Academia.eduAcademia.edu

Some Measures of the Scale of Pretendianism in the United States

2022

During the first week's sessions of the Unsettling Genealogies Conference organized by Prof. Gordon Henry (MSU), members of the audience asked what the scope of Pretendianism, race shifting, pseudo-Indians, and self-indigenization, etc. is in the United States. I pulled together some figures from materials close at hand for easy access. I have added Lianna Costantino's information on the 2010 census. I imagine other presenters will add some additional measures, and I anticipate that Darryl Leroux will speak directly to Canadian circumstances.

Some Measures of the Scale of Pretendianism in the United States Brian D. Haley, State University of New York College at Oneonta [email protected] March 2022 During the first week’s sessions of the Unsettling Genealogies Conference organized by Prof. Gordon Henry, members of the audience asked what the scope of Pretendianism, race shifting, pseudo-Indians, and self-indigenization, etc. is in the United States. I pulled together some figures from materials close at hand for easy access. I imagine other presenters will add some additional measures, and I anticipate that Darryl Leroux will speak directly to Canadian circumstances. What to measure Some caveats are needed first. There may be no perfect term for the phenomenon being discussed at Unsettling Genealogies. The terms in use do not all imply precisely the same thing and could lead to different measures. Pretendian implies dishonest intent, which can only sometimes be proven. It is useful to critique the academy, where intellectual honesty is essential. But the implication of dishonesty clashes with evidence from major case studies, including the neo-Chumash in California (O’Connor 1988; Haley & Wilcoxon 1997, 2005; Haley 2005) and Cherokee race shifters (Sturm 2011). Those studies reveal genuine belief in Native ancestry is part of a retooling of lives around new values and new social networks. Race shifter poorly fits cases involving mixed or ambiguous racialization (e.g., most Latino/Hispanic examples, see Haley 2009) or immigrating Western Hemisphere indigenes, or, indeed, anyone from outside the United States who escaped U.S. racialization as a result. Selfidentifier highlights evading acceptance by Native communities, but neglects the external validation that is important even in these cases. Demographers and others tracking becoming Indian have used terms like new Indian or neo-Indian. All these terms have their uses, but what is easiest to count are instances of identity change and the creation of formal organizations. Census measures Although becoming Indian has earlier roots (see., e.g., Haley 2018), it became a mass social phenomenon in the late 1960s (Deloria 1998; Haley, unpublished ms) after which it caught the attention of Census Bureau. Jeffrey Passel (1997) concluded that 46 percent of the increase in Native American population from 1960 through 1990 consisted of people changing their mode of ethnic/racial identification. With a 2 million American Indian/Alaskan Native population in 1990, Passel’s calculation suggests that 0.65 million Americans were neo-Indians in 1990. This is a true mass movement. 1 v. 2 Carolyn Liebler and colleagues analyzed the 2000 census. Liebler and Zacher (2013) note that one sixth of single race American Indians and one third of multiple race American Indians did not report a tribal affiliation in 2000. This suggests nearly 1 million Americans identifying as Native lacked an affiliation with a tribe. Liebler and Ortyl (2014) report 1.25 million people identified as American Indian in 2000 above the values predicted would occur from births to Native women in the 1990 census (which, remember, already included potentially 0.65 million neo-Indians whose children born after 1990 would need to be added to this 1.25 million.). New Indians in 2000 were more likely to be highly educated, Latinos, or women than in 1990. The federal government’s acceptance of “Latino Native Americans” of South and Central American origin as American Indian in 1997 exacerbated growth from 383,000 Latinos identifying as Native American in 1990 to 956,000 in 2000. In 2000, neo-Indians were present everywhere, but concentrated among whites in the Midwest and Latinos in Texas and California. I do not currently have comparable studies from the 2010 or 2020 censuses. But Lianna Costantino reported during the conference that there was an 86 percent increase in Cherokee selfidentification from 2000 to 2010 in the Federal census. This matches the national rate for new Indians in Passel’s data from 1960 to 1990 (255 percent). The analyses above suggest a neo-Indian phenomenon in the United States approaching two million people in the early 2000s. Not all of these are actively appropriating from Native communities. But even those who are not constitute a reservoir of potential threats to Native peoples. Other measures Sturm’s (2011) tallies of self-identified Cherokee organizations and state recognized tribes (Cherokee