Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History in "L'incoronazione di Poppea
Wendy Heller1999, Journal of the American Musicological Society
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This essay considers opera's use of a particular history in seventeenth-century Venice: Cornelius Tacitus's Annals of the Roman Empire as transformed in Monteverdi's and Busenello's L'incoronazione di Poppea. In contrast with a recent hypothesis linking Tacitus, Poppea, and the Venetian Accademia degli Incogniti with Neostoicism, this essay argues that the members of the Accademia degli Incogniti used Tacitus's history of the Julio-Claudians as part of a highly specialized republican discourse on Venetian political superiority and sensual pleasures. After considering Incogniti philosophies and interest in the erotic in the context of Venetian political ideals and the influence of Tacitus on political and moral thought in early modern Europe, this essay places L'incoronazione di Poppea in the context of several other treatments of Tacitus produced during the mid-seventeenth century by Busenello's colleagues in the Accademia degli Incogniti, in which em...
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L'incoronazione di Poppea (text by Busenello, music attributed to Monteverdi) was one of seven Venetian operas staged in Naples, 1650-1653, by the touring companies Discordati and Febiarmonici under the patronage of the viceroy Íñigo Vélez de Guevara. The others were Didone; L'Egisto; Giasone; La finta pazza; Veremonda, l'amazzone di Aragona; and Rosinda, retitled Le magie amorose. Librettos and scores for these operas produced in Naples show textual modifications that occurred after the Venetian premieres, but they also show readings that apparently antedate the extant Venetian sources, reflecting a complex process of kaleidoscopic contamination. * Valeria Conti is responsible for Parts 1 and 4 and Appendix 1, Nicola Usula for Parts 2 and 3 and Appendix 3. They worked together on the Introduction, Conclusions, and Appendix 2.
Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History in "L'incoronazione di Poppea"
Author(s): Wendy Heller
Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 52, No. 1 (Spring, 1999), pp. 39-96
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Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History
in L'incoronazione di Poppea
WENDY HELLER
ith Monteverdi's and Busenello's
di Poppea,
the telling of history. This
opera embarked upon a new project:L'incoronazione
was a novel enterprisefor the young genre, which until then had
drawnits inspirationprimarilyfrom mythologicalrealms.Singing had been acceptable in worlds populated by nymphs and shepherds,demigods and goddesses, allegorical figures, and even the pseudo-historical Homeric and
Virgilian epic heroes-worlds in which the will of the deities determined
man's fate. History, however, was the realm of earthlymen and women, for
whom song was less readilyjustified.It maywell have been the allureof representing the past that persuadedcomposersand librettiststo relaxthe strictures
of verisimilitude and to shift their focus from the immortals-for whom
singing was merely another divine endowment-to the mortal heroes of
Herodotus, Thucydides, Plutarch, Lucan, and Tacitus.1Moreover, history
had the power to bring opera directlyinto the realmof politics,where the fear
of tyranny,the claimsof republicanism,the ambitionsof imperialism,and the
glory of absolutismwere fairtopics for operaticexploitation.From the shores
IWXY
Versionsof this paperwere delivered at the Seventh Biennial Conference on Baroque Music in
Birmingham,England (August 1995), as well as at colloquia at the Universityof North Carolina
at Chapel Hill, University of Minnesota, Princeton University, and the Columbia University
Society of Fellows, and at the InternationalSociety for the ClassicalTraditionat the Universitit
Tiibingen (July 1999). I am grateful to Laurie Blunsom, Mauro Calcagno, Tim Carter, Eric
Chafe, Helen Greenwald,Robert Holzer, Robert Ketterer,Ethan Kroll,JamesMirollo, and Ellen
Rosand for their comments on earlierdrafts. Research for this project was carried out under
the support of the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation and the National Endowment for the
Humanities.
1. On operatic verisimilitude,see Ellen Rosand, Opera in Seventeenth-CenturyVenice:The
Creationofa Genre(Berkeleyand Los Angeles:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1991), 40-45. The
question of verisimilitudeis particularlyimportant in understandingfundamentalgeneric differences between epic and history and their significancefor opera. In L'incoronazionedi Poppea,
love, jealousy,vengeance, and pity-and the consequences thereof-are, despite the interference
ofAmor, a resultof human emotions and desires.In the earlieroperasbased on the epics ofVirgil
(Didone, 1641) and Homer (II ritornod'Ulissein patria, 1641), however,the gods and goddesses
play a farmore centralrole in generatinghuman emotions and destiny.
[JournaloftheAmericanMusicological
Society1999, vol. 52, no. 1]
? 1999 by the AmericanMusicologicalSociety.All rightsreserved.0003-0139/99/5201-0002$2.00
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40
Journal of the American Musicological Society
of the Adriatic,to the Habsburg court, to the ParisianAcademie royale de
musique, men and women of power-who may have sought to represent
themselveson the stage-adeptly manipulatedemerging operaticconventions
to promote desiredideologies.
This essay will consider opera's use of a particular history in midseventeenth-centuryVenice:the Annals by the first-centuryRoman historian
Cornelius Tacitus, as transformed in Monteverdi's and Busenello's L'incoronazionedi Poppea.Tacitus'sAnnals, which deals with the reigns of the
Roman emperors Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero (albeit with some
gaps), contains the earliestsurvivingand most detailed exposition of the historical events recounted in L'incoronazionedi Poppea:Nero's affair with
Poppaea Sabina (A.D. 58), his repudiation and eventual murder of his wife
Octavia(A.D.62), and the suicide of Seneca (A.D.65). Busenellowas also evidently familiarwith laterhistoricalaccounts of the episode, which likelydrew
upon the same sources as did Tacitus: Dio Cassius'shistory of the Roman
Empire and Suetonius's biographyof Nero from his Livesof the Caesars(De
vita Caesarum) as well as the tragic play the Octavia, long attributed to
Seneca.2Nonetheless, it is only Tacitus-an authorwhose writingsprofoundly
influenced historical,political, and moral thinking in earlymodern Europewhom Busenello both cites in the argomentoto the libretto ("all this according to Cornelius Tacitus") and contradicts ("but here we represent things
differently"),thus announcing his intention to reinventhistory.3
My point of departureis arguablythe most importantsource of inspiration
for Busenello's interest in Tacitus and reinvention of the historicalrecord in
L'incoronazionedi Poppea:the VenetianAccademiadegli Incogniti, that notorious and influential society of Venetian patriciansand authors-including
Busenello-whose links to the Venetianopera industryhave been well documented, and whose philosophies have been invoked to explain the slippery
moral universein which this opera resides.4My reassessmentof the Incogniti
2. RonaldMellorobservesthat"Tacitus
goes beyondthiscommonsourceto providea level
of detailandanacutenessof politicalperception
thatis uniqueto hisversion.... [H]isresultis so
differentthatwe mustattributethe finalproductto his own craftandintelligence
ratherthanto
hisrawmaterial"
(Tacitus[London:Routledge,1993], 33).
3. GiovanniFrancescoBusenello,Dellehoreociose(Venice:Giuliani,1656). The argomento
beginsas follows:"Neroneinnamoratodi Poppea,ch'eramogliedi Ottone,lo mand6sotto
in Lusitania
CornelioTacito.
pretestod'Ambasciaria
pergodersila caradiletta,cosirappresenta
Maquisi rappresenta
il fattodiverso."
4. On the connectionsbetweenthe Incognitiandthe Venetianoperaindustry,see Rosand,
Venice,37-40, 88-124; LorenzoBianconiand ThomasWalker,
Operain Seventeenth-Century
"DallaFintapazzaalla Veremonda:
Rivistaitalianadi musicologia
10
Storiedi Febiarmonici,"
(1975): 379-454; LorenzoBianconi,Musicin theSeventeenth
Century,trans.DavidBryant
Perunastocantante:
(Cambridge:
Press,1987);andPaoloFabbri,IIsecolo
Cambridge
University
ria dellibrettod'operanelSeicento
the
(Bologna:IIMulino,1990). EllenRosandhasconsidered
betweenIncognitiphilosophies
andL'incoronazione
di Poppea,in "Barbara
relationship
Strozzi,
virtuosissima
The Composer's
cantatrice:
Voice,"thisJournal31 (1978):241-81; and"Seneca
andthe Interpretation
of L'incoronazione
di Poppea,"
thisJournal38 (1985): 34-37. See also
lain Fenlonand PeterMiller,TheSongof theSoul:Understanding
"Poppea"
(London:Royal
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
TacitusIncognito 41
influence on L'incoronazionedi Poppea,however, does not reveal covert endorsementsof conventionalmorality,conjugal love, or even Stoic philosophy
in the operatic representationof Seneca's suicide and Nero and Poppaea's
love. In contrast with recent hypotheses linking the Incogniti, Tacitus, and
Poppeato Neostoicism, I propose that the members of the Accademiadegli
Incogniti used Tacitus'shistory of imperialRome in a highly specializedmanner that went far beyond mere anti-Romanpropaganda,expressingVenetian
concernswith politicalpragmatismratherthan moralcensure,with civicvirtue
rather than withdrawaland solitude, and with the fulfillmentof naturalinstinctsratherthan their suppression.'After consideringIncogniti philosophies
in the context of republicanpoliticalidealsin mid-seventeenth-centuryVenice
and the influence of Tacituson historicalthought in earlymodern Europe, I
will demonstratethat L'incoronazionedi Poppeais only one manifestationof a
fascinationwith Tacitus and the workings of the Roman Empire shared by
severalof Busenello'scolleaguesassociatedwith the Accademiadegli Incogniti
and exploredby them in a seriesof Tacitisttravestiesbased on the same historical narratives.6In all of these works, as well as in L'incoronazionedi Poppea,
imperial Rome and the erotic and political intrigues of the Julio-Claudians
participatein a complex discourseon empire, reason of state, and a broad assortment of republican freedoms that concerned even the most licentious
Incogniti writers.
MusicalAssociation,1992), esp. chap. 3. On Incogniti attitudestowardwomen and sexualityand
their impact on the conventions of Venetian opera, see Wendy Heller, "Chastity,Heroism, and
Allure:Women in the Opera of Seventeenth-CenturyVenice" (Ph.D. diss., BrandeisUniversity,
1995), 66-152; and Wendy Heller, "'O castiti bugiarda':Cavalli'sDidone and the Convention of
Abandonment,"in A WomanScorn'd:Responsesto the Dido Myth,ed. Michael Burden (London:
Faberand Faber,1998), 169-225.
5. Ellen Rosandwas the firstto considerthe moralimplicationsof Seneca'sprominencein the
opera as a key to the work's meaning by associatingthe amoralbehaviorof the other characters
with anti-Romansentiment. Notably, however, Rosand sees a split between Monteverdi'ssympathetic renderingof Seneca and Busenello'smore cynicaltreatment,which reflectsthe influenceof
the Accademiadegli Incogniti ("Seneca").The focus on Senecais carriedmuch furtherby Fenlon
and Miller,who, noting the link between Tacitusand Senecain the earlymodern period, identify
the Incogniti as covert Neostoics and propose an interpretationof Poppeaas a "strictTacitisttext"
that condemns the emphasison physicalbeauty,appearances,and sensuallove celebratedby Nero
and Poppea, and extols the virtues associatedwith Neostoicism: true friendship,constancy,withdrawal,and restraint(Songof theSoul). For an opposing view, see Robert Holzer, reviewof The
R.
Song of the Soul: Understanding "CPoppea,"
by LainFenlon and Peter Miller, CambridgeOpera
Journal 5 (1993): 79-92. On the question of Seneca'srepresentationin the opera and for an insightful reconsiderationof the readingsprovidedby both Rosand and Fenlon and Miller,see Tim
Carter, "Re-Reading Poppea:Some Thoughts on Music and Meaning in Monteverdi's Last
Opera," Journal of the Royal Musical Association 122 (1997): 173-204; see also Robert C.
Ketterer,"Neoplatonic Light and DramaticGenre in Busenello's L'incoronazionedi Poppeaand
Noris's II ripudiod'Ottavia,"Musicand Letters80 (1999): 1-22.
6. These include three novelle: La Messalinaby FrancescoPona (Venice:n.p., 1628), Le due
Agrippine by Ferrante Pallavicino (Venice: Guerigli, 1642), and L'imperatriceambiziosa by
Federico Malipiero (Venice: Surian, 1642); as well as two plays by Pietro Angelo Zaguri: La
Messalina(Venice:Guerigli, 1656) and Legelosiepolitiche,&amorose(Venice:Pinelli, 1657).
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42
Journalof theAmerican
Musicological
Society
More specifically,this uniquely Venetian perspective on Roman history
plays itself out in one of Poppea'smost revealingdistortions of the past, the
decidedly ahistoricaltreatment of two eminent figures active in the political
and literarylife at Nero's court:Seneca LuciusAnnaeus,the philosopher,playwright, and imperialtutor whose death at the center of the opera precedes
much of the subsequent amoral behavior, and, especially, Seneca's lesserknown nephew, the poet MarcusAnnaeus Lucanus (Lucan), whose intimate
singingwith Nero in celebrationof his uncle's death and Poppaea'scharmsinspired some of Monteverdi's most sensual music. Monteverdi's discordant
representationsof these two renowned Roman writers reveal much about
the political concerns underlying the apparent inversion of morality in
L'incoronazionedi Poppeaand the ways in which Tacitus, the quintessential
historian of empire, was manipulated to satisfy republican desires in midseventeenth-centuryVenice.
On a broaderlevel, however,this essayalso exploresthe ways in which the
genre of opera functioned as a medium for the telling of history.As the first
historicalopera, L'incoronazionedi Poppeaemergesjust decades aftera period
of intense historiographicaland political activity,centered in the Veneto, in
which the historicalwritings of Tacitusplayed a prominent role.7 In Poppea,
the serioushistoriographicaldebatesthat had preoccupiedChurchand university authorities during the Counter Reformation and the aftermath of the
papal interdictof 1606-7 collided with the capriciousworlds of carnivaland
commediadell'arte.This was a realmin which realitywas elusive, appearances
deceptive,power structuresinverted,and genders exchanged.Seeminglyantithetical to either the science or the art of history, opera provided a mode of
recounting the past that was more capriciousand more compelling than conventional historiansmight have imagined. Through the power of music and
the flexible conventions of earlyopera, the acknowledgedhistorical"truths"
concerning the emperor Nero, the philosopher Seneca, and the poet Lucan
were entirelyreconfigured,disguising Tacitus'sunique brand of historiography with a peculiar Incogniti mask. In L'incoronazionedi Poppea,infused
with the seductivepower of Monteverdi'smusic and the civic-mindednessof
Seicento Venice, morality plays second fiddle to politics, and even Tacitus
travels"incognito."
The Politics of Pleasure:The Accademiadegli Incogniti
The relationshipbetween politics and moralitywas of primaryimportancein
mid-seventeenth-centuryVenice, and of particularconcern to the membersof
7. On Venetianhistoriographical
debates, see WilliamBouwsma, "Three Types of
in Post-Renaissance
Historiography
Italy,"in his A UsablePast:Essaysin EuropeanCultural
andLosAngeles:University
of California
History(Berkeley
Press,1990), 295-307; andGiorgio
The Art of Historyin the ItalianCounter-Reformation,"
in TheLate
Spini,"Historiography:
ItalianRenaissance,
1525-1630,ed. EricCochrane(NewYork:HarperandRow,1970),91-133.
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TacitusIncognito
43
the AccademiadegliIncogniti.Foundedin 1630 by the writerandVenetian
noblemanGiovanniFrancescoLoredano,the Incognitiincludedmanyof the
numberof
of Venice,as well as a substantial
prominentintellectual
patricians
non-Venetians
who wereto playan activerolein thisvibrantliterary-intellectualworld.8The membersof the AccademiadegliIncognitidominatedliterary life in Venicein the middlepart of the century,publishingnumerous
of the classicsthatranged
histories,poems,letters,plays,novelle,andtravesties
fromthe seriousto the seeminglyfrivolous.At the sametime,theyplayeda
of theiroftencontroversial
prominentrolein Venetianpoliticallife.Regardless
literaryworks-manyof whichendedup on the Indexlibrorum
prohibitorum
-the Incognitiwere ardentpatriots,activein Venetiangovernmentand
stronglycommittedto the preservationof the state and perpetuationof
Venetianmythology.Operaandoperalibrettoswereamongtheirhobbiesas
well, and they quicklyrecognizedthe powerof this new genreto influence
audiencesandexpressVenetianpropaganda.
The usesto whichthe Incognitiput TacitusandimperialRomein theirexpressionof Venetianmythologyshouldbe understoodfirstof allin the context of Venice'sgradually
andpolitically,
decliningpower,both economically
which resultedin an essentiallyconservativepublicpolicythroughoutthe
century.In an effortto protectthe statusquo at all costs, the government
ratherthaninnovation,seekingto safeguard
not only
emphasized
preservation
Veniceherself,but alsothe Republic'sreputationas an upholderof political
truths.The dissemination
of numerousVenetianpoliticalandhistoricalwritings in the late sixteenthand earlyseventeenthcenturiesby such writersas
GiovanniBotero,PaoloParuta,TraianoBoccalini,and PaoloSarpi(andthe
latter'sbrilliantmanagementof the interdict)had earnedthis most famous
Europeanrepublicacclaimfor her specialpoliticalwisdom,her disdainof
and above all, her pragmatism.9
tyranny,her impenetrability,
By the mid
Seicento,Venice'sauthorityin matterspoliticalhad begunto fade,although
hersuperiorgovernmentanduniquebeautycontinuedto be laudedwithvivid
andsuggestiveimagery.Venicewasthe unconquerable
maiden-impregnable
and invincible,withstandingall attemptsto deflowerher.Busenellohimself
refersto his nativecityasthe "Vergine
andhisvisionis echoedby
regnatrice,"
such foreignvisitorsas the EnglishmanJamesHowell, who declaredthat
Venicewasa "MaidenCity,"both Christianandindependent,"whereofShe
8. On the Venetian academies, see Michele Maylender, Storie delle accademie d'Italia:
Dissertazione storica (Bologna: Licinio Cappelli, 1926); Michele Battagia, Delle accademie
veneziane:Dissertazionestorica(Venice:Orlandelli,1826). See also Monica Miato, L'Accademia
degli Incogniti di Giovan FrancescoLoredano:Venezia,1630-1661 (Florence: Leo S. Olschki,
1998). On the Accademiadegli Incogniti in the context of seventeenth-centurylibertinism,see
Giorgio Spini, Ricerca dei libertini: La teoria dell'imposturadelle religioni nel Seicentoitaliano
(Rome: EditriceUniversale,1950; rev.ed., Florence:Nuova Italia, 1983), 149-76; see also Gino
Benzoni, Venezianell'ett della controriforma(Milan:Mursia,1973).
9. See William Bouwsma, "Venice and the Political Education of Europe" (1973), in A
UsablePast,266-91.
