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New developments in the
post-Jungian field
Introduction
In university settings, it is my habit to begin lectures on analytical psychology,
especially to those not taking degrees in Jungian psychology, by asking those
present to do a simple association exercise to the word “Jung.” I ask them to
record the first three things that come to mind. From the (by now) 900þ
responses, I have found that the most frequently cited theme, words, concepts, or images have (in order) to do with (a) Freud, (b) psychoanalysis, and
(c) the Freud–Jung split. The next most frequently cited association concerns
(d) Jung’s anti-Semitism and alleged Nazi sympathies. Other matters raised
include (e) archetypes, (f) mysticism/philosophy/religion, and (g) animus and
anima.
Obviously, this is not properly empirical research. But if we “associate to”
the associations, we can see that there is a lingering doubt about the intellectual, scholarly, and ethical viability of taking an interest in Jung. Even so,
in these pages, I shall argue that there is more to the question of Jung and
Freud’s psychoanalysis than the oft-repeated story of two wrestling men.
Over the past decade, there has been increasing clinical and academic
interest in analytical psychology in non-Jungian circles, in spite of the fact
that its core texts are not effectively represented on official reading lists and
curriculum descriptions. Outside of this interest, though, Jung is mentioned
primarily as an important schismatic in the history of psychoanalysis and
not as a contributor worthy of sustained and systematic study in his own
right. Although many psychoanalysts pass over his name in silence, many
therapists – and not just Jungian – have “discovered” Jung to have been a
major contributor to what appears now as cutting-edge new developments
in clinical work. In this chapter, I shall suggest that Jung’s ideas merit a
place in their own right in general clinical training in psychotherapy and in
the contemporary academy. I shall also explain how I see the overall shape
of the post-Jungian field via two classifications of the field into schools of
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analytical psychology. The first of these summarizes the proposal I made
back in 1985 in Jung and the Post-Jungians; the second is more contemporary and more provocative.
The “Jung” problem
It is impossible to make this argument without first exploring the cultural
and intellectual contexts in which it is mounted. Until recently, Jung has
been “banished comprehensively” from academic life, borrow a phrase used
by the distinguished psychologist Liam Hudson (1983) in a review of a
collection of Jung’s writings. Let us try to understand why it is so.
First, the secret “committee” set up by Freud and Jones in 1912 to defend
the cause of “true” psychoanalysis spent a good deal of time and energy on
disparaging Jung. The fall-out from this historical moment has taken a very
long time to evaporate and has meant that Jung’s ideas have been slow to
penetrate psychoanalytic circles and hence have not been welcomed in the
academy whose preferred depth psychology – certainly in the humanities
and social sciences – has been Freudian and post-Freudian psychoanalysis.
Second, Jung’s anti-Semitic writings and misguided involvements in the
professional politics of psychotherapy in Germany in the 1930s have,
understandably in my view, made it almost impossible for Holocaust-aware
psychologists – both Jewish and non-Jewish – to generate a positive attitude
to his theories. Some portions of the early Jungian community refused to
acknowledge that there was any substance to the charges held against him,
and even withheld information that they deemed unsuitable for the public
domain. Such evasions only served to prolong a problem which must be faced
squarely. Present-day Jungians are now addressing the issue, and assessing it
both in the context of his time and in relation to his work as a whole.1
Third, Jung’s attitudes to women, blacks, so-called “primitive” cultures,
and so forth are now outmoded and unacceptable. It is not sufficient to
assert that he intended them to be taken metaphorically – not least because
this may not have been how he intended his writing to be taken! We can
now see how Jung converted prejudice into theory, and translated his
perception of what was current into something supposed to be eternally
valid. Here, too, it has turned out to be the work of the post-Jungians that
has discovered these mistakes and contradictions and corrected Jung’s
faulty or amateur methods. When these corrections are made, one can see
that Jung had a remarkable capacity to intuit the themes and areas with
which late twentieth-century and early twenty-first-century psychology
would be concerned: gender; race; nationalism; cultural analysis; the perseverance, reappearance, and socio-political power of religious mentality in
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an apparently irreligious epoch; the unending search for meaning – all of
these have turned out to be the problematics with which psychology has had
to concern itself. Recognizing the soundness of Jung’s intuitive vision
facilitates a more interested but no less critical return to his texts. This is
what is meant by “post-Jungian”: correction of Jung’s work and also critical
distance from it.