plus others) are other useful measures. She counted 238 of the former and 62 of the latter. These must vary in size and history. One could count self-identified Native organizations anywhere in the country, but in California there are historical Mission Indian communities who lack federal recognition (there is no state recognition), and 501c3 tax exempt status is one of their few options. The neo-Chumash have their own 501c3 organizations. Only people who examine their histories can tell them apart. I know only of rough estimates for how many neo-Indians there are in academia. My research suggests its growth began about a decade after neo-Indianism appeared among the working class. Sarah Viren (2021) cites Bill Cross’s estimate that two-thirds of AIAN faculty probably are not Native. Jacqueline Keeler’s ongoing project will give a better sense of the scope, but all signs indicate that it is larger than any single researcher can hope to fully document. Like many others, I have documented neo-Indian faculty—including clear-cut Pretendians—at every institution I’ve been affiliated with. Tricks with Genetic Genealogy Where records allow, family history methods permit very precise documentation, but the work is time intensive (Haley and Wilcoxon 2005; Leroux 2019; Keeler’s project). The popularity of online genealogy and DNA testing opens another window for someone like me who is non-Native. I analyzed a set of my own genealogical and genetic matches from several 2 v. 2 sites where I could view evidence my biological kin had shared. The analysis is crude but effective. Just don’t neglect Prof. Tallbear’s cautions regarding DNA. I pulled together a list of 391 people who 1) share ancestry with me, 2) claim Native ancestry, 3) posted geographical autosomal DNA results, 4) and posted a family tree identifying the alleged ancestors. These cousins assert nearly 50 tribal identities, with Cherokee leading the list on both my maternal and paternal sides. I checked the family history evidence, and compared the strength of Western Hemisphere DNA markers (if any) with the genealogical distance to the purported ancestor. Of those 391 cousins, 15 had clear or probable tribal affiliation or recent ancestry. 90 percent had no North American markers in their DNA samples, but 34 percent would not be expected to due to the distance to the alleged Native ancestor (more than 6 generations). That means that 56 to 90 percent of these 391 cousins claiming Native ancestry do not have it. Regardless of ancestry, the higher figure is a better estimate of neo-Indianism in this sample, because distant ancestry does not equal present community affiliation. As a descendant of two old colonial populations, I may be ideally suited for this kind of analysis. My paternal ancestors arrived from the early 1600s to 1750, mostly from the British Isles. They were Southerners. My maternal ancestry is Pennsylvania Dutch, arriving 1700-1750. Claims of Native ancestry occur on both sides. The most specific is that one of my paternal 4th great-grandmothers was Chickasaw. There has never been a shred of support, not that it would matter given that genealogical distance. Sources: Deloria, Phillip. Playing Indian. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998. Haley, Brian D. “The Case of the Three Baltazars: Indigenization and the Vicissitudes of the Written Word.” Southern California Quarterly 87, no. 4 (2005): 397-410. ______. “Immigration and indigenization in the Mexican diaspora in the Southwestern United States.” In Leung, H. H., M. Hendley, R. Compton, and B. D. Haley, editors, Imagining Globalization: Language, Identities, and Boundaries, pp. 165-184. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. ______. “Craig Carpenter and the neo-Indians of LONAI.” American Indian Quarterly 42, no. 2 (2018): 215-245. Haley, Brian D. and Larry R. Wilcoxon. “Anthropology and the Making of Chumash Tradition,” Current Anthropology 38, no. 5 (1997): 761-794. ______. “How Spaniards became Chumash, and Other Tales of Ethnogenesis,” American Anthropologist 107, no. 3 (2005): 432-445. Leroux, Darryl. Distorted Descent: White Claims to Indigenous Identity. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2019. 3 v. 2 Liebler, Carolyn and Timothy Ortyl. “More Than One Million New American Indians in 2000: Who Are They?” Demography 51 (2014): 1101-1130. Liebler, Carolyn and Meghan Zacher. “American Indians Without Tribes in the Twenty-first Century,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 36, no. 11 (2013): 1910-1934. Passel, Jeffery S. “The Growing Indian Population, 1960 to 1990: Beyond Demography,” Population Research and Policy Review 16 (1997): 11-31. O’Connor, Mary I. “Environmental impact review and the construction of contemporary Chumash ethnicity.” In Negotiating Ethnicity, ed. by Susan Emley Keefe. NAPA Bulletin 8 (1989): 9-17. Sturm, Circe. Becoming Indian: The Struggle over Cherokee Identity in the Twenty-first Century. Santa Fe: SAR Press, 2011. Viren, Sarah. “The Native Scholar Who Wasn’t.” New York Times Magazine, May 25, 2021. 4 v. 2