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44
Journal of the American Musicological Society
Glorieth, and that not undeservedly,above all other States or Kingdomes."'o
Ironically,much of this maiden'spuritywas attributedto the virtue and patriotism of her male citizens,who exclusivelydominated this elegantlystructured,
aristocraticoligarchy. Howell, for example, observes that while individual
Venetianmen contributedgreatlyto their nation's civic superiority,their true
power was in theirconcerted efforts:
Now, ther[e] are few or none who are greaterPatriottsthan the Venetian
Gentlemen,theirprimestudyis publicgood and gloryof theirCountrey,and
tradewhereuntotheyarrivein a high mesure;
civilprudenceis theirprincipall
Yet as it may be easilyobserved,though these Gentlemenare extraordinary
takethemsingletheyarebutasotherMen."I
wisewhentheyareconjunct,
Venice might truly be a woman, but the wonder of her accomplishments,as
many commentatorsimplicitlysuggested, was in her political system, which,
unlike nearlyevery other government in Europe, banned women from even
symbolicexhibitionsof power.
The inherent supremacyof this politicalsystem, moreover,was manifestin
relation not only to the other nations of Europe, but also to ones long since
vanished.It is in this context that the history of the ancients,especiallythat of
Tacitus'sRome as featuredin L'incoronazionedi Poppea,played such an important role in Venetianself-promotion.Venetianmythology had long designated The Most Serene Republic as the true heir of Rome's considerable
glory--"un'altra Roma all'acque,"as Busenello himself once described.12Yet
Rome could also be invoked to proclaimanother truth: that Venice, glorified
by her unique form of governmentand thus immune to the many ills that had
befallenher reveredpredecessor,was not merely Rome's equal but her superior; she was a bridge between the ancients and the moderns, displaying
virtuesassociatedonly with the most noble elements of the Roman legacy.As
William Bouwsma writes, Venice, "the embodiment of politicalreason,"was
proof positiveto all of Europe that "ancientpoliticalvirtue could find effective
expressionin the modern world."'3
But Venice had another reputation with which the Incogniti and all
Venetianpatriotshad to contend as well. Foreign visitorssuch as Howell and
Thomas Coryat may have praisedthe politicalVenice as an impenetrablevirgin, an ideal state within an increasinglysecularizedEurope, yet the Republic
whose maidenhead had remained intact was also renowned for her lack
10. JamesHowell, S.PQ.V A survayof thesignorieof Venice,of heradmiredpolicy,and method
ofgovernment... (London: R1Lowndes, 1651), cited in Bouswma, "PoliticalEducation,"280.
11. Howell, Survey,cited in Bouswma, "PoliticalEducation,"279.
12. See Giovanni Francesco Busenello, "All'inclitacitt? di Venezia," in I sonetti morali ed
amorosidi Gian FrancescoBusenello,ed. Arthur Livingston (Venice:G. Fabbris, 1911), 20. The
complete passagereads as follows: "Dunque, musa, di' pur che invitta nacque, / cinta con pari
honor d'allorie d'ostri,/ una Roma allaterra,un'altraall'acque."
13. Bouwsma, "PoliticalEducation,"275.
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Tacitus Incognito
45
thereof. Venice the Maid was lauded as the goddess Venus as well, a seductive
siren born of the sea. She was the city of carnival,of prostitution,and of gaming, a veritableamusement park for Europe.14Thus, although she remained
impervious to foreign occupation, tyranny, and absolutism, like the many
courtesansfor which she was so famous,Venicewas applaudedfor her accessibility: she was the ultimate destination for the pleasure seeker, as well as a
haven for those whose libertine thinking placed them at odds with the
Inquisition. Yet this Janus-facedimage-Venice-Venus/maiden-courtesanwas essentialto the preservationof Venice'spoliticalstructureand socialstability: a seeminglycontradictoryicon that was readilymanipulatedfor a varietyof
propagandisticand practicalpurposes. On the one hand, the maiden Venice
kept a strong check on its femalepopulation. It was in the name of economic
conservatism and pragmatismthat women were excluded from public life,
wives kept to their houses, and noble marriageslimited. Female sexualitywas
not so much suppressed as controlled, with two venerable institutionsmonacalizationand prostitution-operating as safetyvalvesfor the overflow.1'5
On the other hand, Venice's political wisdom was also apparentin the unmatched personalliberties and opportunitiesfor sexual license she bestowed
on her male citizensand visitors;her moralpermissivenesswas even justifiedas
an expedientto control the population.16
For the managementof this delicatebalancebetween politics and sexuality,
the members of the Accademiadegli Incogniti did not look directlyto either
Seneca or Tacitus, but rather to Aristotle and the last of the great line of
Aristoteliansat the Universityof Padua, Cesare Cremonini.17Like his predecessors, Cremonini subscribedto a naturalisticbrand of Aristotelianismthat
paid little heed to Christiantheological precepts concerning the creation of
the world or the power of divine providence.The criticalissue-the one that
nearlysealed his doom with the Inquisition-had to do with the mortalityof
the soul. In Cremonini'sview, not only were the sensationsof the body necessaryfor the functionsof the soul, but the soul was intrinsicallytied to the body
and could not exist without it as an individualentity.' Physicalurges were
something to be satisfied,not suppressed,an essentialpart of the combined
14. See, for example, Thomas Coryat, Coryat'sCruditiesHastily GobbledUp in Five Months
Travelsin France,Savoy,Italy (London: W. S., 1611), 264: "A most ungodly thing without doubt
that there should be so much toleration of such licentiouswantons in so glorious, so potent, so
renowned a city."
15. Guido Ruggiero, TheBoundariesof Eros:Sex Crime and Sexualityin RenaissanceVenice
(Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). On the practice of forcing young
women into convents in Venice, see FrancescaMedioli, ed., L' "infernoMonacale"di Archangela
Tarabotti(Turin:Rosenbergand Sellier,1990), 111-92.
16. Bouwsma, "PoliticalEducation,"283-85.
17. Giorgio Spini emphasizesthe broad influence of Cremonini'sphilosophieson this entire
generationof Venetians (Ricercadei libertini, 155).
18. MariaAssunta Det Torre, "La trattazione'De Anima,'" in Studi su CesareCremonini:
Cosmologiae logicanel tardoaristotelismopadovano
(Padua:Antenore, 1968), 35-49.
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46
Journalof theAmerican
Society
Musicological
workings of mind and body. And since the soul would perish along with the
body, there was no need to feardivine retributionfor the sins of the flesh. This
approachto sensuality,as we shallsee, is fundamentallyincompatiblewith the
precepts of Stoicism preached by Seneca and early modern adherents to
Neostoicism, whereby the immortalityof man exists in his reason, and the
sensationsof the body are to be controlled by the rationalmind.19
It is no coincidence that Cremonini became the guiding star for an entire
generationof Venetiannoblemen, for his teachingsprovidedthe ruling classes
with a philosophythat justifiedtheir views regardingpoliticaland sexualmatters: a selective indifferenceto the Church and license to explore one's own
sexualpredilections,all in the context of an intellectualtraditionthat had long
rationalizedmisogyny. Cremonini's former students in the Accademia degli
Incogniti did not necessarilypursue rigorous intellectual inquiries, nor did
they contribute substantiallyto the body of political writings for which the
preceding generation had been so renowned. Rather, Incogniti writerssuch
as poet-librettist Giulio Strozzi, author of the epic poem Venetiaedificata
(1624), moved seamlesslyfrom the patrioticto the erotic, and without sacriThis flexibileblend of hedonism and naficing either integrityor credibility.20
tionalismis certainlyapparentin the writingsof the lawyerGiovanniFrancesco
Busenello, whose life and works were selected by Arthur Livingston as the
ideal representativeof "la vita veneziana"of the era.21In addition to writing
five opera librettos, which embroider plots drawn from Ovid, Virgil, Lucan,
Plutarch,and Tacitus,Busenello craftedpoems of praisefor his nativecity and
extolled her military triumphs in La prospettivadel navale trionfo riportato
dalla republica(1656). Numerous poems also expressedthe same unambiguous interestin eroticismand disdainfor hypocriticalmoralizingthat is evident
in both Cremonini'sphilosophies and the more eroticallycharged moments
of L'incoronazionedi Poppea.22
In Busenello'spoem Lafecondith,for example,
19. See William Bouwsma, "The Faces of Humanism: Stoicism and Augustinianism in
RenaissanceThought," in A UsablePast, 19-73.
20. On Strozzi's Venetiaedificataand other writings on the myth of Venice associatedwith
the Accademiadegli Incogniti, see Rosand, Operain Seventeenth-Century
Venice,128-31.
21. The standardwork on Busenello remains Livingston's La vita veneziana nelle operedi
Gian FrancescoBusenello(Venice:Officine graficheV. Callegari,1913). On Busenelloas librettist,
see also Paolo Getrevi, Labbra barocche:II libretto d'opera da Busenello a Goldoni (Verona:
Essedue, 1987); and especiallyFrancescoDegrada, "Gian FrancescoBusenello e il libretto della
Incoronazionedi Poppea,"in Congressointernazionale sul tema Monteverdie il suo tempo,ed.
Raffaello Monterosso (Verona:StamperiaValdonega, 1969), 81-108. Busenello's poems, with
the exception of those in Livingston'sedition (Isonetti morali ed amorosi), remainunpublished,
although many are found in multiple sources. See Livingston, La vita veneziana, appendix 5,
411-39.
22. Busenello's erotic poems were certainlyinspiredby his contact with and support of the
works of GiambattistaMarino; see Degrada, "Gian FrancescoBusenello." For a more negative
view of Busenello's and Monteverdi'sadherenceto Marinistaestheticsin Monteverdi'sfinal operas, see GaryTomlinson, Monteverdiand theEnd of theRenaissance(Berkeleyand Los Angeles:
Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1986).
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TacitusIncognito 47
Jealousy,Incest, and Sodomy appearas defendantsin the court of Venus,who
sits in judgment concerning the variouscauses of injusticein the kingdom of
love. La fecondit?(Fertility)complainsabout the ways in which illicitlove and
unnaturalpleasureshave blocked naturalreproduction.Venus, however, rules
in favor of man's inherent right to sexual gratification,with or without the
goal of procreation,and she notes that such activitieshave existed in all times,
with the approval of both history and scripture.23Busenello's colleague
FerrantePallavicino,author of one of the Tacitisttravestiesdiscussed below,
expressedthis philosophywith particularfrankness.Anticipatingthe libertine
philosophy and sexual appetiteof Da Ponte's Don Giovanni ("son necessarie
pididel pan che mangio"), Pallavicinocomparedthe poisonous consequences
of retaining sperm to other basic physical deprivationssuch as hunger and
thirst.24
This celebrationof carnalityin poetry,prose, and operain mid-seventeenthcentury Venice thus reconciled politics and sexuality:it allowed for sensual
self-expression,while affirming the most conservative tenets of republican
government. In this particularversion of the myth of Venice, the public and
private,the sensual and the political coexisted in an elegant balance.The repeated celebrationof the full range of pleasuresavailableto the Venetianwas
not a sign of corruptionor politicalvulnerability(as might be said of imperial
Rome); rather,it served to heighten the Republic'sreputationfor unmatched
freedom and political wisdom. For the outside world, the Accademia degli
Incogniti provided a vivid demonstrationof Venice's relativeautonomy from
such absolute authoritiesas Church and Inquisition. The explorationof the
erotic that characterizedso many of their writingswas an open declarationof
man's inherent right to the pleasuresof the flesh, for these works-produced
by and for men-boldly rejected religious hypocrisyand Stoic deprivation.
The domination of the Venetian printing presses by Loredano and the
Incogniti, and their frequentflirtationswith the Inquisition,were a highlyvisible advertisementof the many liberties,sexualand otherwise, enjoyed by men
fortunate enough to live under this unique form of government. On a more
privatelevel, too, the academycreatedfor its members an ideal space for sensual and philosophical self-exploration:a homosocial environment that insisted upon male primacy in private as well as public life. And while such
societies existed throughout Italy,only in Venice-ruled exclusivelyby a male
oligarchy rather than a court system-could such an organization reflect
so closely the body politic. This was the Venetian Republic in miniature:an
23. I-Vmc, MSS Correr 1083, fols. 886-901. See also Livingston, La vita veneziana,
224-25.
24. FerrantePallavicino,La retoricadelleputtane, ed. LauraCoci (Parma:Fondazione Pietro
Bembo/Guanda editore, 1992). Pallavicino'smost explicitstatement concerning man's right to
sexual pleasureis included in the author'sconfession at the conclusion of the work (pp. 117-30,
esp. 120-21). Don Giovanni'scomment on his sexual appetite is made to Leporello in act 2,
scene 1.
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48
Journal of the American Musicological Society
exclusivelymale sphere, a meeting place in which women were rarelyadmitted, yet one in which, as the survivingdebates attest, the vices, liabilities,and
dangerous attractionsof women were among the most populartopics for discussion.25
role. Theywere
In sucha climate,womenwere assigneda contradictory
fantasies.
Yettheirsexof
a
focus
for
some-but
not
objects desire,
all--erotic
a
to
was
a
for
the
threat
maleautonalso
distraction
patrioticVenetian,
uality
their
in
life
or
activities
was
and
anathema
participation public
academy
omy;
This
is
the
was
founded.
to the veryprinciples
which
apparent
Republic
upon
in the treatmentaccordedthose few women who managedto penetrate
Barbara
Strozzi,"adopted"daughter
Incogniticircles.The singer-composer
of Giulio Strozzi, attendedand even sang at occasionalmeetings of an
Incognitisubgroup,the Accademiadegli Unisoni.Thoughpraisedfor her
beautyand talent, she was also the subjectof brutalanti-femalesatire.26
Controversyand anti-femalepolemicslikewisemarkedthe literarycareerof
the protofeminist
nunArcangela
who reliedon Incognitisupportin
Tarabotti,
orderto publishherworks,but who wasoftensharplycriticizedby academicians.Femalespeech,song, andotherformsof self-expression
mayhavebeen
a sourceof fascination
andallure,buttheywereultimately
regardedwithdeep
This
even
diatribes.
anti-female
discourse,it
suspicion,
inspiringmisogynic
must be emphasized,shouldnot be mistakenfor a moralisticinhibitiontowardillicitactivities,motivatedby Neostoicvirtues.Ratherit reflectsVenice's
heightenedanxietyaboutwomen'ssexualityand physicalbeauty,as well as
theirrhetorical
andevenpotentialpoliticalpower,allof whichwereperceived
asthreatsto thisRepublicconstructedasa maleentity.27
In the contextof thispervasive
anti-female
sentiment,desireformaleexcluand
disdain
for
conventional
moral
strictures,
sivity,
Incognitiwriterstouched
25. See Discorsi academici de' Signori Incogniti (Venice: Sarzina, 1635); and Giovanni
FrancescoLoredano,BizzarrieAcademiche(Venice:ad'istanzadell'Academia,1643).
26. Satire,et altre Raccolteper l'Accademiadegl'Unisoni in casa di Giulio Strozzi(I-Vnm, It.
X, Cod. 115 [= 7193]). For a description of a meeting of the Accademia degli Unisoni, an
Incogniti subgroupwith musicalinterests,see Vegliaprima de' Signoriacademici Unisonihavuta
in Venetiain casa del Signor Giulio Strozzi (Venice: Sarzina, 1638). See also Rosand, "Barbara
Strozzi," 241-81.
27. It is this underlyingcontradictionthat Fenlon and Miller have interpretedas "the conflicting demands between privateand public life" (Song of the Soul, 34). This presumablycaused
the Incogniti to back away from patrioticinvolvement and embraceNeostoicism, as reflectedin
their yearningsfor the inner beauty of the soul as opposed to the outward trappingsof physical
beauty.Such a hypothesis,however,not only ignores the repeatedexpressionof patriotismon the
partof Incogniti membersbut also overlooksan essentialpart of earlymodern thinkingon gender
and sexualitythat was particularlyimportant within the highly masculinizedVenetian Republic
(i.e., a cleardifferentiationbetween male and femalevirtuesthat forbadewomen the kind of sexual license permitted men). Indeed, this disdainof women, originatingin the Aristoteliantradition and reinforced by Venetian political structures, coexisted quite comfortably with a
heightened interest in the erotic. See Paula Findlen, "Humanism, Politics and Pornographyin
Renaissance Italy," in The Invention of Pornography:Obscenityand the Origins of Modernity,
1500-1800, ed. Lynn Hunt (New York:Zone Books, 1996), 49-108.
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Tacitus Incognito
49
upon another avenue for sexual fulfillment:the homoerotic, a theme which
can be identified in the encounter between Nero (Nerone) and Lucan
(Lucano) in L'incoronazionedi Poppea,as will be discussedbelow, in the last
section of the essay.28In severalof Busenello'serotic poems, for example, desire between men appearsin the hypotheticalrealmof the deities and allegorical figuresas an idealizedform of sexualself-expression,unmediatedby female
interference.Sodomy, as noted above, playeda prominentrole in Lafecondit4
as one of the chief defendantsin Fertility'scharges concerning the displacement of procreativeforms of lovemaking.Busenello returnsto this subjectin
such poems as Il rapimento di Ganimede, where Jove's attraction for the
young Ganymede inspiresintense jealousy in a shrewishlyconstructed Juno,
whose wifely demands were deemed incompatible with Jove's exercise of
power and right to pleasure.29In the infamous novel Alcibiadefanciullo a
scola, a work actuallycited by Busenello in La fecondit4, academy member
Antonio Rocco carriesthis interest in physicalpleasure,religious skepticism,
and misogyny to the only possible conclusion:the Greek tutor Filotomo, using a virtuosic display of logic and rhetoric, persuades his young student
Alcibiadethat sodomy is the most ideal form of sexualcongress, as it not only
produces unmatched pleasure for both partners,but also saves young men
from the falsenessof femalevirtue and the horrorsof the femalebody.30
Rocco is particularlyresourcefulin adaptingthis pseudo-platonicversionof
male love to suit Venetianconcerns,exploiting all of Cremonini'sspeculations
about the mortalityof the soul and the politicaluses of religion, and brilliantly
justifying even sodomy within a Christiancontext.31The condemnation of
28. On the use of twentieth-centuryterminologyconcerningsexualrelationsbetween men in
the early modern period, see Michael Rocke, ForbiddenFriendships:Homosexualityand Male
Culturein RenaissanceFlorence(New Yorkand Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1996), 10-16.
Eve KosofskySedgwick'sconcept of "homosocial desire"is particularlyuseful in describingthe
ways in which homosocial relationships,ranging between "ideologicalhomophobia" and "ideological homosexuality,"function to maintain and solidify patriarchalsocieties such as Venice's
Accademia degli Incogniti (see BetweenMen: English Literature and Male HomosocialDesire
[New York:Columbia UniversityPress, 1985], 25-26). Survivinglettersand poems attest to the
close relationshipsmaintainedby Incogniti members;nonetheless the interestin same-sex eroticism apparent in Busenello's writings and those of his colleagues seems somewhat closer to
Sedgwick's"ideologicalhomosexuality."