Jung and Freud
The break in relations between Jung and Freud is usually presented in
introductory, and even in more advanced texts, as stemming from a father–
son power struggle and Jung’s inability to come to terms with what is
involved in human psychosexuality. On the surface of the Oedipus myth, the
father’s son-complex is not nearly as easy to access as the son’s fathercomplex. It is tempting to forget Laius’ infanticidal impulses and so we do
not see much analysis-at-a-distance of Freud’s motives. And yet I believe that
Freud’s actions and intentions toward Jung played at least as large a role as
did Jung’s toward Freud in bringing about their split and subsequent rivalry.
As far as Jung’s angle on sexuality is concerned, the fact that much of the
content of his 1912 breakaway book Wandlungen und Symbolen der Libido –
originally translated as Psychology of the Unconscious (CW B) – concerns
an interpretation of the incest motif and of incest fantasy is usually overlooked. The book is highly pertinent to an understanding of family process
and the way in which events in the outer family cohere into what might
be called an inner family. In other words, the book now called Symbols of
Transformation (CW 5) is not an experience-distant text. It asks, How do
humans grow, from a psychological point of view? It answers that they
grow by internalizing – that is, “taking inside themselves” – qualities,
attributes, and styles of life that they have not yet managed to master on
their own. From where does this new stuff come? From the parents or other
caretakers, of course. But how does it happen? Characteristic of the human
sexual drive is the impossibility for any person to remain indifferent to
another who is the recipient of sexual fantasy or the source of desire. Incestfuelled desire is implicated in the kind of human love that healthy family
process cannot do without. A degree of sexualized interest between parents
and children that is not acted out – and which must remain on the level of
incest fantasy – is necessary for the two individuals in a situation where
each cannot avoid the other. “Kinship libido,” as Jung named this interest,
is a necessity for internalizing the good experiences of early life.
This account of Jung’s early interest in family incest themes challenges
the assumption of a vast difference between Jung and Freud’s foci. The
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scene is then set for a linkage of Jungian ideas with other critically
important psychoanalytic notions, such as Jean Laplanche’s (1989) theory
of the centrality of seduction in early development. In a more clinical vein,
Jung’s incest theory leads us to understand child sexual abuse as a damaging
degeneration of a healthy and necessary engagement with “incest fantasy.”
Situating child sexual abuse on a spectrum of expectable human behavior in
this way helps to reduce the understandable moral panic that inhibits
constructive thinking about the topic and opens the way for its troubling
ubiquity to be investigated.
Jung’s contribution to psychoanalysis and psychotherapy
Most contemporary psychotherapists accept the idea that Freud’s ideas and
theories undergird modern practices. However, post-Freudian psychoanalysis
has gone on to revise, repudiate, and extend a great many of Freud’s seminal
ideas. Ironically, as a result of these critiques, many positions of contemporary psychoanalysis are reminiscent of those taken by Jung in earlier
years. This is not to say that Jung himself is responsible for what is most
interesting about contemporary psychoanalysis, or that he worked these
things out in as much detail as the psychoanalytic thinkers concerned. But,
as Paul Roazen (1976, p. 272) has pointed out, “Few responsible figures in
psychoanalysis would be disturbed today if an analyst were to present views
identical to Jung’s in 1913.” To explicate this claim, I explain twelve vital
psychoanalytic issues in which Jung can be seen as a precursor of recent
developments of “post-Freudian” psychoanalysis. The list that follows
culminates in an extended discussion of Jung’s pioneering role in what is
now known as Relational Psychoanalysis.
(1) While Freud’s Oedipal psychology is father-centered and is not
relevant to a period earlier than about the age of four, Jung provided
a mother-based psychology in which influence is often traced back
much earlier, even to pre-natal events. For this reason, he may be seen
as a precursor of the work of Melanie Klein, of the British School of
object relations theorists such as Fairbairn, Winnicott, Guntrip, and
Balint, and, given the theory of archetypes (of which more in a
moment), of Bowlby’s ethologically inspired work on attachment.
Post-Jungians, such as Knox (2003) and Wilkinson (2006) have shown
how Jungian archetypal theory anticipates and expands neuroscientific
research into the centrality of early relationships. Jung’s theories are
useful also for re-conceptualizing psychotherapy from a neuroscientific
perspective.
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(2) In Freud’s view, the unconscious is created by repression, a personal
process derived from lived experience. In Jung’s view, the unconscious
has a collective base which means that innate structures greatly affect,
and perhaps determine, its contents. Not only post-Jungians are
concerned with such innate unconscious structures. In the work of
psychoanalysts such as Klein, Lacan, Spitz, and Bowlby one finds the
same emphasis on pre-structuralization of the unconscious. That the
unconscious is structured like a language (Lacan’s view) could easily
have been stated by Jung. A nuanced post-Jungian review of these ideas
is Hogenson (2004).
