Politics of Pragmatics: Language and Social Change
Jair Antonio de Oliveira∗
Índice
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2
3
4
Introduction
Politics of Pragmatics
Around Politics
References
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3
4
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In Brazil, the linguistic academic work
is submitted to a double exclusion. On the
one hand, such activity is either unknown or
indifferent to lay people. On the other hand,
there is the academic prejudice imposed by
the so-called “noble” or “strategic” areas,
which are supposed to contribute with the
country development. It is time to assume
the “mea culpa” and acknowledge that
scholars have been capable of describing
and explaining linguistic facts, but have not
been successful in transforming concepts
into deeds. Obviously, one might find exceptions, and such exceptions grant survival
to both linguists and those scholars who
have chosen Pragmatics as a reference. In
order to unwind such situation, one should
address the contingency of the social order
as a whole, and therefore the political work
of institutions; hence, the political status of
language. Rancière (1996, p. 42) argues
Professor na Universidade Federal do Paraná.
Líder de Grupo de Pesquisa “Mídia, Linguagem e
Educação-MEDUC” registrado no CNPQ.
∗
that “the political activity consists in making
visible the invisible, and creating speech
out of noise”. In such task, we use the
reflections by Freire (1997), Mey (1985,
1993) and Rajagopalan (2001, 2003). Our
methodology is based on the analysis of
journalistic texts, so as to confirm the hypothesis, and the objective is to understand
the “Politics of Pragmatics”, that is: the
performative character of language and its
use in the shift of excluding social practices.
The results do not consist in a sequence of
recommendations to be mechanically adopted in this or that occasion. It is, though,
a proposal for engaging in a perspective in
which Subject, Language and Reality can no
longer be considered separately; and, in such
dialectic relation, a praxis for intervening in
the world of language users is brought about.
After all, Pragmatics does not saturate itself
in the repetition of the sentence "The cat is
on the mat".
Keywords: Pragmatics, Politics, Language.
1 Introduction
For a long time it has been evident the difficulty that Linguistics faces so as to settle
itself as a research area and to have its activities acknowledged as a profession (RA-
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JAGOPALAN, 2003). In Brazil, for instance, such science is associated with teaching, and ironically, liberal arts undergraduate students consider linguistics a “boring”
discipline. One may undoubtedly correlate
such judgment with the wide dissemination,
within Brazilian academia, of theories in
which language is a theoretical abstraction,
unfolded on a terrain where only ideal speakers dwell, with no relation to the world’s
concrete reality. The books “Course in General Linguistics”, by Ferdinand de Saussure, and “Aspects of the theory of syntax”,
by Noam Chomsky, occupy a privileged spot
on the school curriculums, and are generally
pointed out as examples of what linguistics
is. Meanwhile, outside the academia, it is
striking the lack of knowledge that the lay
person has on what linguistics is like, on
what linguistics does for a living, on what the
following sentence means: Colorless green
ideas sleep furiously!
Such isolationism has an unquestionably
political dimension, since linguists are rarely invited either to give their opinion when
decisions concerning the “language” are at
stake, or to elaborate political/educational
proposals focusing on the national linguistic diversity. By reading Faraco (2001) and
Rajagopalan (2003, 2004), we can understand how a bill prohibiting the use of foreign words in messages aimed at the public
– authored by the deputy Aldo Rebelo (Brazilian Communist Party) – was approved by
the Brazilian Congress and made into law.
Obviously, the ostracism of linguists is not
the Communist Party’s fault. The party has
also been banished for decades in this country.
It turns out that linguists themselves undertook the task of making a bubble around
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their activities and “forgot” to bridge the gap
with the community outside the realm of academia. The isolation prevented them from
reflecting on what was happening elsewhere,
for instance, in the area of Public Relations,
where Ivy Lee (1919) transformed the phrase “the public be damned” into “the public
deserve to know”. The rift between linguistics and the ordinary users of language ended
up establishing a strange and artificial object to the eyes of the lay person. Although
such theoretical construct permits one to reasonably explain the structure and functions
of language, it is nonetheless incapable of
pointing out ways on “how to do”. In other
words, linguists have been supreme experts
when it comes to describe and theorize language, but have been helpless when what is
at stake is transforming concepts into action!