29. I-Vmc, MSS Correr1083, fols. 143-48.
30. Antonio Rocco, L'Alcibiadefanciulloa scola (Orange: JuannVvart, 1652 [fict. publ.]),
edited with an introductionby LauraCoci (Rome: Salerno, 1988). Alcibiades(born ca. 450 B.c.)
was known for both his remarkablebeauty and his dissolute behavior.His life is discussed by
Thucydides,Plutarch,and Nepos. Rocco's portrayalof Alcibiadeand Filotomo is a reversalof that
found in Plato's Symposium,in which the formerfailsin his efforts to lure Socratesinto a physical
relationship.
31. On Antonio Rocco, see LauraCoci's introductionto L'Alcibiadefanciulloa scola,7-34;
and Spini, Ricercadei libertini, 161-66. Rocco, a student of Cremonini and a priest and lecturer
in philosophyat San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice, publishedseveralessaysin Incogniti collections,
including Discorsiacademiciand the Vegliaprima de'Signori academici Unisoni.Coci (p. 31) and
Spini (p. 164) cite the substantialfile from the Santo Uffizio(I-Vas,Santo Uffizio Processi, 103)
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50
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
Sodom and Gomorrah, Filotomo argues, was motivated by political expedience ratherthan any absolutesense of morality.Becausemen often preferboys
to women, it has been necessaryto pass legislationagainstthese acts so as to
ensure the continuation of the species. But consensual sex should never be
prohibited. Since free will is a gift of God, why would God keep us from enjoying the activitiesthat we desire?Filotomo is quite clear about the political
significanceof his instructionsfor the proper trainingof the young man. The
proposed carnalrelationshipis an essentialpart of the way in which the tutor
-older, wiser, and with full virile capacities-prepares the young man to assume his adult role as a citizen of the Republic.32At the same time, Filotomo
has something to teach his readers-and, incidentally, the audience for
L'incoronazionedi Poppea-about the nature of seduction, the power of the
human voice, and the vulnerabilityof the ear,whether in the context of a natural or unnaturalact. The tutor insiststhat his attractionto Alcibiadeis based
not only on the young man's beauty, but on the incomparablecharm of his
melodious voice, which "in the guise of a siren enchanted the souls with
sweetness,not to deprivethem of life but to torment them, alive,with love."33
This is a power that Filotomo (and Antonio Rocco) clearlyunderstood, for it
is this ability to penetrate Alcibiade's ear with a compelling and powerful
rhetoricthat eventuallygained Filotomo accessto yet anotherorifice.
In Filotomo's seduction of the young Alcibiade,Antonio Rocco uses some
of the most inflammatoryand graphiclanguage to be found in the Incogniti
literature,but the lessons reiteratea familiarmessage that is surprisinglycompatible with even the most conservativeVenetian goals. Sexual fulfillment,
even if experienced only abstractlythrough eye or ear, was desirableat all
costs. Yetthe suppressionof women in public life and the appropriatechanneling of sexualitywere political ratherthan moral imperatives,essentialfor the
properfunctioningof this unique and carefullystructuredgovernment,dominated exclusivelyby men who guardedjealouslyall of the privileges,pleasures,
and responsibilitiesthat republicanlibertyoffered.
denouncing Rocco not only for his writingson the mortalityof the soul, but also for his controversialviews regardingthe necessityof sexual pleasure(whether obtained in a "natural"or "unnaturalmanner")for receivingGod's grace.
32. On homosexualactivityin Venice, see Ruggiero, TheBoundariesofEros;PatriciaLabalme,
"Sodomyand VenetianJusticein the Renaissance,"LegalHistoryReview52 (1984): 217-54; and
di giusGabrieleMartini, II "vitionefando"nella Veneziadel Seicento:Aspettisociali e repressione
tizia (Rome: Jouvence, 1989). Sexual relationshipsinvolving "active"adult males and "passive"
adolescentswere also the most widely practiced--or prosecuted-form of sodomy in earlymodern Italy;see also Rocke, ForbiddenFriendships,89-111.
33. "Mala gioia inestimabiledi questo tesor eral'angelico dellafavella... che a guisa di sirena
incantavagl'animi di dolcezza, non per privarlidi vita, ma per tormentarli,vivendo, d'amore"
(Rocco, L'Alcibiade,41). Filotomo could also be referringto the potential of Alcibiade'smouth
to provideanotherkind of delight.
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Tacitus Incognito
51
Tacitisms: The Accademia degli Incogniti and
the Uses of Tacitus
In the contextof thisvisionof republicanlibertas,Tacitusandhisviewof imperialRome provideda uniqueappealfor the membersof the Accademia
degliIncogniti.Thattheywouldhavebeendrawnto him in the firstplaceis
forhiswritingswereinordinately
popularin muchof
certainlynot surprising,
in
seventeenth
centuries.34
the
late
sixteenth
and
Yet,it mustbe
early
Europe
no
means
that
there
was
this
anysinglepanby
implies
emphasized, popularity
to
of
and
his
the
of history
view
Tacitus
understanding
applications
European
andthe present.Thewritingsof Tacitus,morethanthoseof anyotherancient
of meaningsandusesby a varietyof popuhistorian,weregivena multiplicity
His prosewaspraisedforits brevityandeloquence,andwasparticulations.35
larlyadmiredby those who opposedthe dogmaticapproachand rhetorical
excessof the Ciceronians.
Taciteanmaximson countlesstopicswere a hallmarkof hisstyle;theywerepublishedin collectionsandservedasthe basisfor
As a historian,Tacituswasapplauded(andcriticized)for his
commentaries.36
in causesandmotives."He reportednot onlythe eventsthemselves
"interests
but their underlyingexplanations,exploring(as GirolamoCanininoted)
"not only the outwardactions... but also the most secretof thoughts."37
It was this, no doubt, that earnedthe Romanhistorianhis reputationfor
for anyhistoskepticismanddistrustof appearances-avaluableprerequisite
rianof empirewhere,in the wordsof RonaldSyme,"aveildescends,andthe
truthaboutmanymattersof high policy,more or less disguisedat the time,
becameimpenetrable
to posterity."38
Tacitus'sviewof historyas an examination of hiddenmotivesprovideda modelfor numerousseventeenth-century
34. Peter Burkerecordsover 110 authorswho publishedcommentarieson Tacitusin the seventeenth century alone, with more than half of them appearingin the firstfifty yearsof the century ("A Survey of the Popularityof Ancient Historians, 1450-1700," History and Theory5
[1966], 149).
35. This point was made by Robert Holzer in his review of Songof the Soul,where he noted
quite correctlythat in the earlymodern period Tacitismmight more accuratelybe understood as
"tacitisms."My thinking on this topic has benefited in countless ways from Holzer's insights, for
which I am grateful.
36. Peter Burke, "Tacitism,"in Tacitus,ed. T. A. Dorey (London: Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1969), 149-72. Burke regardsthe appreciationof Tacitus'sstyle in the late sixteenth and
earlyseventeenthcenturiesas part of a "generalanti-ciceronianmovement," led by Lipsius.This,
he observes, was symptomaticof a drive toward a more naturalrhetoricalstyle, associatedwith
"scientificideals of clarityand simplicity"("Tacitism,"152-53). On Taciteanmaxims,see Burke,
"Popularity,"149-50.
37. Cited in Burke, "Tacitism,"154. Girolamo Canini (d. 1626) translatedTacitus from
Spanishinto Italian;numerouseditions of Canini'stranslationswere publishedin Venicethroughout the firsthalf of the seventeenthcentury.
38. Syme, Tacitus(Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1958), 1:398.
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52
Journal of the American Musicological Society
historians,most notably Venice's own Paolo Sarpi,whom Peter Burke aptly
named the "Tacitusof the Papal-Court."39
Of particular relevance for interpretations (and misinterpretations) of
L'incoronazionedi Poppea,however, is Tacitus'sdual role in the earlymodern
period as moralistand politician.As a moralist,he did not refrainfrom passing
often arbitraryjudgment on the conduct of his historicalsubjects.A number
of his most quotable maximsdealt with morality,particularlywith the vices of
imperialRome's most memorablewomen and their impacton men of insufficient strength.40Nonetheless, Tacitus's fame as a moral philosopher in the
earlymodern period restsprimarilyon his associationwith one of his most articulate historicalsubjects:the Stoic philosopher and imperialtutor Seneca,
who plays such a centralrole in L'incoronazionedi Poppea.The moral teachings of Stoicism-the pursuitof virtue, the power of reasonover the body and
passions, and the necessity of accepting those things beyond one's control
with constancyand patience--offered guidance in times of distressand was a
welcome balm for those experiencingthe religiousand civil strifenorth of the
Alps. Reconciling Senecan Stoicism with Christianprecepts, Justus Lipsius,
and later Montaigne, codified "Neostoicism," and in so doing elevated the
importance of Tacitus and Seneca for their political and ethical writings, respectively.41
Lipsiusutilized both Seneca and Tacitusto create a coherent system for the management of public and private life in war-torn northern
Europe. Seneca provided the moral substance of Neostoicism, emphasizing
the necessity for fortitude, virtue, withdrawal,sublimation of bodily needs,
and inner peace in the face of all strife.Tacitus,on the other hand, as Lipsius
himselfnoted in his finalyears,was an invaluableguide for anyone in the busi-
39. Burke, "Tacitism."On Paolo Sarpi, see William Bouwsma, Veniceand the Defense of
RepublicanLiberty:RenaissanceValuesin theAge of the CounterReformation(Berkeleyand Los
Angeles: Universityof CaliforniaPress,1968).
40. There is a substantialliteratureon Tacitus'streatment of women, which is describedas
both sympathetic and misogynic. See especially Sandra R. Joshel, "Female Desire and the
Discourse of Empire:Tacitus'sMessalina,"Signs21 (1995): 50-82. See also FrancescaSantoro
L'Hoir, "Tacitusand Women's Usurpation of Power," Classical World88 (1994): 5-25; and
KatherineGilmartinWallace, "Women in Tacitus, 1903-1986," Aufstieg und Niedergang der
rdmischenWelt33 (1991): 356-74.
41. On Neostoicism and Lipsius,see MarkMorford, "TaciteanPrudentia and the Doctrine
of Justus Lipsius,"in Tacitusand the Tacitean Tradition, ed. T. J. Luce and A. J. Woodman
(Princeton:Princeton UniversityPress, 1993), 129-51; and GerhardOestreich, Neostoicismand
the EarlyModernState,ed. BrigittaOestreichand H. G. Koenigsberger,trans.David McLintock
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1982). Oestreich describespreciselythe kind of comfort that Lipsiusprovidedhis contemporariesin northernEurope:"In the triadconstantia,patientia, firmitas (steadfastness,patience, firmness),Lipsiusgave to his age, an age of bloody religious
strife,the watchwordfor resistanceagainstthe externalills of the world" (p. 13). Montaigne, similarly,found Tacitus'sdescriptionof the moral failingsand trialsof imperialRome to be curiously
appropriatefor seventeenth-centuryFrance, as it seemed "more suited to a disturbed and sick
state, as ours is at present;you would often say that it is us he is describingand decrying"(Michel
de Montaigne, Essays,3.8; cited in Mellor, Tacitus,146-47).
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TacitusIncognito 53
ness of government and had much to teach the privatecitizen about ways of
coping with politicalupheaval:
forgreatpersons,thatis,
[Tacitus]is a greatwriterwho is especially
appropriate
thosewho hold the tillerof the stateor thosewho give adviceandcounselto
the helmsman.Whatpartof civilandmilitaryprudence,andwhatemotionsof
men (evenconcealed),whatfortunesor eventsdoes he not openlyrevealor
showundera veil?... Thereis none amongthe Greeksor Romans,andI will
confidentlyassert,therewillneverbe any,who canbe comparedwithTacitusin
the gloryearnedby hisprudenceof everysort.42
In Italy,however,Tacitushad alwaysbeen regardedprimarilyas an authority on politics, a persistentfigure in an Italianpoliticaldiscourse,but one that
had little to do with Stoic philosophy or moral authority.In the fifteenthcentury, for example, such early political theorists as Leonardo Bruni and even
Machiavellihimself were attractedby Tacitus's antimonarchicalobservations
and pragmaticapproachto politics.43In the aftermathof the sack of Rome
in 1527 and the apparentdefeat of republicanism,Tacitusexperienceda new
popularity as the ultimate advisor for those compelled to live under
monarchy.44His vivid descriptionof the inner politicalworkings of imperial
Rome was seen to provide valuableinstructionfor those operating anywhere
in the chain of command, regardlessof their claims to virtue or vice, and to
encourage deception by both ruler and subject. This ambivalentposition was
neatly summarizedin the sixteenth century by FrancescoGuicciardini,who
noted that "CorneliusTacitus is very good at teaching subjects how to live
and act prudently, just as he teaches tyrants how to establish tyranny."45
Tacituscould thus be viewed as a threatto the status quo-papal authorityor
Spanishrule-at the same time that he was condemned for providinginstructions to despots by those who opposed these regimes.46
As RepublicanVenice replacedFlorenceas the epicenterfor Italianpolitical
and historical theorizing in the late sixteenth century, Tacitus came to be
42. Justus Lipsius, "Adlocutio Itera," in C. Cornelii Taciti opera quae exstant (Antwerp,
1607), cited in Morford, "TaciteanPrudentia," 139.
43. Mellor, Tacitus, 139-45. While there is some controversy over the extent to which
Machiavellihimselfused Tacitus(Livywas his preferredhistorian),the two authorswere linked in
the minds of latercommentatorssuch as GiovanniBotero.
44. Such contradictionsamong earlymodern political commentatorsare undoubtedly a reflection of Tacitus's own ambivalencetoward the Roman Empire. For example, Joshel notes:
"When Tacitusrecountsthe history of the earliestgenerationsof the Principateunder Augustus's
successorsin the Annals, he does so from the complex point of view of a senator,a member of the
ruling class whose actions and speech were constrainedby the power of the princeps,and of a
provincial whose very position as a senator depended on the institution of the Principate"
("FemaleDesire," 53).
45. Francesco Guicciardini, Ricordi, in Opere di FrancescoGuicciardini, ed. Emanuella
Lugnani Scarano(Turin:Unione Tipografico/Editrice Torinese, 1970), 1:732; cited and translated by Burkein "Tacitism,"163.
46. Mellor, Tacitus,145; Spini, "Historiography,"118-20.
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54
Journalof theAmerican
Musicological
Society
associatednot just with the machinationsof empire, but with all that was political,and in particularwith the controversialpolitics of ragionedi stato (reason of state), whereby any action is deemed justifiableas long as it furthersthe
preservationor expansion of the state.47GiovanniBotero, for example, used
numerous citations from Tacitus in his influential treatise Dalla ragione di
stato(1589), in which he defendsthe historian-and the politicallessons of his
writings-from criticswho feared that even the most gifted politiciansworking for the good of the state would be tempted by absolutistideals. Tacitus,
Botero claimed,had merely "describedthe arts that Tiberiusemployed to attain and preservehis empire." The "knowledge of the means appropriateto
establish,maintain,and enlargea state," he argued, could safelybe left in the
hands of a virtuousprince,who possessesjustice,liberality,and prudence,who
recognizes the power of self-interestas the motivation for men's actions, and
who, above all, maintainshis own reputationand that of the realm.48
For TraianoBoccalini(dubbed by WilliamBouwsmathe "ArtBuchwaldof
the Renaissance"),the Taciteanlink with ragione di stato was highly suspect
and worthy of satire.49In his infamousRagguagli di Parnaso(Venice, 1613),
cast in the form of news accounts from the height of Parnassus,Tacitus and
Seneca appearfrequentlyalong with numerous famous ancientsand moderns,
neitherearningmuch creditfrom the omniscientApollo. Boccalini'spraisefor
Tacitus'spolitics is drapedin irony:he "representsthe pure politician,who by
nature is compelled to seek absolute power and measures all things by the
standardsof reason of state."50The fallacyof Tacitus'sbrandof politics is amply demonstratedwhen he is calleddown from Parnassusto assumea new role
as the princeof Lesbos.51Tacitusmodels his own governmenton those of the
greatesttyrants,and under his rule, the secretsof politics can only be learned
by princes.He devisesentertainments-comedies and the like-to distractcitizens from the workings of politics and encourage them to ignore their civic
duty.52Eventually,Tacitusis drivenfrom Lesbos by a conspiracyand returns
47. See MaurizioViroli, FromPoliticsto Reasonof State (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity
Press, 1992).
48. Giovanni Botero, Dalla ragione di stato, dieci libri: Con tre libri delle cause della
grandezza delleCittA(Venice:Gioliti, 1598); cited in Viroli, ReasonofState, 252. On Botero and
Boccalini,see also Mellor, Tacitus,144-45.
49. Bouwsma, "Lawyersand EarlyModern Culture,"in A UsablePast, 137; and Bouwsma,
"PoliticalEducation,"276-79.
50. Viroli, Reasonof State,258-59.
51. See Boccalini,"CenturiaPrima:RagguaglioXXIX:Cornelio Tacito viene eletto Prencipe
di Lesbo; dove essendo andato, vi fece infelicissimariuscita,"in his Ragguagli di Parnasoe Pietra
delParagonePolitico,ed. GiuseppeRua (Bari:Gius. Laterza,1934), 1:89-94. Boccaliniclearlyintended that this view of Roman politicsreflect favorablyon Venice, since he juxtaposesthis satirical send-up of the bumblingTacituswith a discourseon the superiorityof Venice'sgovernmentto
any other. See Bouwsma, "PoliticalEducation,"273.
52. Boccalini,"RagguaglioXXIX,"92: "In order to eradicateall virtue from the minds of his
subjects,he had magnificent,expensivetheatersconstructedin the city,where games, comedies,
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TacitusIncognito
55
forcedto admithis own vulnerability
to the allureof
dejectedto Parnassus,
is
clear
about
the
Tacitus's
of
Boccalini
historiparticularly
implications
power.
cal writings.Apolloand his Censordecideto ban the Annalsand Histories
frommortals,for theyare"spectacles"
(occhiali)thatrevealto ordinarycitizens the true natureof princesand theirpolitics.If citizenscould trulysee
what questionablemeansa princeemploysto ensurethe well-beingof his
state,the stateitselfwouldundoubtedlybe threatenedbysedition.53
A generationlater,the membersof the AccademiadegliIncognitireadily
adaptedBoccalini'scynicalview of the politicalTacitusto accommodatethe
and self-interest
that characterized
peculiarmix of libertinism,conservatism,
Venetianpublicpolicyat midcentury.
