
g.
h.
i.
j.
a aLH/HH
a
LH/LL
a
aLH/HL
a
aLH/HH
*
*
*
*
*
The above tableau shows that canditate (f) is the optimal candidate. It is partial tonal
reduplication that conforms to principle (c) above.
*HL
ALIGN
R
MAXIO
*L/H
*H2
HL/HL
HH/HL
LH/HL
HL/LH
HL/HH
LH/HH
*LH/LH
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
OCP
*LH
HL
DEPBRTONE
RED-
MAXBR
-TONE
Tableau 5
*
*
*
*
*
The above tableau shows that candidate (a) is the optimal candidate. It is the only
candidate that satisfies the base-reduplicant constraint MAXBR. Since MAXBR is an
undominated constraint, the type of tonal reduplication that emerges is full reduplication.
Conclusion
The study has examined the behaviour of tone when a certain group of nouns have
undergone the process of reduplication. It observed that where the tone of a noun is a low
low tone, the tone that emerges in the reduplicated form is low, high, low, and low. If the
base tone of a noun bears two high tones, the reduplicated form bears high, high,
downstep, and high tones. Low high nouns become low, high, downstep, and high when
reduplicated. On the other hand, a noun with the tones of High downstep becomes high,
high, downstep, and high in reduplication. It is only the nouns with high low tones that
have its tone exactly repeated in reduplication. With these principles of tonal behaviour
in reduplication, some constraints were formulated. The formulated constraints were
ranked and the result proved that by promotion of input-output MAXIO, partial
reduplication of tone becomes the outcome. On the other hand, if base-reduplicant
constraints MAXBR TONE and DEPBR TONE are dominated, full tonal copying emerges.
347
Mbah: Tonal Features of Noun Reduplication in Igbo
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