(3) Freud’s view of human psychology is a bleak one and, given the history
of the twentieth century, it seems reasonable. But Jung’s early insistence
that there is a creative, purposive, non-destructive core of the human
psyche finds echoes and resonances in the work of psychoanalytic writers
like Milner and Rycroft, and in Winnicott’s work on play. Similar links
can be made with the great pioneers of humanistic psychology such as
Rogers and Maslow. Jung’s argument that the psyche has knowledge of
what is good for it, a capacity to regulate itself, and even to heal itself,
takes us to the heart of contemporary expositions of the “true self” such
as that found in Bollas’s recent work, to give only one example. Stein
(1996) offers a good example of a post-Jungian perspective on meaning
and purpose.
(4) Jung’s attitude to psychological symptoms was that they should be
looked at not exclusively in a causal-reductive manner but also in terms
of their hidden meanings for the patient – even in terms of what the
symptom is “for.”2 This anticipates the school of existential analysis
and the work of some British psychoanalysts such as Rycroft and
Home. Cambray (2004) offers a fascinating post-Jungian view of noncausal approaches to psychopathology.
(5) In contemporary psychoanalysis, there has been a move away from what
are called male-dominated, patriarchal, and phallocentric approaches; in
psychology and psychotherapy alike, more attention is being paid to the
“feminine” (whatever might be meant by this). In the past two decades,
feminist psychoanalysis and psychotherapy have come into being. There is
little doubt that Jung’s “feminine” is a man’s “feminine,” but parallels
between feminist-influenced psychoanalysis and gender-sensitive Jungian
and post-Jungian analytical psychology may be drawn (see Kast, 2006, for
an up-to-date account of animus/anima theory).
(6) The ego has been moved away from the center of the theoretical and the
therapeutic projects of psychoanalysis. Lacan’s decentering of the ego
exposes as delusive the fantasy of mastery and unification of the
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personality, and Kohut’s working out of a bipolar self also extends well
beyond the confines of rational, orderly ego-hood. The recognition of a
non-ego integration of dissociated states is anticipated by Jung’s theory
of Self: the totality of psychic processes, somehow “bigger” than ego and
carrying humanity’s apparatus of aspiration and imagination. Corbett
(1996) offers a well-researched and argued account of Jung’s notion
of Self.
(7) The deposing of the ego has also created a space for what might be called
“sub-personalities.” Jung’s theory of complexes, which he referred to as
“splinter psyches,” fills out contemporary models of dissociation
(Samuels, Shorter, and Plaut, 1986, pp. 33–35). We can compare Jung’s
tendency to personify the inner divisions of the psyche with Winnicott’s
true and false selves, and with Eric Berne’s “transactional analysis”
wherein ego, id, and superego are understood as relatively autonomous.
Guided fantasy, Gestalt work, and visualization would be scarcely
conceivable without Jung’s contribution: “active imagination” describes a
temporary suspension of ego control, a “dropping down” into the
unconscious, and a careful notation of what one finds, whether by
reflection or some kind of artistic self-expression.
(8) Many contemporary psychoanalysts hold a strong distinction between
ideas like “mental health,” “sanity,” and “genitality,” on the one hand,
and, on the other, the idea of “individuation.” The difference is between
psychological norms of adaptation, themselves a microcosm of societal
values, and an ethic which prizes individual variation more highly than
adherence to the norm. Although Jung’s cultural values have sometimes
been criticized as elitist, he is the great writer on individuation.
Psychoanalytic writers on these themes include Winnicott, Milner, and
Erikson. Fierz (1991) shows the relevance of these perspectives to
contemporary psychiatry and psychotherapy.
(9) Jung was a psychiatrist and retained an interest in psychosis all his life.
From his earliest clinical work with patients at the Burghölzli hospital
in Zurich, he argued that schizophrenic phenomena have meanings
which a sensitive therapist can elucidate. In this regard, he anticipates
R. D. Laing and the anti-psychiatry movement of the 1960s. Jung’s final
position on schizophrenia, in 1958, was that there may be some kind of
biochemical “toxin” involved in the serious psychoses that would
suggest a genetic element. However, Jung felt that this genetic element
would do no more than give an individual a predisposition with which
life’s events would interact leading to a favorable or unfavorable
outcome. Here, we see an anticipation of today’s psycho-bio-social
approach to schizophrenia and borderline personality disorder.