In some respects,thiswas a naturalalliance.Tacitus'sassociationwith seriouspoliticaltheorizingand conflicting
of hiswritingsanairof respectability
and
pointsof viewlentanyappropriation
a certainelusiveness
thatwasconsistentwithVenice'sreputationfor bothpoliticalwisdomand chameleon-like
Moreover,his oftennegative
pragmatism.
on imperialwomen resonatedstronglywith the Incogniti
pronouncements
treatmentof otherwomenof mythandhistory,who wereoftencitedin supportof one or anotheranti-female
position.Nonetheless,theiruse of Tacitus
differedconsiderablyfrom that of their Italianpredecessorsor northern
Europeanneighbors.Incognitiauthorsshowedlittle interestin publishing
translations
of or commentaries
on Tacitus.UnlikeBotero,theydidnot mine
him for politicaltheories,andunlikeBoccalini,theydid not servehim up as
the objectof satire.Nor weretheyinspiredto commendhis exemplarymen,
suchas Germanicus
or the doomedBritannicus,
the heroof a near-contemporule by focusing
Instead,theypraisedrepublican
raryplayby JeanRacine.54
theirTacitus-like
of ragionedi stato,asexemplispectacleson the mechanisms
fiedin a Taciteannarrative
involvingtwo of Rome'smostnotoriouswomen,
MessalinaandAgrippina
the Younger.Beginningin the yearA.D.49 andconcludingaroundA.D.59, this historyalsoincludedthe earlierportionsof the
affair(seeTable1).55
Nero-Poppaea
hunting matches, and other diverting entertainmentswere continuallypresented, so that by excess use of these the nobility would abandon their ancient concern with public matters and
thoughts of militaryexercises"("di modo che per totalmentefino all'ultimaradicelevarogni virtit
dall'animodei suoi sudditi,nellacitt? realecon spese immense fece fabbricarteatri,dove perpetuamente si rappresentavanogiuochi, commedie, e cacce e altre cose dilettevoli,per l'uso soverchio
dei quali li popolo e la nobilit? abbandon6 l'anticacura delle cose pubbliche e pensiero degli
il
esercizi militari").Here, Boccalini is undoubtedly hinting at Tacitus's own portrayalof Nero,
which linked artisticactivitiesto inattentionto empireand moraldegeneracy.
53. Viroli, Reasonof State,260-61.
54. Racine,Britannicus(Paris:C. Barbin,1670).
55. For the varioussources on Agrippinathe Younger, see Anthony A. Barrett,Agrippina:
Sex,Power,and Politicsin theEarlyEmpire(New Haven, Conn.: YaleUniversityPress, 1996).
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Table 1 Chronology of SignificantRoman Events (A.D.41-65) with Incogniti Treatmentsof Tacitu
Year
Event
41
47
48
Exile of Seneca
Nero and Agrippinaarrivein Rome
Messalina,wife of Emperor Claudius,celebratespublic marriage
with GaiusSilius and is put to death
ClaudiusmarriesAgrippinathe Younger;Seneca is recalledfrom
exile to tutor Nero
Agrippinanamed "Augusta";Nero adopted by Claudius
Nero marriesOctavia,daughter of Messalinaand Claudius
49
50
53
54
58
59
60
62
63
64
65
Death of Claudius(possiblypoisoned by Agrippina);Nero ascends
to the throne
Poppaea becomes mistress of Nero; birth of Tacitus
Death of Agrippina,possibly afterattempted incest with Nero
Lucan begins Pharsalia
Seneca retires;Octavia exiled, killed; Nero marries Poppaea
Lucan banned from speakingpublicly or publishing his works
Lucancompletes Pharsalia
Pisonianconspiracy;death of Seneca and Lucan
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Novelle
Zaguri, La Messalina
(1656)
Zaguri, Legelosie
politiche,& amorose
(1657)
TacitusIncognito
57
dedicatedto the founderof the Incogniti,
FrancescoPona'sLa Messalina,
Loredano,initiatedthe processof linkingbadempirewithfemalesexuality.56
PonafollowsTacitus'sversionof the story,in whichthe bumblingandinept
Claudiusis unawareof Messalina's
manyinfidelities.Yethe alsoplumbsthe
otherhistorical
sources-Juvenal,Suetonius,andDio Cassius-formorelurid
detailsandintegratesgraphicdepictionsof Messalina's
sexualadventures
with
clearwarningsregardingherpoliticalliabilities.
WhilePona'sfascination
with
the eroticwaslikelyintendedto arousemorethanindignationin his readers,
he is nonethelessunequivocalaboutthe politicalconsequenceof Messalina's
most horrificdeed:herunconscionable
publicmarriageto GaiusSiliuswhile
stillwed to the emperorClaudius,an act thatthreatenedthe stabilityof governmentandsociety.
The dire consequencesof femaleinterferencein government,however,
couldbe moreexpedientlydemonstrated
acby a Romanwomanuniversally
knowledgedas a masterpolitician.In 1642, just priorto the premiereof
L'incoronazione
di Poppea,FerrantePallavicino
and FedericoMalipieroeach
followedPona'sexampleby publishinga novellaon the exploitsof Claudius's
subsequentwife,Agrippinathe Younger,the motherof Nero. Theirstrategy
wassimple:usingTacitusastheirprimarysource,theydescribedthe entirehisriseto powerand eventualmurderby her son Nero (intory of Agrippina's
cluding the earlyportions of the Nero-Poppaeatale), emphasizingand
her crimesthroughadroitinterpolations,
whileminimizingand
exaggerating
evenomittingthe nefariousdeedsof othermembersof the court.57
mostfundamental
sins,bothauthorspointout, wereherambiAgrippina's
tion and lust for power-qualities as dangerousin women as they are admirablein men. Both authorsdescribean emasculatedClaudiuswith a
feminizedheart,"littlesuitedto governance,andthe victimof a
"completely
sensual
powerful
appetitethatleft him utterlyvulnerableto the "thundering
Yet,once marriedto Claudius,Malipierotells
raysof herfemininebeauty."8"
56. On Pona, see Giorgio Fulco, "Introduzione,"in La Lucerna,by FrancescoPona (Rome:
Salerno, 1973). A Veronese doctor and reputedlya "strictdisciple"of Cesare Cremonini, Pona
gained enormous notoriety in Venice (and popularityamong the writerswho would eventually
define themselves as the Accademia degli Incogniti) after the publication of his La Lucerna
(Venice, 1628). While he spent much of his laterlife distancinghimselffrom La Lucerna,his immediate reactionto his new-found famewas to dedicatehis next work, La Messalina,to Loredano
and to declarepubliclyhis devotion to Christianityand the Church. On Pona's Messalinaand her
subsequent construction as an opera heroine, see Heller, "Chastity, Heroism, and Allure,"
424-62.
57. On FerrantePallavicino,see Spini, Ricercadei libertini;and LauraCoci, "Introduzione,"
in La retoricadelleputtane, by Pallavicino.The latter includes an extensive bibliography(pp.
cvi-cxix). Ellen Rosand was the first to note the similarities between the subject matter of
Malipiero'snovelleand Monteverdi'sfinaloperas("Seneca").
58. Malipiero,L'imperatriceambiziosa,25 ("un cuore tutto effeminato");and Pallavicino,Le
due Agrippine,294 ("li raggi di feminile bellezza"). In yet another amplificationof Tacitus'stext,
MalipieropresentsClaudiusas one in a long line of ill-fatedheroes who aredestroyedby beautiful
women.
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58
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
us, Agrippina "left off her feminine weakness, and dressed her soul with masculine and virile thoughts."59 In this charge their guide was Tacitus, who himself had constructed Agrippina as masculine, thus distinguishing her from the
more sexually voracious Messalina.6? Malipiero, however, is far more explicit
about the political consequences of Agrippina's politics and policies:
But in the end things done illicitlyserve no purpose except to ruin equalityand
to corrupt the best habits of the Republic, because one who has used an indirect road to the throne cannot rule justly.Thus, with the mantle of marriage
covering every one of Agrippina'slibidinous acts, she made herself an Iole to
Claudius, depositing him (one could say) among the maidservantswith the
distaff; and, taking the scepter away from him, with the first wielding, she
demonstratedfor Rome a new form of governing. She regulated all things, all
mattersof state, but not with the goal of lasciviousness,as with Messalina(who
disdained the Roman Empire in order to live in decadence), but transformed
feminine habitsinto masculineones with an ambitiousseverity,holding dominion not only over public concerns, but rigidlyruled the servants[freedmen] of
the home, and proudly allowed herselfto be seen in the Fora, being in all other
areasof her life an example of chastity,not ever making use of truly lascivious
actions unless she found it necessaryin order to dominate.61
The unexpected and (perhaps) unconscious reference to republic in this
passage ostensibly concerned with empire reveals something of Malipiero's
real concerns. In Venice, individual power was carefully guarded and regulated
through the structure of the republic, and any appropriation of it was perceived as a threat to the proper workings of government.62 Yet, in a society so
59. "Assicuratasi
intantoquestagrandonnadel matrimonio
del Principe,cominci6;(deposte
le debolezzedonnesche)vestirsil'animode' pensierimaschi,e virili"(Malipiero,L'imperatrice
ambiziosa,
30-31).
60. Tacitus,Annals,12.7;translations
fromTacitus,AnnalsofImperialRome,trans.Michael
Grant(London:Penguin,1956): "Fromthismomentthe countrywastransformed.
Complete
obediencewasaccordedto a woman--andnot a womanlikeMessalina
who toyedwithnational
affairsto satisfyher appetites.This was a rigorous,almostmasculinedespotism.In public,
wasaustereandoftenarrogant.Her privatelifewaschaste-unlesspowerwasto be
Agrippina
gained."
61. "Main fine le cose illecitamente
fattenon servono,che a rovinadell'equith,e a corruzionedegl'ottimicostumidelleRepubliche
dominare,chipervie
perchenonpubgiustamente
indiretteascendeal trono. Cosi dunque copertaco'l manto di matrimonioogni libidine
fattasiellaunaIole sopraClaudio,lo consign6(percosi dire)trale ancellecon la
d'Agrippina,
lo scettro,di primolanciofece provara Romauna novella
connocchia,ed'essaprendendone
formadi governo.Costeituttele coseregevatuttele materiedi statoordinava
non giacon finedi
lascivia
comefeceMessalina;
chesprezz6(perlussureggiare)
l'imperoRomano,macon'unaseverit? ambiziosamutatili donneschicostumiin virili,teneva'ldominionon solo soprale publiche
a Libertidi casa,e spessevoltesuperbamente
lasciavasi
vederene'
cure,marigidamente
imperava
di castit6,non avvalendosi
maidi tratto
Fori,essendonellealtrecose dellavitasuaun'essempio
verunolascivo,se non quantole eraispedienteper dominare"(Malipiero,L'imperatrice
ambiziosa,52-53).
62. Veniceregarded
herselfasinvulnerable
to theillsthatbesetancientRome,in partbecause
she had a politicalsystemdesignedto preventanyindividualfrom attainingexcessivepower
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Tacitus Incognito
59
accustomedto the complete exclusion of women from politicallife, what was
most outrageousabout Agrippina'snovellaformadigovernowas the mutation
of "femininecustoms into masculineones." Agrippinaruled bothin public and
in the home, dressingherselfin the clothes of the emperorand sitting next to
him at court.63In "all things imperial,soul, clothing, and domination," she
presented herself as the equal of the emperor.64At the same time, it was
Agrippina'ssuperiorpoliticalacumen-regardless of her gender-that placed
her in the midst of the same contentious Venetian discourse on Tacitus and
ragione di stato that had so engaged Boccalini'swit. Malipiero,for example,
praisesher as "the most exquisite politician of her age," yet he claims that
her fame was won "in the guise of a siren."65That she should also have been
blamed for an incestuous relationshipwith Nero--likely intended to distract
him from Poppaea-only magnified her political and sexual danger. Indeed,
Nero's full recognition of Agrippina'sevils was praised by Incogniti writers,
despite the fact that this led him to the even more heinous crime of matricide.
Agrippina'sdeath on Nero's orders-by a blow to the womb-was a particularlyvivid means of wrenching empire out from under female control and an
acknowledgmentthat Agrippinabore fall responsibilityfor Nero's sins as well
as her own.66
In the decade following the publicationsof the Pallavicinoand Malipiero
novelleand the firstperformancesof L'incoronazionedi Poppea,the association
of this generation of Julio-Claudianswith ragione di stato is made still more
explicit in a set of two plays by Pietro Angelo Zaguri. The first of these, La
Messalina(1656), like Pona's Messalina,is dedicated to the founder of the
Incogniti, Loredano. It focuses primarilyon Messalina'sadultery and illegal
through improper channels. In Boccalini, a gentleman argues before the personification of
Venetian Liberty that Venice's superiorityto Rome could be found in her system of conferring
nobility,not by "skipsand leaps"but by gradations,and that anyone aspiringto high office must
begin in youth from the lowliest of positions ("CenturiaPrima:RagguaglioV: La contesa nata tra
molti letterati,quale nellafloridissimarepublicadi Vinegia siala pill preclaralegge politica ... ," in
his Ragguagli di Parnaso,21-31).
63. "Appenaella entr6 nel palagio di Cesare,che la primanotte, che si coric6 nel letto nuziale
(per dire secondo'l proverbio)si vesti con gl'abitidell'Imperadore"(Malipiero,L'imperatriceambiziosa,31).
64. "Bastaper6, ch'Agrippinainaffiatadi superbiain tutte le cose piil imperiali,d'animo, di
vestimenti,e di dominio" (ibid., 87).
65. Ibid., 56 ("Ellaerala piuiisquisitapoliticadel suo secolo") and 64 ("che guisa di sirena").
66. While Tacitusis reluctantto trust the variousreportson Agrippina'sincestuous activities,
not dismissingthe possibilityof Nero's guilt (Annals, 14.2), Malipieroand Pallavicinonot only
blameAgrippinaexclusively,but praisethe young emperorfor his rejectionand (implicitly)eventual murderof his mother. Malipiero,for example, attributesthe following remarksto Nero: "Io
h6 una Madre terribilein ogni azione, e falsain'ogni trattamento,Madre che per oggetto d'ogni
sua azione ha il solo proprio interesse,e che per dominare distruggerebbela stessa figliuolanza"
(L'imperatriceambiziosa,131-32). In this, Malipieronotes, Nero demonstrates"greatsense and
sensibility."
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60
Journal of the American Musicological Society
"marriage"to Gaius Silius, and concludes tragicallywith her death. The second, Legelosiepolitiche,& amorose(1657), begins afterthe death of Messalina
and the marriage of Claudius to Agrippina. It deals with the anticipated
marriageof Octaviaand Nero, and the variouspoliticalmachinationsenacted
either to preventor to encouragethe union. As Zaguriindicatesin the preface
to Legelosie,these playswere intended to form part of a trilogy,with the final
play focusing on some aspect of Nero's cruelties and his love for Poppaea.
Regrettably,this third playwas never published,and perhapsit was never even
written.67
The two surviving Zaguri plays nonetheless representan important final
stage in the encounter between the Accademia degli Incogniti and Tacitus,
forming something of a hybrid between L'incoronazionedi Poppeaand the
Tacististtravestiesof Pona, Malipiero,and Pallavicino,in which the Incogniti
political ideologies could be explored without the constraintsof continuous
music, yet with the selectiveappropriationof historyjustifiedby operaticconvention. Undoubtedly, these plays are closely related to operatic entertainments. Indistinguishablefrom librettos in terms of their printedformat, they
are among the relativelyfew prose plays to have survivedin the nearlycomplete collections of Venetianlibrettosat the BibliotecaMarcianain Venice and
the Universityof Californiaat Los Angeles.68Like librettos,they areorganized
in three acts, and though writtenprimarilyin prose, they do containprologues
in versiscioltiand occasional canzonettetexts that were likely sung.69Zaguri,
who had also tried his hand at libretto composition, was far less hesitantthan
either Pallavicinoor Malipieroto embroiderhistory for the sake of his drama.
He not only exaggeratedthe crimes of his women, but created Tacitean-like
subplots that exploitedmany of opera'salreadyubiquitousconventions:eavesdropping characters,interceptedlove letters, sleep scenes, laments, and comic
servants.
Zaguri's plays present the most unremittingly cynical vision of Tacitean
court politics, where the scepter is wielded by the least competent, where
power is up for grabsby the most ruthless,where one man's ragionedi statois
another man's treason, and where women (in this case, Agrippina) are the
chief political operatives.The numerous subplots, deceptions, and manipulations inserted by Zaguri into the Tacitean outline vividly demonstrate the
mechanisms of ragione di stato whereby Agrippinacan ensure the death of
Messalina,securethe marriagebetween Nero and Octavia,and deny the virtuous Britannicus(who himselfplots Nero's murder)his rightfulposition as heir
to the throne. (All of this has unfortunaterepercussionsfor the courtierswho,
67. "Attendidi vedere con il proseguimentodell'Historiala crudelthdi Nerone per gl'Amori
di Pop[p]ea in un Dramasecondo il tuo genio" (Zaguri, "A chi legge," in Legelosie[pp. 7-8]).
68. Irene Aim, Catalog of Venetian Librettosat the University of California (Berkeley:
Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1993).
69. Legelosiepolitiche,& amorose,in particular,seems to have been elaboratelyproduced.The
libretto calls for intermediand balli, and even mentions a set designer, despite the fact that the
work was apparentlyproduced at a privatetheater,the CasaSanudo.
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Tacitus Incognito
61
likeOttonein Busenello'slibretto,areoftenplacedin the uncomfortable
position of beingaskedto commitone or anothermurder.)Agrippina,listedin
as "aspirante
the cast of characters
all'Impero,"becomesthe chiefpolitical
philosopher.In a seriesof speechesscatteredthroughoutthe two plays,
in orderto
commonplaces
AgrippinaadaptsTaciteanaswellas Machiavellian
in
of
monarchical
necessities
the
context
various
murders
as
political
justify
forexample,beginswithAgrippina's
rule.The firstsceneof La Messalina,
unambiguouspronouncementsconcerningabsolutistpower: "Be bold, my
heart,since the securityof a governmentwill waverif it fearsthe laws of
conscience.The Princerecognizesno one but himself.His authorityappears
mutilatedif his forcedoes not breakthe barriers
thatwouldrestrainhis own
satisfactions.
"70
In Legelosie
Agrippina
goes on to redefinethe volatile
politiche,c&amorose,
natureof justiceforthe absoluteruler.Theoft-citedTacitean"suspicion
of apis
here
as
a
to
deceive
courtiers-a
pearances" acknowledged
weapon
guileless
stunningdefeatforrepublican
government:
Theactionsof Princes
do not succumb
to thejudgment
of subjects
who,for
themostpart,remain
fooledbyappearances.
in her
Justiceholdsthebalance
in herrighthandshebrandishes
lefthand,easyto waver;
thesword.Sheholds
forcein greater
esteemthanthedeliberation
of justice..... ThePrinceknows
no superior
andhisdesireislaw.71
exceptcaprice,
Priorto orderinganothermurder,Agrippinaarguesforpunishmentrather
thancompassion.Once again,politicsarecalledupon as a meansof creating
illusionsforcourtiers,andeven"reason"itselfis placedin oppositionto "reason of state":
Unpunishedsins stir up new errors.The greatercrimeis often committed
throughabsolutionratherthanpunishment.And evenwhen the sentenceappearsunjust,one callsuponpoliticsin ordernot to appearoverlycompassionate andthusinexpert.The artof rulingshouldnot be trappedin the gridsof
reason.All of the linesof a well-stabilized
empirecan be reducedto this sole
point.72
70. "Ardire,mio Cuore, che vacilla la sicurezza di quel governo, che teme le leggi della
Coscienza. II Principenon riconosce, che se stesso. Darebbe inditio di mutilataautorit?,se le sue
forze non rompesserogli argini,che trattengono le propriecompiacenze"(Zaguri,La Messalina,
act 1, sc. 1 [p. 2]).