It is possible to dwell forever on this question. Borges (2004, p.32), after all, stated that “both the conception of science itself and the conception of the specific object
and methods of each particular science are
continuously in historical change.” However, the social and economical conditions
of Brazil require linguists to be more than
neutral, if neutrality has ever been possible.
Such conditions presuppose reflections acknowledging the forms of intervention in the
language-object, and specially that linguists
bind their investigations to the other human
activities, so as to intervene in the course of
political acts. It is not a matter of altruism,
but of strategic requisites!
Brazil has continental dimensions, a population of 180 million citizens, and invaluable
resources. However, surrounding the “Garden of Eden” there are 50 million citizens
living in conditions of poverty. According
to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geowww.bocc.ubi.pt
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Politics of Pragmatics
graphy and Statistics (IBGE/2007), 11.1% of
Brazilians are illiterate! Another striking datum is the result of the exam applied by the
Project for International Student Assessment
(PISA) in 2007. In this year, 57 countries
were assessed, and in the item “reading and
interpretation” Brazil held the 53th position,
together with Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria and
Azerbaijan. The situation is critical if we regard that Brazil is amidst the group of nations in which more than 50% of students find
it difficult to deploy reading as a tool to obtain knowledge in other areas.
Historically, the basic education in Brazil relies on teachers who lack specific formation and earn low salaries. The National Curriculum Parameters (PCNs), one of
the few attempts of the government to build
up common national references for the education process across the regions of Brazil,
is read and discussed in schools; however,
when it comes to applying the contents, one
can perceive the difficulty the teacher faces
in transforming theory into practice.
That is why, in the permanent formation of teachers, the fundamental moment is the moment of critical reflection
upon practice. By critically thinking of
today’s or yesterday’s practice one can
improve one’s own practice. The theoretical discourse itself, necessary to the
critical reflection, must be concrete in
such a way that it mingles with practice
(PAULO FREIRE, 1996, p. 39).
In other words, to assume a critical posture in language is to enter a
tradition committed to change (Freire,
1974, 1990; MEY,1979,1985; FAIRCLOUGH,1989,1992;
RAJAGOPALAN,
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2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, among others). It
is, therefore, an option for a Pragmatics of
Social Transformation, bound to the political
dimension of the linguistic use (Why has
this utterance been produced? Mey, 2002).
On the one hand, it is a matter of valuing
the critical approaches in Linguistics; on
the other hand, still more importantly, one
should comprehend that language is a form
of socio-historical cognition, whose eminently interactive character enables one to
“assume an strategic position in the context
of the circulation and the war of social
voices” (FARACO, 2003, p. 83)
2 Politics of Pragmatics
It is somewhat contradictory to think of politics of Pragmatics. When we stipulate and
rule the uses of the body and language, we
enter, necessarily, into the police order!
The police is thus first an order of bodies that defines the allocations of ways
of doing, ways of being, and ways of
saying, and sees that those bodies are assigned by name to a particular place and
task; it is an order of the visible and the
sayable that sees that a particular activity is visible and another is not, that this
speech is understood as discourse and
the other as noise (RANCIÈRE, 1999, p.
29).
In this sense, how can we think of politics
for Pragmatics without restraining language
use, that is, without being tempted to confine
that which cannot and should not be entirely ruled by deterministic rules? Such is the
danger that many libertarian theories face.
In their attempt to fight against social exclusion, these theories inverted hierarchies,
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only shifting the locus of power. Or rather,
they focused the actions on the material dimension of social practices alone, thus demeaning the symbolic dimension. These are
biased theories, rich in metaphors and supposedly in affirmative actions; in fact, they
rather broaden the rift between both groups.
Maybe Pragmatics does not require politics.
However, we cannot forget that history is
made by human beings. This is particularly
exemplary in the following excerpt, where
Humpty Dumpty is talking to Alice (CARROLL, 2003, 186):
- “When I use a word”, Humpty Dumpty
said, in rather a scornful tone, “it means
just what I choose it to mean: neither
more nor less”.
- “The question is”, said Alice, “whether
you can make words mean so many different things”.