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(10) Until recently very few psychoanalysts have created a whole-of-life
psychology, one that would include the fulcrum events of mid-life, old
age, and impending death. Jung did. Developmentalists like Levinson,
as well as those who explore the psychology of death and dying (such
as Kübler-Ross and Parkes), all acknowledge Jung’s very prescient
contribution.
(11) Finally, although Jung thought that children have distinct personalities
from birth, his idea that problems in childhood may be traced to the
“unlived psychological life of the parents” (CW 10, p. 25) anticipates
many findings of family therapy.
(12) This much longer concluding section concerns Jung’s approach to
clinical work. Relational Psychoanalysis emphasizes a two-person
psychology and intersubjective influences on unconscious relating.
Historians of this relatively new and increasingly influential school have
begun to acknowledge Jung as a pioneering influence (e.g. Altman,
2005). Ironically, however, there has been little direct contact between
Relationalists and Jungians, probably due to the fallout from the Freud–
Jung split. Contemporary post-Jungian analysts (e.g. Samuels et al.,
2000) have little difficulty in resonating with many of the ideas and
practices evolving within the tradition of relational psychoanalysis.
Jung asserted that analysis was a “dialectical process,” intending to
highlight the fact that two people are involved in a relationship, that
emotionally charged interactions between them are two-way, and that, in
the deepest sense, they are to be conceived of as equals (CW 16, p. 8).
Analysis, Jung goes on to say, is “an encounter, a discussion between two
psychic wholes in which knowledge is used only as a tool.” The analyst is a
“fellow participant in the analysis.” Jung’s focus was often on “the real
relationship” (cf. the psychoanalytic text by Greenson, 1967), making his
point in very challenging terms: “In reality everything depends on the man
[sic] and little on the method” (CW 13, p. 7).
Jung’s perspectives have encouraged post-Jungian analysts to explore
the extent to which they themselves are “wounded healers,” bringing their
strengths and weaknesses to the therapy situation (see Samuels, 1985,
pp. 173–206).
As early as 1929, Jung was arguing for the clinical usefulness of what
has come to be called the “countertransference” – the analyst’s subjective
response to the analysand. “You can exert no influence if you are not subject
to influence,” he wrote, and “the countertransference is an important organ
of information” (CW 16, pp. 70–72). Clinicians reading this chapter with a
knowledge of psychoanalysis will know how contemporary psychoanalysis
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has rejected Freud’s overly harsh assessment in 1910 (Freud, 1910,
pp. 139–151) of the countertransference. Freud claimed it was “the analyst’s
own complexes and internal resistances” and hence as something to be got
rid of. Jung is, in contradistinction, one of the important pioneers of the
clinical use of countertransference, along with Heimann, Little, Mitchell,
Winnicott, Sandler, Searles, Langs, and Casement.
The clinical interaction of analyst and analysand, once regarded as the
analyst’s objective or neutral perceptions and the analysand’s subjective
ones, is now regarded primarily as a mutually transforming interaction. The
analyst’s personality and ethical position are no less involved in the process
than his or her professional technique. The real relationship and the
therapeutic alliance weave in and out of the transference/countertransference dynamics. The term for this is “intersubjectivity” and Jung’s
alchemical model for the analytical process is an intersubjective one.3 In this
area, Jung’s ideas share common ground with the diverse views of Atwood
and Stolorow, Benjamin, Greenson, Kohut, Lomas, Mitchell, and Alice
Miller.
Let me restate the intention of providing this catalogue raisonnée of
Jung’s role as a pioneering figure in contemporary psychotherapy. Recall
that Jung has been called a charlatan and a markedly inferior thinker to
Freud. It is by now reasonable to claim that it is clearly time that the
disciplines of psychiatry, psychotherapy, and psychoanalysis recognized
Jung’s valuable contributions. A major aim of this volume is to situate his
ideas squarely within the mainstream of contemporary psychoanalysis
without losing their specificity.
The post-Jungians
What does the term “post-Jungian” mean and what is the state of the field?
Since Jung’s death in 1961 there has been an explosion of creative professional activity in analytical psychology. In 1985 (Samuels, 1985) I coined
the term “post-Jungian.” I did not have post-modernism in mind at all.
I was borrowing from a (then) well-known book called Freud and the PostFreudians (Brown, 1961). I meant to indicate a connection to, and a critical
distance from, Jung. The key word is “critical.” If I were to write my book
again I would include “critical” in the title to emphasize the distance
I intended alongside the overt membership of the Jungian world.