71. "L'attioni de Prencipi non soccombono al giuditio de sudditi, che per lo pid restano
delusi dall'apparenze.La Giustiziatiene le Bilancienella sinistrafacile a vacillare,nella destraimbrandisceil ferro. Fapid stima della forza, che dellaponderationedell'Equit .... II Prencipenon
riconosceper superioreche il capriccio,e il suo desiderioper legge" (Zaguri,Legelosie,act 1, sc. 3
[pp. 27-28]).
72. "I Peccatiimpunitifomentano nuovi errori.Maggior delitto si commette tal volta nell'assolutione che nel castigo. E quando anche la sentenza appariscaingiusta,per non publicarsiappassionato, 6 inesperto cosi, richiedela Politica. L'Arte di regnarenon s'inviluppatrI puntigli della
ragione. Tutte le linee d'un ben stabilitoimpero si riducono a questo solo punto" (ibid., act 2, sc.
5 [p. 64]).
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62
Journalof theAmerican
Society
Musicological
There is but one dissentingvoice that falls completely outside Agrippina's
influence. As in L'incoronazionedi Poppea,where the pageboy provides the
most explicit rejection of Seneca's philosophies, the servantNino is the only
characterendowed with those Tacitist "spectacles"that allow him to discern
the truth about empire and politicalmachinations,as he adroitlypuns on the
double meaningsof the words corteand cortegiano.
In conclusion,he who comparedthe courtto the seabecauseof itsinstability
is
he who callsit a scenefroma playthateasilychangesperspective
not mistaken;
tellsthe truth.I, however,believecourtto be an asylumforallthe majorevils,
whereone studiesnothingin particular
exceptthrowingtruthdownfromthe
thronein orderto crowndeceptionand adulationas theirlegitimatekings.
One considersin thisregardthe nameof Cortegiano,
andseesthatit contains
withinitselfGiano[Janus],whichmeansthatto succeedin courtyou mustbe
andhe who wishesto liveonlya few [corte]
double-facedanddouble-hearted;
hoursandhavelittle[corte]tranquillity,
let him cometo court[corte],whereit
is not necessaryto haveshort[corte]legs,andwhereallthingsareshort[corte]
exceptforhope.73
An overwhelming sense of the inevitabilityof historicaldestiny pervades
the Zaguri plays. Driven by a political machineryand guided by fate, Agrippina will succeed and Nero will become emperor.Only a dramaticconvention
familiarfrom contemporaryopera has the power to freeze the progressof history: the concluding love scene. In clearcontradictionto Tacitusand history,
and with a strikingbow to L'incoronazionedi Poppea,the play concludeswith
the happy marriagebetween Nero and Octavia that will eventually be destroyed by Nero's murderous impulses. Just as Busenello and Monteverdi
conclude their opera with the Poppea-Nerone love duet, Zaguri ends Le
gelosie with a disquieting lietofine, permissiblein the world of drama, but
doomed in real life, where the story ends with the exile and murder of
Octavia.
Agrippina, Seneca, and L'incoronazione di Poppea
Unfortunately,Pietro Zaguriappearsnot to have fulfilledhis promise to write
a third play dealing with Nero's love for Poppaea, and we will never know
how he conceived of this final episode in the trilogy. Perhaps, emulating
73. "In somma chi paragon6la Corte ad'un mareper la sua instabilitY,non prese errore;Chi
la chiam6 una Scena, che facilmentemuta prospetto, disseil vero. Io perb stimo, che sii un asilo di
tutte le maggiorisceleratezze,dove particolarmentead'altronon si studia, che aprecipitardal solio la verit?per incoronarvi,come loro legitimi R, I'inganno,e l'adulatione.S'osserviin gratiail
nome di Cortegiano, e vedasi, che rinchiudein se quello di Giano, per dinotarciche per riuscirin
Corte vi vuol doppia faccia,e doppio cuore; E chi bramaviver di sua quiete, e di sua vita l'hora
corte, venghi in Corte, dove non bisogna haver le gambe corte; E dove tutte le cose sono corte
fuor che le speranze"(Zaguri,La Messalina,act 2, sc. 9 [pp. 65-66]).
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Tacitus Incognito
63
Busenello'slibretto, this play also would have ended happilywith Nero in the
armsof Poppaea.Or, as in La Messalina,Zagurimight have envisionedthis final episode as tragedy,concluding his trilogywith the death of Octavia,Agrippina, or even Poppaea. But even without a concluding episode, the Zaguri
plays (along with the other Incogniti travestiesof Tacitus)revealmuch about
the historian'srole in seventeenth-centuryVenice, and the intellectualand social circle that produced L'incoronazionedi Poppea.In their recastingof the
rise and fallof Agrippinaand the events leading up to the Nero-Poppaeaaffair,
the Venetians demonstrated the ways in which Tacitus's vision of empire
united all that was contrary to republicanvalues: the threat of female rule,
men's susceptibilityto feminine beauty, the gaining of power through improper channels, and the controversialpolitics of ragionedi stato,where selfinterestand self-promotionwere the basictools of an absolutistruler.
While Agrippinaherselfnever appearsin L'incoronazionedi Poppea,she remains an indispensableelement in its background.As a well-known symbol in
Venetianpolitical discourse on Tacitus, she is of primaryimportance for understandingthe complex relationshipbetween sexualityand politics that the
operaexplores.On the most basiclevel, Agrippinaprovidedthe model for one
importanttransformationof history enacted by the Incogniti: the highly critical representationof female power, ambition, and sexualitythat is characteristic of nearlyall the women in the opera. Ottavia,unlikeher innocent historical
model, was readilyadapted so as to inherit Agrippina'sknack for vengeance
and manipulation.Drusilla,with her heartysexual appetite and her eagerness
to conspirein the murderof Poppea, also demonstratesfamilialtraits.74Even
Poppea's nurse, Arnalta,provides at the opera's climax a stunningly satirical
commentaryon female ambition.75
Most striking,of course, is the characterizationof Poppea herself.As describedby Tacitusand reconstructedby Incogniti writers,she was the embodiment of negative views about women, combining Agrippina'sambitionwith
Messalina'sdisruptive sexual appeal. Ferrante Pallavicino,for example, had
describedher in his novella Le due Agrippineas a woman who possessed no
genuine virtue, who "lived according to the most fundamentallaws of the
74. Fenlon and Miller suggest that Drusillawas inspiredby a characterof the same name in
Ariosto's Orlandofurioso,a woman who was particularlyrenowned for her constancy(Song of the
Soul,42-43). This is, in fact, a centralelement of their thesispostulatingDrusillaas the true heroine of the opera due to her adherenceto the Neostoic virtueof constantia,which was presumably
endorsed by the Incogniti. Drusilla,however, was also the daughter of Agrippinathe Elder and
Germanicus,and sisterof Agrippinathe Younger (mother of Nero) as well a favoriteincestuous
playmateof the emperor Caligula.This connection surelywould have been obvious to those familiarwith the Roman sources (Suetonius, Lifeof Calgula, 4.24).
75. Arnaltasings the following in act 3, scene 7, directlybefore Poppea'scoronation:"Today
Poppea will be Empressof Rome. I who am her nursewill rise to the highest ranks.No no, I will
not degrademyselfamong the common people" ("Hoggi saraPoppea / di Roma Imperatrice./
Io che son sua nutrice,/ ascender6delle grandezzei gradi:/ N6 n6 col volgo, io non m'abbasso
pi5").
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64
Journalof theAmerican
Musicological
Society
prostitutes," never loving unless it could satisfy some greed.76 His characteri-
zation of her here might well have been the blueprintfor her subsequentrepresentationin L'incoronazionedi Poppea:
Shewaslasciviousbut with suchartthatby presentingthe lusterof purityshe
madeher wantonnessseeminglyless abominable.She livedin a retiringway;
andif sometimesshewent out in publicshe suppressed
herdissoluteness
from
thosewho sawherby keepingherfacehalf-covered,
withapparentmodesty.In
thisway,by not permittinglovers'glancesto gainsatisfaction,
sheincitedtheir
appetiteto searchher out wheretheycouldenjoyseeinghermorefreely.The
lovelyscenethatwasherfacewasgreatlyenhancedbythatcurtain,andthe curiosityof the spectatorsgavethemthe hope of viewingthe beginningof that
wasrevealedto them.77
delightfulcomedyoncethe fullperspective
And he concludes this descriptionof Poppaea'sphysicalcharmsby praising
the power of her speech:
She did not open her mouthwithouthavingestablished
with alluringappearance eithera most gracioussmileor the dictionof most amorouswords.In
short, from the doors of the senses,she did not allow anything-gestures,
speech,or charms-to escapethat would not ensurethe captureof Nero's
soul.78
In Pallavicino'stransformationof Tacitus,Poppaea'sface is the stage, and the
veil is the curtain that hides the proscenium, arousing, in the best Baroque
fashion, both curiosityand wonder. Her veil conceals-and makestemptingnot only her face, but also her mouth, the source of female speech and male
pleasure.Like Pallavicino,Monteverdiand Busenellopresent a new versionof
the equation between woman and bad empire, for the political and sexual
power wielded by Agrippinaare, in this formulation,transferredto Poppaea
and embodied in her gestures,her manner,and, most significantly,her voice.
Less obvious for the understandingof this particularIncogniti transformation of Tacitus, however, is the way in which Agrippina'sghost hovers over
Seneca, revealingmuch about the philosopher'sdubious claimsto moral authority.This conflation of Agrippinaand Seneca is made possible by one of
Busenello's most significantmanipulationsof history:the rearrangementand
76. Pallavicino,Le dueAgrippine,420 ("le pidifondate leggi delle meretrice").
77. "Fu lassiva,ma con tal'arte,che dimonstrandoin apparenzail lustro dellapudicitia,faceva
meno abominevolile sue libidini.Viveva ritirata,e se tal'horauscivain publico, tenendo il volto
mezo coperto, sospendevacon apparentemodestiala dissolutezzadi chi la vagheggiava.Col non
permetterein tal guisa che si satiasserogli sguardide gli amanti,promuoveval'appetitoal cercarla,
ove pid libero fosse il goderne la vista.La vaga scena di quel viso, accreditavasimaggiormentecon
quellacortina,e tormentandola curiosithde gli spettatori,davaloro speranzad'havereil principio
d'un dilettevolecomedia, quando fosse loro concesso di mirarela prospettiva"(ibid., 418).
78. "Non aprivasila bocca, che con lusinghieroapparatogia non havessestabilitoqual fosse la
forma d'una pidigratiososorriso,6 quale la dettaturadi piuiamorosaparola.Dalle porte insomma
de' sensi, non faceasortitaalcuna,con gesti, con parole,o con vezzi, che non s'assicurassedi captivarel'animadi Nerone" (ibid., 424).
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Tacitus Incognito
Table 2
65
Rearrangementof Chronology in L'incoronazionedi Poppea
Year
Event
58
59
65
62
58
Beginning of Nero's affairwith Poppaea
[Death of Agrippinaeliminated]
Death of Seneca
Exile (and death) of Octavia
Transferof Otho to Lusitania
compressionof the chronology.By reorderinga seriesof disparateeventsfrom
the years 58-65, so that they occur in close proximity,he is able to eliminate
Agrippinacompletely from his libretto. In this retelling of history,Agrippina
and her objectionsto the proposed marriagebetween Nero and Poppaeahave
no significance, and the difficult issue of matricide is completely avoided.
Instead, Seneca assumesthe role as the sole obstacle to the marriage,and it is
his suicide-a full three yearsearlierthan provided for by history-that allows
Nero to fulfillhis desires(see Table2).
Busenello may well have decided to confer this particularrole on Seneca in
order to differentiatehis libretto from the writingsof his Incogniti colleagues
in 1642, or even to limit the weight alreadyaccordedthe anti-femalediscourse
in this work. Nonetheless, the importanceof this particulartransformationof
historycannot be overestimated,for it lies at the heartof the apparentamorality long associatedwith L'incoronazionedi Poppea.The centralissue has to do
with the relative lack of moral authority with which both Agrippina and
Seneca oppose Nero and Poppaea, and the extent to which their objections
are based almost exclusivelyon political considerations.Tacitus'sAgrippina
did not object to the Nero-Poppaea affair out of any concern for Nero's
virtue; indeed, it was her jealousy of Poppaea's growing political power that
(presumably)drove her to far more dubious behavior:the attempted seduction of Nero. (Malipieroand Pallavicino,we recall,certainlypreferredNero to
his mother, regardlessof his many failings.)At the same time, the historicalreports provide only marginalevidence for Seneca'ssuperiorclaimsto morality.
Dio Cassiusoffers the most criticalview of Seneca, accusinghim of hypocrisy,
greed, and various sexual indiscretions, and commenting that "while denouncing tyranny,he was making himself the teacher of the tyrant."He even
accusesSenecaof having a taste for "boys past theirprime, a practicewhich he
also taught Nero to follow,"and hints at a possible affairbetween Seneca and
Agrippina.79Tacitus,while somewhat less vehement in his criticismsof Seneca,
nonetheless leavesno doubt that Seneca's few objections to Nero's sexualexploits, including the relationshipwith Poppaea,were based on politicalrather
79. Dio Cassius,Roman History,Epitomeof Book61, 10.1-4; translationsfrom CassiusDio
Cocceianus, Dio's Roman History, trans. Ernest Cary, on the basis of the version of Herbert
BaldwinFoster (Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress, 1955). On Agrippina'spossibleaffairwith
Seneca, see Barrett,Agrippina, 107.
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66
Journal of the American Musicological Society
than moral considerations.Indeed, it was Seneca'spersonalcharismathat allowed him to maintain close ties with such emperors as Caligulaand Nero,
and to behavein a mannerthat often seemed to contradicthis teachings.80
Modern commentators,eager to justifythe opera'sseeminglyamoralconclusion, have regarded the expansion of Seneca's role as evidence of the
philosopher'ssuperiorvirtue or of Venetianadherenceto some form of Stoic
Yet our examination
philosophyin the context of earlymodern Christianity.8'
of the Incogniti writings, and particularlythe travestiesof Tacitus,suggests a
ratherdifferent conclusion. As noted earlier,the Incogniti views on the primacy of naturalinstinct, the mortalityof the soul, and man's right to sexual
gratificationstand in direct opposition to Stoic and Neostoic philosophies.
Notably, no editions of Seneca arelinked to the group, despite the widespread
involvementof the Incogniti in publishing,and no commentarieson or translations of the essayson moralityor politics were published in Venice prior to
1643.82 Yet the most strikingevidence of the attitude toward Seneca can be
found in the opera itself. Monteverdi and Busenello provide a vivid demonstrationof the insufficienciesof Seneca's brandof philosophy:with a remarkable show of insensitivityand lack of perception, Seneca urges the rejected
Ottavia to embrace her misfortune and thank heaven for the blows that will
only serve to increaseher purity,nobility,and virtue (act 1, scene 6):
la Fortuna,
Givethanksto fortune,
Ringrazia
Che con i colpisuoi
Thatwithherblows
Ti crescegl'ornamenti.
Increases
yourornaments.
Lacote non percossa
The flintthatis not stricken
Non pubmandarfaville;
Cannotproducesparksof fire;
Tu daldestincolpita
Butyou,woundedbydestiny,
Producia te medesimaaltisplendori Yourself
producethe highestvirtues
Di vigor,di fortezza,
Of strength,of vigor,
Gloriemaggioriassai,chela bellezza. Gloriesmoreprizedthanbeauty.
80. On the inconsistenciesbetween words and deed in Seneca'smoral and politicalwritings,
see VasilyRudich, Dissidenceand Literature Under Nero: ThePrice of Rhetoricization(London
and New York:Routledge, 1997), 17-106.
81. Fenlon and Millernote the many criticismsof Senecaoffered in the historicalsources,but
argue that "the actualoperaticcharacteris the embodiment of neostoic philosophy,whose words
and deeds arecompletelyconsonant" (Songof theSoul,47). This interpretationdifferssignificantly
from that offered by Rosand, who sees a disjunctionbetween Busenello'sironic tone, associated
with Incogniti thought, and Monteverdi'smore empatheticsetting of Seneca'sdeath ("Seneca").
82. Francesco Baba's 1643 Latin edition of Seneca was preceded in seventeenth-century
Venice only by a publicationof Seneca'stragedies.I-Vas,Arti, busta166, fol. 31r contains Baba's
applicationfor the privilegeto publish the works of Seneca and Tacitus in October of 1641 to
compensatefor their lack of availability.Baba'sclaimswould appearto have some merit. A survey
of publicationsof Seneca between the years1600 and 1640 revealseditions publishedin Antwerp,
Lyons, Geneva, London, Paris,Madrid, Billaume,and Rouen, while the only Venetianpublication of any Seneca during that period was of the tragedies. I am gratefulto Robert Holzer for
sharingthis document with me.
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Tacitus Incognito
67
is Seneca'sonlyopportunity
withinthe opera
This,it mustbe emphasized,
to demonstrate
the efficacyof Stoicismforthe alleviation
of suffering,and--as
the pageboytrenchantly
remarks--hefailsutterly.We havealreadynoted the
extent to which Stoicism conflictedwith Incogniti views on sensuality.