- “The question is”, said Humpty
Dumpty, “which is to be master – that’s
all”.
The excerpt is in line with the question
raised by Mey (1985): “Whose language
is being spoken?” Such a question is only
made within the rift between the apparent
neutrality of language and the game of legitimacy and beliefs. It will only be from
the openings that may be seen in a rift that
the politics for pragmatics can be performed.
Politics here should be understood as “social
and corporeal practices that respond to the
objective and psychological mediations of
cultural forms”. In other words, politics correlates with strategic uses within the realm of
the very performative character of language,
aimed at changing mental states of the Subject or the state of things of the reality. To
formulate politics for Pragmatics means ultimately rendering intelligible the agent, the
act, and the context. And, within such dialectics, it means also to initiate a praxis that
is able to situate both the material dimension
and the symbolic dimension of the world.
When we say that people are conscious, it
doesn’t mean that they are basing their ideas
upon its historical use, upon its practical insertion within the movement of society, “the
consciousness could never be different from
the conscious being” (MARX apud KONDER, 2002, p. 40).
3 Around Politics
When Mcluhan (1971) raised the idea of
communication media as an extension of
man, his main argument was that “the medium is the message”. We are frequently
in life seeing, listening, touching and feeling things; but, when it comes to communicate such experiences, there are distortions
and simplifications, for the chosen medium
can hinder, quantitatively and qualitatively,
any of the human senses. It is not possible to agree with all of Mcluhan’s hypotheses, especially the idea that television or internet reproduces the plural simultaneity of
human thought, thus permitting the instantaneous apprehension of the whole. It is necessary, though, to consider that the media
imposes its own presuppositions to the users.
What the medium does essentially is to
disembody the message sent by one human to the other; it extracts the informational component and disregards the means by which the information is conducted in and by the corporeal hexis (. . . ). It
is particularly important here to point out
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Politics of Pragmatics
that the practice, as human activity, cannot be totally detached from the human
(MEY, 2001, p. 59).
The communicative action is initiated in
the socio-corporeal context. However, the
aesthetics of the mediatic gesture, instead of
revealing or approximating the subjects in
their environment and history, ended up detaching them from the real world. It sanctified, through complex mediations, a culture
that has in its ethos the simulacrum and the
marketing of permanent cooperation. Obviously, the feelings and actions of language
users are differentiated, which avoids reducing everything to the “garbage” of the mediation of communication media. One can
vindicate or appropriate the performances of
the media and resignify them in the everyday
experience; it is not a matter of reinforcing
what is being broadcasted, but of rejecting,
critiquing and transforming such contents.
The very existence of individuals would
be psychologically unbearable if they were
not permitted to sit down in front of a TV
and watch a soap opera displaying stereotypical characters or a soccer game. We
don’t necessarily run to a store to purchase a
product right after seeing an advertisement.
However, we can sometimes feel extremely
satisfied by wishing this or that advertised
product, and it does not mean that one has
been brainwashed by the media. The costbenefit relation has been triumphant in the
polyphony of culture. Such logics, however, did not sweep everybody into the same
category, and not everything is subjected to
the utilitarian Manichaeism by which “each
thing either serves or not to another one”.
In terms of the effects caused by the media, Macluhan (1971) observed that every
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technology imposes cognitive changes upon
the individual. It is then important to pursue “how” the individual can or must shape
his or her world, his or her identity, his or
her actions by contrasting them to the moral
values put forth by the media. If the result
is isolationism, indifference or hatred, then
such values are not sufficient for an emancipated identity. Every conflict around the
media must enable both the communication
with a diversity of positions, and the overcome of still existing modes of exclusion and
omission. What is at stake here is one of the
necessary politics for Pragmatics, that is, the
fostering of individuals in such a way that
there would be, in a reasonably wide sense,
the inclusion of practices and representations
of the voices of the groups not integrated to
the dominant culture, namely, the ones that
are intellectually, economically, politically,
ideologically, or ethnically marginalized.