I needed to find a way of describing analytical psychology because the
then current classifications were so problematic. People referred to two
schools of analytical psychology as the “London” and “Zurich” schools
after the cities of their origins. But geography was useless as a means of
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classifying what was going on. Even in the 1980s, and certainly in the
1990s, there were London school analysts and Zurich school analysts all
over the world who had never been anywhere near London or Zurich.
Moreover, as there are four Jungian societies in the city of London, to refer
to what goes on in all of them as “London” was inaccurate and, to some,
offensive – for they display huge differences of outlook and practice, which
is one reason why there are four of them.
Another belief that was prevalent in the 1980s and 1990s was that there
was a divide between “symbolic” and “clinical” approaches to analytical
psychology. This divide, as Zinkin (personal communication, 1983) wisely
pointed out, was undermining of the field because no self-respecting Jungian
was going to say that he or she did not work symbolically and no clinician
could not be clinical! And so this troubling distinction needed to be
amended into a useful set of categories. What I did in Jung and the PostJungians (Samuels, 1985) was to assume that all of the schools of analytical
psychology knew about and made use of all the ideas and practices available through Jungian psychology. I emphasized key prioritizing and
weighting within each of three rather different schools, which are connected
by virtue of the fact that they are, to some degree, competitive with each
other.
I admitted openly that the schools are creative fictions, that there is a
huge amount of overlapping, and that in many respects it was the patients
who had constructed the schools as much as the analysts.
To summarize: I sorted analytical psychology into three schools: (1) the
classical school, consciously working in Jung’s tradition, with a focus on
the self and individuation. I made the point that one should not equate
classical with stuck or rigid. There can easily be evolutions within something classical; (2) the developmental school, which has a specific focus
on the effects of infancy and childhood on the evolution of adult personality, and an equally stringent emphasis on the analysis of transference/
countertransference dynamics in clinical work. The developmental school
maintains a close relationship with object relations psychoanalysis (although
the rapprochement is mostly one-way, with an indifference towards the
Jungians); and (3) the archetypal school plays (in the most profound sense)
with and explores images in therapy, paying the greatest respect to images
just as they are without seeking an interpretive conclusion. The notion of
soul, developed by the archetypal school, suggests the deepening that permits a mere event to become a significant experience.
This classification was, in fact, prompted by my own confusion as a then
beginner in a field that seemed utterly chaotic and without maps, aids, or
companions as the various groups fell out, split, and, in some cases, split
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again. I intended to indicate some connection to Jung and the traditions of
thought and practice that had grown up around his name, and also some
distance or differentiation. In order to delineate “post-Jungian” analytical
psychology, I adopted a pluralistic methodology in which dispute rather
than consensus would define the field. Analytical psychology could then be
defined by the debates and arguments and not by the core of commonly
agreed ideas. A post-Jungian could thus be interested in and energized by
the various debates on the basis of clinical interests, intellectual exploration,
or a combination of these.
My threefold classification arose from a detailed examination of statements and articles written by post-Jungians which had a self-defining intent.
Such polemical articles reveal more clearly than most what the lines of
disagreement are within the Jungian and post-Jungian community. I have
suggested elsewhere (Samuels, 1989) that argument and competition are
more often than not the case in psychoanalysis and depth psychology.4 The
history of psychoanalysis, especially the new, revisionist histories now
appearing, show this tendency rather clearly.
For example, the following comes from Gerhard Adler, whom I regard as
an exponent of the classical school:
We put the main emphasis on symbolic transformation. I would like to quote
what Jung says in a letter to P. W. Martin (20/8/45): “. . . the main interest in
my work is with the approach to the numinous . . . but the fact is that the
numinous is the real therapy.”5
Next is an extract from an editorial introduction to a group of papers
published in London by members of the developmental school:
The recognition of transference as such was the first subject to become a
central one for clinical preoccupation . . . Then, as anxiety about this began to
diminish with the acquisition of increased skill and experience, countertransference became a subject that could be tackled. Finally . . . the transaction
involved is most suitably termed transference/countertransference.
(Fordham et al., 1974, p. x)
And, finally, here is a statement from Hillman, speaking for the archetypal school of which he is the founder:
At the most basic level of reality are fantasy images. These images are the
primary activity of consciousness . . . Images are the only reality we apprehend
directly.
(Hillman, 1975, p. 174)
Arising from the process of competition and bargaining, weighting and
prioritizing, those distinct and opposing claims should, we may imagine
an analyst or therapist who can hold in mind all these views, be used in
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