Monteverdimakesthatpointstillclearer.Senecafailsto persuadeor comfort
Ottavianot onlybecauseof the apparentfutilityof his arguments,but alsoby
his utterinabilityto musterhisfamedrhetorical
powersin the serviceof a coherentoration(see Ex. 1). Suchblatantcontrivances
as the melismaon the
word "faville"(mm. 39-43), the syncopationson "colpita"(mm. 44-47),
andthe ascentillustrating
"Glorie"(m. 52) seemmorelikeacademicexercises
in madrigalesque
imitation.This catalogof musicaldevicesdissuadesrather
thanpersuades,distracting
the listenerfromthe intentionof the speechas a
whole andraisingsuspicionsnot only aboutSeneca'soratorybut alsoabout
the validityof his philosophical
stance.The meaninglessness
and inappropriatenessof suchgesturesis particularly
in
the
apparent
absurdlylong melisma
in measures54-57, placed on the article"la"ratherthan on the noun
"bellezza."Seneca,obliviousto the natureof beauty,is an incompetent
rhetorician
andmusician.Unableto coordinatewordandsound,he is thusan
unlikelyheroforanoperabyMonteverdi.83
83. Susan McClary links Seneca's impotence and passivityin the opera with these "silly
madrigalisms"that "destroy the rhetoricaleffect of most of his statements"("Constructionsof
Genderin Monteverdi'sDramaticMusic,"in her FeminineEndings:Music,Gender,and Sexuality
[Minnesotaand Oxford:Universityof MinnesotaPress, 1991], 49). Indeed, Monteverdi'ssetting
of this passage(as well as the pageboy's subsequent comments about Seneca's "golden maxims"
as "mere inventions") is strikinglysimilarto Quintilian'scriticismsof the "corruptstyle" in the
Institutionesoratoriae(12.10.73) associatedwith Seneca: "[It] exults in the license of words or
runs riot with childish epigrams ... or swells with unrestrainedpomposity or rages with empty
commonplacesor glitterswith ornamentationthat will fall to the ground if lightly shaken,or regardsextravaganceas sublimityor ravesunder the pretext of free speech" (cited and translatedby
William J. Dominik in "The Style Is the Man: Seneca, Tacitus and Quintilian's Canon," in
Roman Eloquence:Rhetoricin Societyand Literature,ed. WilliamJ. Dominik [London and New
York:Routledge, 1997], 55). Notably, Quintilian'scomments are also reminiscentof Tomlinson's criticismsof the "fragmentary"musical speech typical of Monteverdi's late style: "a discourse in which individualwords and images tend to be singled out by abruptchanges of style in
the music setting them" as opposed to the "seamless emotional evolution characteristicof
Ariadne'slament" (Monteverdiand the End of the Renaissance,218-19). In this instance, however, I would suggest that Monteverdi understood precisely how to translate this "corrupt"
rhetoricalstyle into music in order to demonstrateSeneca'sapparentinabilityto persuadehis followers or feel any genuine empathyfor Ottavia.Fenlon and Miller,on the other hand, interpret
Seneca's problems with self-expressionas evidence of Ottavia'slack of philosophicalsophistication: "In this context Seneca's long virtuosic melisma on the word 'bellezza' is not merely an
adaption of a madrigalesqueconvention, but is also deeply ironic. That irony consists of the fact
that while the concept of beautyis dramaticallyillustratedthrough a form of directrepresentation,
namely sudden elaboratevocal ornamentationdeliveredin a largelysyllabicambiance,it actually
comes from the mouth of Seneca who is busilyengaged in attackingits significance.For Seneca,
as with the Incogniti, the beauty of the soul is one with the entire body and with the purpose of
beauty, a condition that is clearlynot met by Ottavia"(Song of the Soul, 64-65). The curiosity
here, however,has to do with Seneca'sinappropriateplacementof the melismaon the article"la."
It is indeed hardto fathom preciselyhow Seneca'sinept rhetoricreflectsnegativelyon Ottavia.
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Journal of the American Musicological Society
68
Example 1 Monteverdi, L'incoronazionedi Poppea (I-Vnm, It. IV 439 [= 9963]), act 1,
scene 6, mm. 20-58 (fols. 28r-29v)
20
Seneca
w
-
Rin-
Che con
icol-
- pi
gra-
i
zia, rin-
col-
gra-
pi
zia la For- tu-
na,
suo- i
Ti
29
non
per-
cos-
sa,
Non
pui
man-
dar, non
puT
man-dar
39
fa-
vil-
42 r196
- le.
tu dal
des- tin
col- pi-
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ta, dal
Tacitus Incognito
69
Example 1 continued
46
1
I
de-stin
col-pi-
ta,
Pro- du-
te me-des- ma
al-
ti splen-
ci.a
I
I
'
50
do-
ri
Di vi - gor,
gio- rias- sai che
di for- tez-
za,
rie mag-
Glo-
la
56
bel- lez-
za.
An importantclueasto the politicalbondunitingSenecaandAgrippina
in
L'incoronazione
di Poppeacan be foundin yet anotherdramatictreatmentof
imperialRome:the Octavia,a tragedylong attributedto Senecahimself,and
certainlyBusenello'smodel for a dramaticrenditionof the Nero-Poppaea
Believedto havebeenwrittenby anothermemberof Nero'sliterary
story.84
circlein the aftermathof his death,the Octaviapresentsa view of imperial
RomethatpredatesTacitusandis thusoutsidehis directinfluence.The play
featureslittleof the chronological
of Busenello'slibretto,for it
manipulation
dealswith eventssecurelyassociatedwith the yearA.D.62: the marriageof
84. On the relationshipbetween L'incoronazionedi Poppeaand the Octavia, see Rosand,
"Seneca,"43. Busenello'smost overt borrowingfrom the Octaviais the scene between Nero and
Seneca, in which the tutor tries to dissuadeNero from banishingOctaviaand marryingPoppaea.
Fenlon and Miller dismiss the relationshipbetween these works due to the "one-dimensional"
characterizationsof Octaviaand Poppaeathat "makeit inconceivablethat Busenello could have
relied on it for his descriptionsof these centralcharacters"(Songof the Soul, 10). For an opposing
view, see Holzer's reviewof Songofthe Soul,80.
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70
Journalof the American
Society
Musicological
Nero and Poppaea, opposed by Seneca, and the divorce and eventualmurder
of Octavia.The author also expandsor invents elements not found in Tacitus
or Busenello, including the monologues of a guilt-ridden Poppaea and the
ghost of Agrippina(d. 59), who condemns Nero for his many crimes against
Rome. Not only was the author apparentlyan admirerof Seneca, modeling
his own play afterSeneca'stragedies,but he made Seneca both a centralcharacter and the primaryadversaryto the fulfillmentof Nero's desires.This not
only made for a tidy dramatic structure (a fact that likely did not escape
Busenello's notice), it also had political implications.Octavia'stragedy provided the backdropfor a brutal condemnation of empire far less ambiguous
than that provided by Tacitushimself.85 As J. P. Sullivannotes in his study of
the literatureof Nero's court, the Octaviais be understood as a "politicaldocument," specifically"a diatribeagainstNero" that "risksdramaticimplausibility and even tedium in cataloguing his crimes of cruelty,tyranny,vengeance,
and sexualpassion, however dispersedthe narrationis among the differentactors in the drama."86Thus, the confrontation between Nero and Seneca,
which Busenellolateremulatedin his opera (act 1, scene 7), is presentedas the
conflict between empire and republic,with Seneca taking on the role of the
Roman people and senate against the power of the principate. (This was
scarcely a role that could have been undertaken by Agrippina, who had
worked assiduouslyduring her reign to weaken the senate and consolidateimperial power.) Seneca's opposition to Nero's relationshipwith Poppaea also
had to do with his concern with the sanctityof marriageand Octavia'swifely
virtues ("A wife's fidelity,honor, purity and goodness should be all her husband's joy"). Most important, however, Seneca argued that Nero should relinquish his illicit bond with Poppaeabecause it was an offense to the Roman
people and theirlaw:
Seneca:
The scruplesandabhorrence
of thepeople
Willgivethatbondno countenance;
Nor doesthe lawof sanctitypermitit.
Nero:Am I forbiddento do whatallmaydo?
Seneca:
Fromhighrankhighexampleis expected.
(Octavia,572-75)
The anxiety about female power that was to become so central in the
Incogniti travestiesreceivesrelativelylittle mention in the Octavia.Becauseof
the necessityof vilifyingNero, the anonymousauthortreatsPoppaea,Octavia,
and even the deceasedMessalinawith considerablymore charitythan they receive in Monteverdi'sopera or in any of the Incogniti travesties.Octaviais entirely sympathetic, attempting no vengeful acts on her own behalf. Even
Poppaea has support from the people, and her conscience is far more active
85. J. P. Sullivan,Literatureand Politicsin theAge of Nero (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University
Press, 1985), 60-73.
86. Ibid., 71.
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TacitusIncognito 71
than it is in Tacitus or Busenello's libretto. Agrippinais relegated to ghostly
focuson
primarily
monologuesthat,althoughtheyreferto hermanyvillainies,
Nero's crimesand the day when he will "paywith his poisoned life" and "bow
his head beneath his enemy's sword."
L'incoronazionedi Poppeacertainlyborrowselements of its dramaticstructure from the Octavia. Their political messages, however, are entirely differ-
ent. In Poppea,the treatmentof womenandempireis completelyconsistent
with that in other Incogniti adaptations of Tacitus. Nerone is scarcely the
opera's sole villain. He faces serious competition from Poppea and at least
some challenge from Ottavia, Drusilla, and Ottone, all of whom indulge in
various amorous and political machinationsto achieve their respectivegoals.
Indeed, Nerone's generous behavior toward Ottone and Drusilla reflects
rathermore on his virtue than theirs.87Surprisingly,this Nerone is endowed
with some sense of princelymagnanimityand justice.
More important, the operatic Seneca is scarcelya stalwartdefender of either republicanismor wifelyvirtue.While Busenello may have imitatedthe dialogue between Nero and Seneca in the Octavia,the ideological implications
of this encounter are profoundlydifferent.88Busenello'sSeneca begins somewhat conventionally, arguing for reason over passion: "Emotion is an evil
advisorthat despiseslaws and disdainsreason" ("Consiglierscelleratoil sentimento / Ch'odio le leggi e la ragion disprezza").Yet, unlike his counterpart,
he is completely silent on the subject of Ottavia:he makesno mention of her
name, offers no defense of her virtue, and shows no concern about the sanctity of marriage.Nor can Seneca'swarningto Nerone that he may "annoythe
senate and the people" be construed as any but the feeblest gesture towardrepublicanism.Indeed, this Seneca'strue politics are clarifiedin his penultimate
speech to Nerone (act 1, scene 9):
Sianoinnocentii Regi,
sol di colpeillustri;
O s'aggravino
S'innocenzasi perde,
Perdassisol perguadagnare
i Regni,
Cheil peccatocommesso
Peraggrandir
l'Impero
Si assolvedase stesso;
Rulersshouldbe guiltless
Orguiltyonlyof illustrious
wrongs;
Innocenceshouldbe impaired
Onlyforconqueringrealms,
Forthe sincommitted
To extendan empire
Absolvesitself;
87. Fenlon and Milleruse Nerone's magnanimityin orderto present Drusillaas a representative of Neostoic constantia and thus establish her as the opera's heroine (Song of the Soul).
Drusilla,however, is scarcelyan unambiguous representativeof virtue:she conspiresin a plot to
kill Poppea and openly enjoysphysicalpleasurewith Ottone (despite the fact that he is marriedto
another.) Moreover, Nerone's commendation of Drusilla's"costanza"to Ottone has an important qualifier-she is to be an example to hersex (emphasisadded). Given the cleardifferentiation
between male and femalevirtuesin Incogniti writings,it is highly improbablethat Drusillawould
have been held up as a model of behaviorfor the virtuousmale.
88. See Rosand, "Seneca."
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72
Journalof theAmerican
Society
Musicological
Macheunafemminella
habbia
possanza
Di condurtiaglierrori,
Non e colpadi Rege,e Semideo,
E un misfattoplebeo.
Butwhena hussyis able
To leadyou into error,
Sucha wrongis not worthyof a
PrinceandDemigod,
Butis a plebiancrime.
The view of empire suggested here is no less than an endorsement of ragione di stato.Seneca'sposition could not be clearer:guilt or innocence, right
or wrong is determinednot by the nature of the crime itself, but ratherby its
politicalconsequences.Any sin committed in the name of empireis thus justified, and had Nerone ignored the senate and banished or killed Ottavia to
benefit Rome, there would have been no objections offered.89But Nerone's
sin is much greater,as Seneca's finalwords to him indicate. For by using the
derogatory "femminella"-scarcelya dignifiedchoice for so famous an orator
-Seneca condemns Nerone for a cardinalsin that necessarilycripplesempire:
vulnerabilityto the power of a woman. It scarcelymattersthat Busenello uses
Senecaratherthan Agrippinain this scene, for the messageabout women, empire, and ragione di stato is reiteratedthroughout the Incogniti travestiesof
Tacitus. In this context, Monteverdi'sidiosyncraticsetting of Seneca's advice
to Ottaviaseems all the more appropriate:the political necessityof ensuring
that she will accepther lot with nobilityand silenceis in no smallpart basedon
her gender-as is her lack of willingness to do so. When Nerone dismisses
Seneca only to lose himselfin the admirationof Poppea'sbreastsin the following scene, it is apparentthat Seneca'sphilosophicalteachingsfalterin the face
of eroticism and pleasure.Indeed, it is not surprisingthat at his most heroic
moment-his death-Seneca is firstmourned movingly by followerswho, like
the members of the Accademiadegli Incogniti, repeatedlyreject his philosophy of withdrawaland abstinencewith joyful song.90In this construction of
89. On Seneca'spolitics as representedin the opera, see also John Bokina, Operaand Politics:
FromMonteverdito Henze (New Haven, Conn.: YaleUniversityPress, 1997), 32-40.
90. For complementaryreadings of Seneca's representationin the opera, see Carter, "ReReading Poppea";Ketterer,"Neoplatonic Light"; and Robert Ketterer,"Militat omnis amans:
Ovidian Elegy in L'incoronazionedi Poppea,"Journal of the International Societyfor the Classical
Tradition4 (1998): 381-95. Both Carterand Kettererinvoke differingaspectsof the classicaltradition to supporta nonseriousview of Seneca. Carterquestions the "emotionalveracity"of "Non
morir, Seneca," comparing it to the somewhat frivolous "madrigaleamoroso" in Monteverdi's
EighthBookofMadrigals,"Non partir,ritrosetta."Carter'sinvocationof Lucien and the paradoxical encomia as a source of the opera's ironic tone is certainlycompatiblewith the Incogniti perspective. Kettererfinds irony in the inversion of Neoplatonic imagery and the influence of the
Ovidian elegy. Rosand notes the ambiguityin the music of Seneca's followers:"Seneca'ssuicide
had very specialresonance,particularlyin the context of his earliercharacterizationas an ambiguous mixtureof the lascivious,mercenary,pedanticsophist and the ascetic,moralproponent of reason againstpassion. It is an ambiguityintensifiedby the ambivalentreactionof Seneca'sfollowers
to the prospect of his death-their lamentationall too soon giving way to dissociationfrom the
act and renunciationof the tenets of stoicism"("Iro and the Interpretationof Il ritornod'Ulissein
patria,"Journal of Musicology7 [ 1989]: 159).
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Tacitus Incognito
73
the politicalSeneca,there is little persuasiveendorsementof the Neostoic
moralprogram,as arguedby FenlonandMiller,or supportof the republican
cause that one findsin the Octavia.
"Hor che Seneca e morto": Lucan, the Republic,
and the Art of Song
With the death of Seneca and the apparentdefeat of Senecan morality and
politics, the final episode of the Tacitist narrative explored in the other
Incogniti writingsis set in motion: Nerone, free to fulfillhis desires,banishes
(and eventuallymurders)Ottavia;and Poppea, protected by love and empowered by her voice, realizesher Agrippinianambition and becomes empress.As
in the other Incogniti treatmentsof Tacitus,bad empire and imperialpolitics
are linked to female sexuality. Only the troubling moral void of imperial
Rome, with its scarcityof worthy heroes and heroines, appearsto remain.
It is into this ethical vacuum-the immediate aftermathof Seneca's death
-that Busenello and Monteverdichoose to place what is perhapsthis opera's
boldest and most scandalousdistortionof history:a scene that unites all of the
most important themes explored in the writings of the Accademia degli
Incogniti and, at the same time, demonstratesthe power of music to contradict the historicalrecord and construct alternativemoral and ethicallessons of
the past. Nerone appearswith anothercourt writer,Lucano (the poet Lucan),
a hedonistic counterpartto his uncle Seneca. Notably, his rhetoric has a far
greater influence on the young emperor. The two men rejoice in Seneca's
death, exulting in Nerone's desire and Poppea's beauty,and transgressingthe
hazy boundariesof operaticverisimilitudewith actualsong. These are the first
twenty-two lines of act 2, scene 6 as they appearin the 1656 libretto:91
91. This discussionis based on the music and text as they appearin the Venice score (I-Vnm,
It. IV 439 [= 9963]) and Busenello'slibrettoprintedin Delle horeociose(1656); the versiontransmitted in the Naples score (I-Nc, Rari6.4.1) contains, in a differenthand, additionalmusic and
text for two other membersof Nero's court, Tigellinusand Petronius.While this extramusic was
likelynot composed by Monteverdi, Busenello did include the dialogue involvingTigellinusand
Petroniusin the only printedversionof the librettopublishedunder his own supervisionas partof
Dellehoreociose.For a modern edition that collatesthe Naples and Venetianmanuscripts,and for a
discussionof the authenticityissues, see Monteverdi, L'incoronazionedi Poppea,ed. Alan Curtis
(London: Novello, 1990); and Curtis, "La PoppeaImpasticciataor, Who Wrote the Music to
L'incoronazionedi Poppea(1643)?" this Journal 43 (1989): 23-54. On tonal allegory and authenticityin Poppea,see Eric Chafe, Monteverdi'sTonalLanguage (New York:Schirmer,1992),
289-308. On the various versions of the libretto, see also Paolo Fabbri, "New Sources for
Poppea,"Musicand Letters74 (1993): 16-23. It would appearthat the "earliest"versionsof the
scene included only Lucan and Nero. Petroniusand Tigellinus are not mentioned in the printed
scenarioof the opera (Venice:Pinelli, 1643), nor do they appearin the newly discoveredUdine libretto (La coronationedi Poppea,Udine, Biblioteca Comunale, 55), which Fabbrisuggests may
have been copied from a score (p. 23), as opposed to the "literarytradition"transmittedby Busenello's publishedtext in the 1656 Venetianlibretto and the other survivingmanuscriptlibrettos.
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74
Society
Musicological
Journalof theAmerican
Nerone:
Hor che Senecae morto
Cantiam,cantiamLucano
Amorosecanzoni
In lode d'unbelviso,
Chidi suamanoamornel corm'hi
inciso.
Nero:
Now thatSenecais dead
Letus sing,Lucan,let us sing
Amoroussongs
In praiseof thatbeautifulface,
Whichlove'sown handhasengraved
in myheart.
Lucano:
Cantiam,Signor,cantiamo
Di quelvisoridente,
Chespiraglorie,& influisceamori,
Di quelvisobeato
In cuil'Ideamigliorse stessapose,
E seppesdile nevi
Con novamaraviglia,
la granatiglia.
Animar,incarnar
Lucan:
Letus sing,Sir,let us sing
Of thatlaughingface,
Thatinspiresgloryandcausesloves;
Of thatblessedface
In whichthe bestideaalights,
Andcolorsthe snowywhiteness
Withnewglory,
To animateandembodythe passion
Nerone:
Cantiamdi quella bocca,
Nero:
Let us sing of that mouth
A cuil'India,e l'Arabia
flower.
To whichIndiaandArabia
Le perle consacrb,don6 gli odori.
Bestowed their pearlsand gave their
Bocca, ahi destin, che se ragiona, 6
ride,
Con invisibilarme punge, e all'alma
Dona felicita,mentre l'uccide.
Mouth, ah destiny,that if speaking
and laughing,
Woundswith invisibleweapons,
And gives joy to the soul while killing
Bocca, che se mi porge
Mouth, that when it seductively
offers me
Its tender redness
perfumes.
it.
Lasciveggiandoil tenero rubino
M'inebriail cordi nettareDivino.
withdivinenectar.