In this sense, I undertook an ethnographic
research (participant observation) by following up the activities performed by inhabitants of the city of Quitandinha in their Community Radio Station. This was for me a privileged site for reflecting upon the politics
of/within Pragmatics. The question that guided the observation was: “How does the access of individuals to the production, circulation and reception of journalistic texts within
a community radio station helps stimulating
people to invent – in a Rortyan sense, other
descriptions of the world with other purposes? For the analysis, the behavioral features
of the involved subjects were intentionally
homogenized. In other words, their personal features were defined according less to
their differences and internal nuances than to
common aspects of their lifestyle and ethos
(KUSCHNIR, 1999, p.96).
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The broader context of investigation comprises the municipality of Quitandinha, located 60 km far from Curitiba, the State’s
capital. Some family names such as Kochinski, Piontkiewicz, and Lipinski display
the Polish origin of the 15,000 inhabitants
of the city that was founded in 1961, on
St. Anthony’s Day. Most of the population works in subsistence agriculture. The
only local radio broadcast station is a community one, and was founded in 2001 by the
president of the Rural Workers Union, Urbano Piontkievicz. It transmits 25-watt signals by Frequency-Modulation, and both the
topography of the region and antenna location permit waves to propagate within the reach of 35 km. The radio works on a daily
basis, from 7 am to 7 pm, and the community is in charge of the entire programming.
Yet, the radio has two permanent employees
in charge of the locution, musical programming, technical support and communication
with the listeners by telephone.
The specific context of observation is the
program “Os Ponteiros Apontam para o Infinito” (The Watch Hands Point to the Infinite). It is a 30 minutes daily show that starts
at noon with the reading of an excerpt from
the Gospels. In the summary to be developed
every day, there are local news, recommendations to the farmers, messages to the families living in the districts, information on
people who were either interned at the hospital or who were discharged from it, parish
messages and regional music. The style of
the texts is aimed mainly at third age groups,
retired rural workers, intending to foster their
self-esteem and to incite them to participate
in games and community festivities, handicraft and education practices, trips organized
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by the Rural Union, assistance and philanthropic activities.
The radiophonic text is a piece of communication at distance (action in distans), thus
lacking corporeal coordinates. Nonetheless,
the analysis of journalistic texts verified the
presence of a Pragmatic principle, the Karlfeldt Principle: “To speak like a peasant with
the peasant population, but in Latin with people of higher education” (MEY, 1987, p.
281). Such principle, associated with the
conditions shared by the interlocutors of the
Community Radio, seems to situate at first
both the symbolic and material dimensions
of the particular culture form in which the
persons are situated. The “voices” establish
a relation with a minimum of fragmentation,
rupture and dislocation, once the connections made do not depersonalize the individuals from their existential symbology. Obviously, the inequalities and social contradictions are not erased only by the Karlfeldt Principle, by the idea of Cooperation or by the
use of communication technologies, but in a
continuous political activity.
Political activity is whatever shifts a body
from the place assigned to it or changes a
place’s destination. It makes visible what
had no business being seen, and makes
heard a discourse where once there was
only place for noise; it makes understood
as discourse what was once only heard as
noise. (RANCIÈRE, 1996, p. 30)
In short, we could verify in the show’s dynamics the ways by which the laughter, the
popular culture spontaneity, and the carnavalization of life create momentarily a situation
that overcomes the fear and permits the individuals to fell a more complete happiness,
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Politics of Pragmatics
albeit limited in time and space (BAKHTIN,
1997, 1993). It is for a moment an invitation
for the retired farmers to celebrate a party; in
another moment, it is an emergency warning,
a death or a birth. It is the interlocutor making a phone call during the show, and being
answered “in the air”, so that he or she can
display any agreement or disapproval of the
subjects at stake. It is not a monologic attitude that prevails, insensitive to the responses of the other, but the polyphonic character
of the world in which the subject, within the
scope and time of the show, has the right to
be a citizen, and is stimulated to redescribe
continuously his/her life so as to improve it
and to keep faith in it.
Nothing is as political in Pragmatics as
this objective: to re-educate using the discipline’s own terms but with no devotion
to particular words; if anything, the devotion is to the individuals’ capacity of learning the function of many different set of
words. Nothing should be more important
to linguists than the continuous fight against
every form of exclusion!
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