Inebriates
Despite the repeated mention of singing, Busenello organizes his text in
three discretespeeches and caststhem in straightforwardversisciolti,the standard poetry for speech, with no specificindicationsto the composer for lyric
expansion or duetting. First, Nerone reports the death of Seneca, invites
Lucano to sing with him, and suppliesthe subject:Poppea'sbeautyand allure.
Second, Lucano echoes Nerone's praise of Poppea's beauty. And third,
Nerone elaborateson this idea. After lauding Poppea's face, he then-invoking a familiartrope on Poppea explored by Pallavicinoin the passage cited
above--comments on the danger of Poppea's mouth, which both pleasures
and killsthe soul (see Ex. 2).
This is the most shocking scene of the entire opera. The finality of the
philosopher'sdeath is acknowledgedby a celebrationof sensualitymanifestin
the act of singing. Yet, while Busenello's text is suggestive, it is Monteverdi
who exploits the latent eroticism in the dialogue between Lucano and
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Tacitus Incognito
Example 2
75
Monteverdi,L'incoronazionedi Poppea,act 2, scene 5, mm. 1-33 (fols. 62r-63r)
Nerone
Or
Lucano
che Se-
ne-cu mor-
Can- tiam,
to,
can-
3
tiam Lu-
ca -
can-
no,
tiam,
Can- tiam,
can- tiam,
5
7
can-tiam Lu- ca- no
.
7
.
...
s
.
..
A- mo-
a-z-n
se can-
zo-
ro.
n1-edu
ni
In
lo-de
.
.
sCed
blv-
d'un bel
.
vi-
.sop
u
anA
so, Che di sua ma-no A-
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76
Journal of the American Musicological Society
Example 2 continued
12
A
---------~
mor
nel cor,
nel cor,
nel cor,
nel cor
15
m'ha in-ci-
so.
Can- tiam,
can- tiam,
Lucano
Can- tiam,
can- tiam, si- gno -
re,
18
can- tra-
2d
-mo
Di quel vi-
so ri-den- te, ri-
den-
-mo
Di quel vi-
so ri-den- te, ri-
den-
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Tacitus Incognito
77
Example 2 continued
22
- te,
Che spi- ra
-te,
rie,
glo-
24
P
t,
Che
L
'
spi- ra
w- It
rie,
glo-
che
#
ed
rie,
glo-
rie,
glo-
[,
,v
spi- ra
rie,
glo-
#
26
I J
II
i-
sce,
in- flu-
glo-
rie,
in- flu-
i- scea-mo-
che
spi- ra
ri,
che
spi- ra
rie,
glo-
glo-
rie, glo-
i- sceea
mo-
ri,
i- scea
mo- ri, che spi- ra
rie, ed
28
rie,ed in- flu-
glo-
in-
flu-
i-
sce,
in- flu-
che
glo-
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spi- ra
rie,
78
Journalof theAmerican
Society
Musicological
2 continued
Example
30
rie,
glo-
ed
rie,
glo-
in- flu- i- sce, in- flu-
.
che
spi- ra
rie,
glo-
rieced in- flu- i- sce,
glo-
32
i-
ri a- mo-
ri;
in- flu- i- sce-a-mo-
ri;
sce.a-mo-
can-
tiam,
can-tiam,
Nerone, alteringthe text (as he does so often in this and other works) almost
beyond recognition.92In Monteverdi'srecompositionof Busenello'slibretto,
Lucano must bear the responsibilityfor the most salaciouselements of the
scene; he is transformedby the composer from a perfect courtier-a flattering
yes-man who jovially mimics imperial heterosexual desire-into a veritable
source of erotic stimuli. From the outset, Monteverdi contrives for Nerone
and Lucano to share far more than their pleasurein Poppea; they also trade
off much of the text that Busenello had assignedindividually.The imperative
"cantiamo,"with which each speech begins, is transformedinto a sort of refrainaroundwhich the entirepassageis organizedand given literalrepresentation in the form of the duet between the two young men. Although Nerone
is the first to sing, it is Lucano who more often than not leads the emperor,
even supplying the burst of coloratura illustrating the word "cantiamo"
that Nerone eagerlyadaptsin his solo exaltationof Poppea'scharms.In mea92. See, for example, Rosand, "Iro and the Interpretation,"141-64. Notably, all of the surviving librettos feature this same distribution of the Nerone-Lucano speeches, except for the
aforementionedUdine libretto,which follows the organizationin the score.
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TacitusIncognito
79
sure16, Lucanojoinsin, andsingingtheirwaythroughLucano'sentiretext
aswellasthe firstthreelinesof Nerone'ssecondspeech,the two companions
imitateeachotherclosely,echoingcadencesat the fifth,comingtogetherfor
intensitywithathgenuineparallelduetting,matchingeachother'sincreasing
the twinpleasuresof songandsexuality.
leticvigor,andacknowledging
andunWiththe cadenceat measure73 (seeEx. 3), the boyishenthusiasm
qualifiedpraiseof Poppeacometo an abrupthalt,asdo allvestigesof convena new,slower
tionalvirtuosicdisplay.
Alwaysthe instigator,Lucanoestablishes
pace and deftlyaimsNerone'sattentionat the imageof Poppea'smouth.
Mesmerized,the youngemperoris arousedalmostto the pointof speechlessover a descendingtetraness, as he repeatsthe word "bocca"hypnotically
chordbetweenC andG (mm. 78-81). Thusstrandedin midphrase,
Nerone
is leftin agoniesof anticipated
pleasure,asLucanonot onlytakesoverthe enthe tetratirespeechoriginallydesignatedforNerone,but alsocommandeers
chord,compellingit to movebetweenG andD, the dominant(mm.81-84).
with its inherentlackof resoluHere,the insistentmotionof the tetrachord,
Lucanoention, surelyservesas a musicalequivalentfor eroticstimulation.93
couragesNeronein the pursuitof pleasure,alertinghimto the dangersof the
femalemouth,all the whiledemonstrating
his considerable
rhetoricalskillas
he progressesfrom largelysyllabicsingingto increasinglyextravagantand
floridvocalism.Throughoutthis passage(mm. 81-122), Nerone is completelyin Lucano'spower,still frozen,punctuatingeach repetitionof the
tetrachord
with a high-pitched,syncopatedmoanon d' andthe cry"ahidestino"thatascendsstepwiseto g' beforeresolvingdownstepwiseon f#' to coincidewiththe arrival
of the basson D (mm.92, 100, 112, 122). The destiny
to whichNeronerefersis surelynot only thatdeterminedby historyor the
willof the gods. Lucano'sacceleration
to quarternotesandfinalascentto the
high g' (mm. 113-15) seemto propelNeroneto stillgreaterexcitement:for
thesefinaltwo statementsof the tetrachord
(mm. 113-22), Nerone'scriesoccurwithgreaterregularity,
markingthe tetrachord's
midpointaswellasits descent (mm. 114, 118). As Lucano reachesthe goal of the speech-the
inebriating
powerof the "divinenectar"-he ceasesabruptlyin the midstof
the penultimatenote of the tetrachord,
an E now expandedto fillthreemeasures(mm. 119-21). Thusstimulatedby Lucano,Neroneis left to finishby
93. On Monteverdi'suse of the minor descending tetrachordfor laments, see Ellen Rosand,
"The Descending Tetrachord:Emblem of Lament," Musical Quarterly 65 (1979): 346-58.
Rosand observesthe waysin which "frustrationof expectation"and the resulting"heighteningof
tension" served Monteverdi and others so well in the craftingof laments (p. 349); this was no
doubt equallysuitablefor the representationof sexual arousal,perhapsanother form of lamentation. See also ReinhardMiiller, "Bassoostinato und die 'imitationedel Parlare'in Monteverdi's
Incoronazionedi Poppea,"Archivfiir Musikwissenschaft
40 (1983), 17-18. Miiller arguesthat the
ostinato servesas a "rhythmicallyneutralbasis"over which Monteverdican then createspeech appropriatefor drunken characters.This interpretation,however, takes no account of the highly
controlled and calculatedmannerin which Lucano directsNerone toward the climax.
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80
Journal of the American Musicological Society
Example 3 Monteverdi,L'incoronazionedi Poppea,act 2, scene 5, mm. 66-122 (fols. 64r-65r)
66
*
Nerone
.
can-
tiam
Lucano
can-
68
di quel- la boc- ca, A cui
tiam
Irn
di quel- la
-
-
boc- ca,
A
cui
-R=
70
l'In -
dia el'A- ra- bia Le per-
'In -
dia el'A- ra- bia Le per-
A
72 •:-
-
•'ve ke
le
do-
crb
le con- sa- cr
do-
II?jI
..I.'_
_
,IT,
-
nb glio-
do-
ri
nb
do-
ri
glio-
con- sa-
Boc-
Boc-
ca
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ca
I
.
Tacitus Incognito
81
Example 3 continued
78
boc- ca,
boc- ca
boc- ca
boc- ca
boc- ca,
boc- ca,
na
ri
che
83
Ahi
se
ra-
gio-
na
se
ra-
gio-
o
88
Ahi
Ahi
Con in- vi-
de,
si- bil
ahi
des- tin
ar- me pun-
ge,
e-
all'
al-
94
Ahi
-ma
Do-
na fe- li- ci-
ta
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men-
82
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
Example3 continued
98
A-
hi
des -
tin
r
tre
ci-
1'uc-
de.
Boc-
ca
boc- ca,
che
se
mi
103
Ahi
por-
ge
La- sci- veg-
gian-
106
Ahi
j
1WIj
&1
-do-
I
il
109
Ahi
te-
ne-
ro
te-
des-
ne- ro
ru-
tin
bi-
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no
M'i-
Tacitus Incognito
83
Example 3 continued
113
Ahi
ne-
115
A
Ahi
Ahi
briai ne- briail cor
di
net-
ta-
re,
net-
tar-
re
119
Ahi
net-
ta- re
di-
vi-
Ahi
Ahi des- ti- no
no
himself, and with one final drawn-out seriesof cries--"ahi, ahi, ahi destino,"
gaspingand pulsatingon the upper G-he finallyarrivesat the cadence.94
This is no ordinarytreatmentof a ground bass. Monteverdi'sunexpected
prolongationof the dominant for the penultimatenote of the tetrachordsupporting Nerone's feverish,syncopatedcriescreatesan unmistakableeffect: anticipatingmodern musicalprocedures,Monteverdihas provided Nerone and
Lucano with the musical representationof a sexual climax. Moreover, this is
94. EricChafe callsattention to the peculiarityof this passage,noting that this scene is "in my
opinion the most erotic composition in Monteverdi's oeuvre." He also observes that Lucano's
sudden turn to D minor in the subsequentpassage(ratherthan a returnto G major)has the effect
of "cooling" Nerone's passion (Monteverdi'sTonal Language, 304-5). Indeed, by this point
Nerone seems to have no need for furtherstimulation.
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84
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
the only instancein the operawherea systematicintensification
of tensionis
thus followedby an ecstaticrelease.The love duets betweenNerone and
or anticPoppeaor DamigellaandValetto,ladenastheyarewithremembered
ipatederoticpleasure,featureno such gradualbuildupto a point of arrival
Monteverdihasmarkedthe deathof
suggestiveof actualsexualgratification.
of maleintimacy,in whichhe celebrates
Senecawitha uniquedemonstration
the sensualin a homosocial-if not blatantlyhomoerotic-worldwhilesimultaneouslyprovidingsubtlewarningsaboutthe dangerof femalesexuality.
For membersof the AccademiadegliIncogniti,alreadyfamiliar
with such
eroticizedclassicsas Pona'sMessalina,
thisscenewouldhavebeena provocativeimprovisation
on variousstrandsof the historicaltradition.The treatment
of Nero is particularly
justifiedby the sources,allowingMonteverdiand
Busenello to demonstratetheir sensitivityto the problems of operatic
verisimilitude
andat the sametimethumbtheirnosesat Tacitus'sown moral
code. Nero, who singsso beautifullyin his duet with Lucan,was himselfa
singer,a factthatwon him littlepraisefromTacitusor othercontemporary
chroniclers.
Tacitus,Suetonius,andDio Cassiusallmakefrequentmentionof
Nero'spatronageof andparticipation
in literary,artistic,andmusicalevents,
but theylinktheseendeavorsto sexualdepravities
andinattentionto empire.
Suetonius,who includesNero'smusicalstudiesunderthe categoryof "follies
and crimes,"providesthe most detailabouthis trainingand obsessionwith
singing:the enemasandemeticsthathe usedto keephisweightdown,hisrelativelyweakvoice,andthe variousroles-both maleandfemale-thathe undertookin hisown ofteninterminable
theatrical
productions:
Musicformedpartof hischildhood
andhe earlydeveloped
a taste
curriculum,
forit. Soonafterhisaccession,
he summoned
the
Terpnus, greatest
lyre-player
of theday,to singto himwhendinnerhadended,forseveral
nightsin succession,untilverylate.Then,littlebylittle,hebeganto studyandpractice
himself,
andconscientiously
undertook
alltheusualexercises
forstrengthening
anddethe
voice.
His
first
was
at
veloping
where,disrestageappearance Neapolis
....
whichshookthetheater,
he sanghispiecethroughto
gardinganearthquake
the end.95
In Dio Cassius'sdescription
of Nero'spresumably
vocalperundistinguished
the
is
cheered
both
Burrus
and
who
stoodbeformances, emperor
Seneca,
by
sidehim,promptinghim and"wavingtheirarmsandtogasat everyutterance
of hisandleadingothersto do the same."96
TacitusalsoassociatesNero'smusicalinterestswiththe "wildestimproprieties,"manyof whichhe hadat leastcontrolledwhilehis mother,Agrippina,
wasalive.He condemnsthe "effeminate
gesturesandsongs,"the presenceof
prominentwomen in "indecentparts,"and the constructionof tavernsand
95. Suetonius, Life of Nero, 20.1-3; translationsfrom Suetonius, The TwelveCaesars,trans.
Robert Graves(London: Penguin Books, 1957).
96. Dio, Roman History,61.20.3.
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TacitusIncognito
85
placesof assignationthatwent handin handwith theater,whereeven good
peoplewereunableto behavewith modesty.97Tacitusdeploredallof Nero's
nonimperial
pastimes,includingchariotracingaswell as playingthe lyreand
singing.Theseactivitiesalsohadan unsavoryinfluenceon the imperialtroops
andwereassociatedbyTacituswithNero'stendencyto surroundhimselfwith
admiringyoungmen:
Hereeveryformof immorality
forattention,
andno chastity,
modcompeted
Theclimaxwastheemperor's
stage
esty,orvestigeof decencycouldsurvive.
notesto thetrainers
debut.Meticulously
betuninghislyre,he struckpractice
sidehim.A battalion
attended
withitsofficers. Now,too,wasformedthe
....Thesepowerful
knownastheAugustiani.
corpsof Romanknights
youngmen,
a dinof applause
maintained
bynatureorambition,
impudent
dayandnight,
divineepithets
onNero'sbeautyandvoice.98
showering
Moreover,Nero'ssingingwas,for Tacitus,the naturalconduitfor unnaturalsexualacts:
Atnightfall
thewoodsandhousesnearby
echoedwithsingingandblazedwith
Nero
was
andunnatural.
Buthe
lights.
already
corrupted
byeverylust,natural
nowrefuted
thatno further
waspossible
forhim.For
anysurmises
degradation
a fewdayslaterhewentthrougha formalweddingceremony
withoneof the
calledPythagoras.
Theemperor,
in thepresperverted
gang[theAugustiani]
enceof witnesses,put on the bridalveil. Dowry,marriage
bed,wedding
waspublicwhichevenin a natural
torches,allwerethere.Indeedeverything
unionis veiledby night.99
Tacitus'soutrageat Nero's participation
in such activitiescould not be
more evident.The art of singing,demonstrated
so vividlyin the duet with
withthe practiceof sodomy,a historical
detailthatcerLucano,wasassociated
would
not
have
and
his
as
Busenello
tainly
escaped
colleagues they experienced Monteverdi'srealizationof this scene. Followingso directlyon the
heelsof Seneca'sdeath,the implications
of the Nerone-Lucano
duet--froma
strict"Tacitist"
With
pointof view-seem relatively
straightforward. the eliminationof Seneca,all restraintsupon Nerone appearto havebeen removed.
Reasonyields to passion,which leads to the repudiationand murderof
Ottaviaand the coronationof Poppea;Nerone'sduet with Lucanomerely
hints at the numerousother imperialdebaucheriesof which Tacitusso
The improperbehaviorof the two young men, their
stronglydisapproved.
sheerdelightin singing,andtheirembraceof hedonismreflecttheirwholesale
of Stoicrestraint.
repudiation
Yetit is preciselythis link betweensong and eroticismthat demonstrates
the utterincompatibility
of suchmoralizingwith Incognitiphilosophiesand
Venice'sself-imageas a sanctuaryof eroticdelights.Are we to believethat
97. Tacitus,Annals, 14.15.
98. Ibid.
99. Ibid., 15.37.
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86
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
both composerandlibrettist,emulatingTacitus'smoralstanceandpreaching
someVenetianvarietyof Stoicism,wishedso vehementlyto condemnNerone
for morallaxitythattheywouldalsocondemnthe artof singingwithwhich
thatsensuality
wasassociated?
Thisscene,so ofteninterpreted
andstagedas a
bit of naughtyfrat-househorseplay,
commemorates
not only Seneca'sdeath
but-more important-the momentin whichNerone'sheterosexualdesire
forPoppeais mostgraphically
fulfilled,notablyin the contextof a homosocial
bond.100
It is the unmatchederoticismof Monteverdi's
musicthatmagically
transforms
a momentof lyricreflectionbetweentwo courtiersinto an almost
perfectmusicalrealizationof the sensualistdesires,patriarchal
politics,and
invokedin the writingsof theAccademia
misogynicwarningsrepeatedly
degli
Incogniti.As in the seductionof the youngAlcibiade,the earprovesto be the
mostdirectrouteto the pleasuresof the flesh.101
Nero andhis eroticpastimes,however,arebut one factorin thisunseemly
di Poppeawouldalsohaveknown
equation.The audienceof L'incoronazione
the complexhistoricalsignificance
of Nero'spartnerin vice,MarcusAnnaeus
Lucanus,who holdswithinhisidentityandreputationthe finalcluesasto the
fullrangeof Venetianidealsevokedin thisoperaticdistortionof Tacitisthistory.Bornin Cordoba,Spainin A.D.39, Lucanwas broughtto Romeat an
earlyage. Knownas a brilliantstudent,he wasin a particularly
advantageous
positionwhen his uncleSenecawas calledbackfromexile by Agrippinathe
Youngerto be tutorto her son Nero. Giventhe proximityin age of the two
boys,it wasonlynaturalthattheywouldbe throwntogether,withLucanbenefitingfrom Seneca'sprominentpositionat court.Whileprecisedetailsof
theirrelationship
areunknown,it is evidentthatLucanheldNero'sfavorand
waslikelyhis closefriendthroughoutthe earlysixties.An activeparticipant
in
the socialandliterarycirclesthatNero cultivated
in the earlyyearsof hisreign,
he sangthe emperor'spraisespubliclyandwasrewardedby politicalappointmentsunusualfor a manso young,allthe whileproducingpoetryandliteratureat a rapidrate.102
100. Nerone and Lucano's shared desire for Poppea can also be viewed as a reflection of
Nerone's attractionto Ottone's wife Poppea (a fundamentalimpetus for the plot), as stated by
Busenello in the argomento.In both cases, the result is what Sedgwick would describe as an
"erotic triangle"-i.e., a close bond between two men expressedthrough the desire of the same
woman (BetweenMen, 21-27).
101. This points out a fundamentalflaw in Fenlon and Miller'slogic. As Tim Carternotes
perceptively,"Fenlon and Miller never quite come to terms with a major problem of 'their relianceupon the musicalityof the human voice to ascertainthe true dispositionof the soul' " that is
deceived by falselove ("Re-ReadingPoppea,"186). If, as Fenlon and Millerargue,it is only "song
that cannot mislead" (p. 40)-a point surprisinglycompatible with aspects of Antonio Rocco's
views-then one cannot ignore the explicitendorsementof eroticism(and rejectionof Stoicism)
manifestin Monteverdi'ssetting of the duet between Nerone and Lucano.
102. Frederick M. Ahl, Lucan: An Introduction (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,
1976), 36-37.
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TacitusIncognito 87
There are, nonetheless, severalunsettling undercurrentsto this idyllic vision of male bonding that highlight the politicalimplicationsof Lucan'spresence in this highly sensual scene. First, the audience would have recognized
that Lucan'sintimacywith Nero was destined to be short-lived:he fell out of
Nero's favorin the year A.D.64, was banned from publishinghis own works
or speakingin public, and finally,like his uncle, was forced to commit suicide
in the aftermathof the Pisonianconspiracyin which he likelyplayeda primary
role.103Second, the use of Lucan in this scene with Nero is a strikingdistortion of Tacitus.Though Tacitushimselfwas clearlyno fan of Lucan's,expressing little respect for the young man's talent or courage, he presents Lucan
only as Nero's enemy, never linking him with any decadent activities.14With
less violence to history,Busenello could have chosen or invented any number
of charactersto join Nero in debaucheryand rejoicein Seneca'sdeath. In fact,
his addition of Petronius and Tigellinus to the second part of this scene in
the 1656 edition of the libretto was closer to Tacitus'sversion of the story.
Petronius,in particular,was a more likelycandidatefor Nero's partnerin sensual excess.105
This, however, was no casualhistoricalmiscalculation.For unlike Seneca,
the eternalmonarchistand stand-infor Agrippinain this opera, Lucanwas the
arch republicanand a declaredenemy of absolutism,whose politics were intrinsicallylinked to his poetry, and who, as a result, was to sufferthe harshest
sort of repression.Lucan's most famous survivingwork, Pharsalia (an epic
poem on Caesar'sdefeat of Pompey at Pharsalus),depicts the "death of the
Roman Republic."It is a document that has been describedas "subversive,"
written from the standpointof an "emotionalRepublican"whose increasingly
anti-imperialisttone certainlycost Lucan his freedom of speech and perhaps
his life as well.106Indeed, the differencein the politics of Lucan and Seneca
would scarcelyhave been lost on the Venetians.Seneca, as J. P. Sullivannotes,
wielded his influence within established institutions and believed (at least
theoretically)that imperialpower could be tempered by "mercy,compassion,
and moderation." Lucan, however, suffering under Nero's persecutions,
"projected in the Pharsalia a return to the oligarchic role of the upper
103. Tacitus,Annals, 15.48-74.
104. Ahl, Lucan, 37-38; on Nero's ban of Lucan, see also pp. 333-53. Tacitustells us, for
example, that Lucan willingly betrayedhis mother along with the other co-conspirators,yet he
also admitswith grudging admirationthat in his finalmoments Lucanrecitedpoetry for posterity
(Annals, 15.56-57 and 15.70.1).
105. Tigellinus,one of the commandersof the guard, rose to prominence afterthe death of
his predecessor,Burrus,in A.D.62 and is condemned by Tacitusfor leading Nero into furtherevil
(Annals, 14.57). Petronius, who is credited with the authorshipof the earliestsurvivingLatin
novel, Satyricon,is noted by Tacitusfor hedonism and, in particular,his role in Nero's circleof intimates as the "Arbiterof Taste,"instructingNero on all that was smartand elegant, and achieving fame through laziness ratherthan energy. Petroniuswas eventuallydenounced by a jealous
Tigellinus(Annals, 16.18-19).
106. Sullivan,Literatureand Politics,143.
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88
Journalof the American
Society
Musicological
classes."'07Identifying himself with the senatorialclass and opposed to the
principate,Lucan was the one figure in this opera whose political stance was
most compatiblewith Venetiansensibilities.
For Monteverdi and Busenello's contemporaries,Lucan, whose name was
synonymouswith the triumph of republicover empire, invoked far more unHe also appealed
ambiguouslypatrioticsentimentsthan Tacitusor Seneca.18os
to writers in the Accademia degli Incogniti; a contemporary translationof
Lucan's Pharsalia by Alberto Campani (1640) is even dedicated to the
founder of the Incogniti, GiovanniFrancescoLoredano.Yet members of the
Accademiadegli Incogniti do not repeatedlysubject Lucan'swritingsto travesty and exaggeration,as they did the works of Tacitus.Campani'stranslation
of Pharsaliais consecratedto the Republic of Venice, with effusivepraisefor
her perpetual peace, tranquillity,and invincibility.109Campani emphasizes
Lucan's importance as a political force in Nero's court and describeshim as
the idealinstructorfor all those committed to the preservationof the Venetian
Republic. For Venetian readerswho may have known the details of Lucan's
life only through Tacitus'slimited and unenthusiasticdiscussion,Campaniincludes a brief biographicalsketch of the poet based on Suetonius's Life of
Lucan, Statius'sSilvae,and Vacca'sLife of Lucan, describingNero's jealousy
of Lucan and the young poet's superiorityto the emperor both as oratorand
as poet.110Indeed, if Campaniwas fortunateenough actuallyto attend a per107. Ibid., 119. In Dissidenceand Literatureunder Nero, VasilyRudich presents an elegant
formulation of the differences between Seneca and Lucan: Seneca is the "immoral moralist"
(chap. 2), Lucanthe "moralimmoralist"(chap. 3).
108. Latin editions of Lucan's Pharsaliawere published in Venice beginning in the late fifteenth century,includingAnnei Lucani Bellorumcivilium scriptorisaccuratissimiPharsaliaautea
temporuminiuria difficilis (1511) and Annei Lvcani Bellorumciuilium scriptorisaccuratissimi
Pharsalia:Antea temporuminiuria difficiliset mendosa,nouissimeautem expolita(1520). Italian
translations appear in Venice beginning with Alberto Campani's Farsaglia poema heroicodi
LucanoDi M. Anneo Lucano(Venice:Sarzina,1640). Campani'sedition was followed in 1668 by
Paolo Abriani'sLaguerra civile,overoFarsagliadi M. Anneo Lucano(Venice:Hertz, 1668).
109. The title page to Campani'sedition readsas follows: "FARSAGLIA/ Poema Heroico /
DI M. ANNEO LUCANO / di Corduba / Divisa in Libri Dieci. / Trasportatain Lingua
Toscana/ in verso sciolto / DA ALBERTO CAMPANI/ FiorentinoLet. Pub. di Padova/ Con
la Vita di esso Lucano raccolta da diversi, / e con un breve Discorso dell'Eccellenza / sua
comparato a Virgilio, e di / questo suo Poema. / All'Illustrissimo, Sig. il Signor / GIO.
FRANCESCO LOREDANO / Nobile Veneto. [device] IN VENETIA, M DC XL. / [rule]
Presso il Sarzina/ Con licenza de' Superiori,e Privilegi."Campaniincludes the following consecration to Venice: "L'AUTORE / APPENDE, E CONSACRA DIVOTO, / QUESTA SUA
OPERA, / AL TEMPIO DELLA PERPETUA CONCORDIA, / E TRANQUILLA ETERNITA, / DELLA REPUBLICA VENETA; / INVITISSIMA, POTENTISSIMA, SERENISSIMA. / PER SEGNO / DI DOVUTA SERVITU; / PER TESTIMONIO / DI
RIVERENTE OSSERVANZA;/ E PER APPLAUSO, DI PERPETUA FELICITA."The edition includes numerous poems of praise for Campani by severalIncogniti members, including
Giulio Strozzi.
110. Campanitells us, for example,that it was Lucan'srecitationof his poem Orpheusthat incited Nero's jealousy.On the sourcesfor Lucan'sbiographyand the controversiesconcerning the
dating of Vacca'sbiography,see Ahl, Lucan, 333-53. As Ahl notes, Tacitus scarcelymakes any
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Tacitus Incognito
89
di Poppea,he likelywould not havebeen surformanceof L'incoronazione
prisedby Lucan'svirtuosityin the opera,forhe consideredLucanto be an exemplaryrhetorician,his "splendid,sumptuous,and vehement" style a
of Virgil.ForCampani,Lucanwas,as
complementto the "richmagnificence"
both poet andorator,a "maestrodi eloquenza"whosememorablestylewas
instructivefor all those involvedin Venetiangovernment:
Whereforeone can easilydeduce that Lucan certainlyhas the conceits, the amplifications,and the affects of Orators,thus one can call him an Orator;but he
has expressed them in verse, in phrases, and with episodes and poetic digressions; thus one can call him Poet. And thus for Senators,Lucan can be the master of eloquence with this advantage:that his maxims, models, and figures of
speech can be all the better impressedupon the memory, because the mind retains poetry much more easilythan prose. ... For, because of the useful things
that senatorscan learn from Lucan, he certainly,in my opinion, deserves to be
called the SenatorialPoet."'
Campaniwent on to define unequivocallyLucan'simportanceas a political
advisor for Venice and Venetians. In his translator's note to the reader,
Campaniexplainsthat he was drivento publish an Italianedition of Lucan because "of the particularusefulnessthat the intelligence of Lucan can bring to
free republics,"among which Venice herselfwas foremost.
Lucan'sintention in this poem ... is to restrainthe dignitariesof the city from
the civilwar with the exampleof Caesarand Pompey which so agitatedthe senate and the Roman people with discord and fury that they destroyed the foundations of that Republic. And one could say that this work [Pharsalia] flows
from that part of philosophy called politics, where it acts almost as a perpetual
invective againstthe desire to dominate that gives birth to sacrileges,assassinations, rapes,fires,destruction, and other innumerableevils."2
Busenello evidently admired Lucan for his republicanviews, for he was
later to use Lucan's Pharsalia as the primary source for his most blatantly
mention of Lucan'spoetry or politics. Busenello, however, would likely have been familiarwith
the detailsof Lucan'sbiographyeitherfrom these sourcesor directlyfrom Campani.
111. "Donde facilmentesi pu6 dedurre,che Lucano ha bene i Concetti, e l'amplificationi,e
gli affetti de gli Oratori,onde si pu6 chiamareOratore;ma gl'ha spiegati in verso, e frase,e con
episodii, e digressioniPoetiche, onde pu6 chiamarsiPoeta. E cosi Lucano pu6 essere a i Senatori
Maestro di Eloquenza con questo vantaggio;che i suoi precetti, e gli esemplari,e artificiidel suo
dire tanto meglio possono restareimpressenella memoria,quanto pidifacilmentela memoriasuol
ritenere il verso, che la prosa.... Che certo per queste utilitY,che possono da Lucano trarrei
Senatori questo Poeta al mio parere merita d'esser chiamato il Poeta Senatorio" (Campani,
Farsaglia,translator'snote to the reader).
112. "L'intentione di Lucano in questa Poema ...
di ritiraregl'ottimati delle Citti dalle
guerrecivilicon l'esempio di Cesare,e Pompeo, che con la discordia,e furoreagitaronotalmente
il Senato, e popolo Romano, che destrusseroda i fondamenti quellaRepublica.E si
pub dire, che
quest'Operasia un rivo di quellaparte di Filosofia,che si chiamaPolitica,dove e interferitaquasi
una invettivaperpetua,contro al desiderio di dominare, il quale a i cittadinipartorisceseditioni,
sacrilegii,ammazzamenti,rapine,incendii,destrutionidi cittadi,e altrimali innumerabili"(ibid.).
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90
Journalof the American
Society
Musicological
anti-imperialistlibretto, La prosperitiinfelicedi Giulio Cesaredittatore."3The
referenceto Caesaras dictatorrevealsthe opera'spoliticalprogram:a staunch
support of republicanismon the eve of the birth of empire, in which Pompey
is the worthy hero and Caesar'skiller,Brutus, is elevated to the heavens for
ridding Rome of her dictator.The connection between republicannostalgia
and Venetian patriotism is made explicit in the epilogue, in which Libertl
(Liberty) and Nettuno (Neptune) praise the invincible and unconquerable
Venice.114
Thus, in L'incoronazionedi Poppea, Lucano's republicanism stands for
Venice's own, a fact that lends his voice an oratoricaladvantagegranted no
other characterin the opera. Lucano is not only an accomplishedsinger and
Nerone's tutor on the pleasuresand dangersof the female mouth (surpassing
Seneca's pedantry and Poppea's considerableskill at both virtuosic singing
and sexualstimulation);he also carrieshis historywith him: that of a dissenting politicalvoice silencedby a tyrant,a covert championof republicanlibertas
in the midst of a corruptempire.His personaland public historythus provide
a strident counterpoint to Tacitus himself. With the duet of Nerone and
Lucano, the sexual and the political briefly merge in a single orgiastic encounter and are linked unforgettablyby Monteverdito the art of singing. We
should not be surprisedthat only Seneca'sdeath permitsthis complete sensual
and artisticfilfillment. As even the most Stoic commentatorsmust concede,
the pleasurablesensationsgeneratedin the ear by Lucano's shamelessarousal
of Nerone were intended for the listener'senjoyment, regardlessof Seneca's
ineffective interferenceor the apparentlack of an appropriatemoral frame.
That Nerone achieves a climax unmatched elsewhere in the opera certainly
more than hints at the Incogniti interestin the homoerotic as an alternativeto
the dangersof the female mouth. Indeed, the complete absence of a woman
from the scene seems to have allowed a certainpurity of expression-a brief
respite from the consequences of female power. As in Alcibiadefanciullo a
scola,this is the most plausiblesolution to the Venetiandilemma:both desire
and song without the danger of the female voice or body. Yet Lucano's appearancein this scene remindsus that the Venetiansstill regardedTacitusas a
politicaladvisor,and it is in this curiousmesh of politics and sexualitythat we
see the consequencesof history'sfirstencounterwith opera. In the context of
this operaticdiscourseon woman and empire, Nerone and Lucano construct,
albeit only momentarily,an alternativesociety,not unlike the Incogniti themselves:a male republic,devoted to artistryand sensualpleasure,dedicated to
freedom of expressionand patrioticservice,and committed to the exclusionof
women-however desirableor dangerous.
113. Busenello, Delle hore ociose.Giulio Cesarewas probably written after Poppea,for the
1646 season at the TeatroGrimani,but it was not publisheduntil 1656, when Busenellobrought
it out in Delle horeociose.It is unlikelythat it was performed,as the Venetiantheaterswere closed
in 1646. See Rosand, Operain Seventeenth-Century
Venice,136n.
114. Rosand, Operain Seventeenth-Century
Venice,136-37.
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Tacitus Incognito
91
Ellen Rosandhas wiselysuggestedthat Poppeacan be understoodas a
115The happyending,the celebrationof the coronationof
tale.""
"cautionary
Poppea,andthe lackof punishmentforviceor rewardforvirtueimpartmoral
lessons,properlyunderstoodonlyagainstthe backdropof history.Yet,which
historyis it to be?The versionretoldin thisoperais not properlyTacitus,nor
is it in anystrictsensea "Tacitisttext."Rather,it is Tacitus"incognito."An
of the finalepisodein a familiar
andoft-toldhistorical
Incognitireconstruction
narrative
in Incogniticircles,it describestwo generationsof corruptionand
in whichthe absolutismso anathemato theVenetians
was
politicalexpediency
linkedinextricably
to the powerand sexualityof suchwomen as Messalina,
Agrippina,and Poppaea,and throughwhichthe Republic,by contrast,was
identifiedandcelebrated
asa masculineentity.Indeed,it is perhapsfittingthat
the dangersof empirefoundexpressionthroughone of the Republic'smost
visibledemonstrations
of its manyfreedoms:opera.JustusLipsius,it turns
was
in
out,
prophetic describingTacitusas the idealinstructorfor those involvedin staterule,thoughhe couldscarcelyhaveanticipated
allthe waysin
whichVenetianmythologywouldhavesoughtto use him:to giveinstruction
on the appropriate
virtuesfor civic-mindedmen, to reaffirmthe political
of
the
of womenin publiclife,to celebrateman'sright
necessity
suppression
to artisticand sensualfulfillment,and to proclaimto the entireworldthat
Venice'spoliticalwisdomanderoticenticementssurpassed
all,eventhe glory
thatwasancientRome.
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Abstract
Thisessayconsidersopera'suse of a particular
historyin seventeenth-century
Venice:CorneliusTacitus'sAnnalsof theRomanEmpireas transformed
in
Monteverdi's
andBusenello'sL'incoronazione
di Poppea.In contrastwitha recent hypothesislinkingTacitus,Poppea,and the VenetianAccademiadegli
Incogniti with Neostoicism, this essay argues that the membersof the
Accademia
aspart
degliIncognitiusedTacitus'shistoryof the Julio-Claudians
of a highlyspecializedrepublicandiscourseon Venetianpoliticalsuperiority
andsensualpleasures.
AfterconsideringIncognitiphilosophiesandinterestin
the erotic in the context of Venetianpoliticalidealsand the influenceof
Tacituson politicaland moralthoughtin earlymodernEurope,this essay
di Poppeain the contextof severalothertreatmentsof
placesL'incoronazione
Tacitusproducedduringthe mid-seventeenthcenturyby Busenello'scolleaguesin the Accademiadegli Incogniti,in whichempireand the liabilities
of femalepowerare contrastedimplicitlywith Venice'smaleoligarchy.The
Venetianrejectionof Stoic philosophyand fascinationwith the erotic and
the patrioticplaythemselvesout in one of the opera'smost peculiardistortions of the historicalrecord-the scene followingthe death of Senecain
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96
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
whichthe philosopher's
nephew,the poet MarcusAnnaeusLucanus,known
in Veniceforhisrepublican
ideals,joinsthe emperorNeroin songto celebrate
his uncle'sdeathandPoppea'scharms.As transformed
sexubyMonteverdi's
sensual
allyexplicitmusic, Lucan'sendorsementof artisticself-expression,
freedom,and republicanidealsprovidesa criticalcounterpointto Senecan
andmoralrestraint-aviewthatwasfarmorecomsupportof the principate
patiblewithVenetianconcernsatmidcentury.
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