An Early Handel Revival in Florence
Author(s): John A. Rice
Source: Early Music, Vol. 18, No. 1, The Baroque Stage II (Feb., 1990), pp. 62-71
Published by: Oxford University Press
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John A. Rice
An
early
Handel
revival
in
The vigour that characterized Florentine musical life
duringthe second half of the 18th century owed much
to the musical patronage of Grand Duke Pietro
Leopoldo, who ruled Tuscanyfrom 1765 to 1790. Born
in Vienna in 1747, Pietro Leopoldo was trained not
only as a sovereign but as a musician, at a court where
the patronage of music was a regular part of daily
business. He took naturallyto the idea that he should
attend to the same business in Tuscany, and he
assembled in Florence a group of musicians of
considerable talent and fame. The singers Giovanni
Manzuoli and Ferdinando Tenducci, the violin virtuoso Pietro Nardini and the flautist Niccolo Dotel
counted themselves among Pietro Leopoldo's virtuosi
di camera,the distinguished composer of music for
chamber and church Carl'AntonioCampion served
Pietro Leopoldo as maestrodi cappella in charge of
sacred music; Marchese Eugenio di Ligniville, praised
by Leopold Mozart as 'the best contrapuntist in all
Italy', directed the performance of secular music at
court. The GrandDuke took an active interest in ballet
and opera. He hired as his maestrodi ballo Antoine
Pitrot, one of Europe'sleading choreographers and a
pioneer in the genre of pantomime ballet. He
subsidized the performance in Florence of several
operas by Tommaso Traetta,including his Viennese
masterpiece Ifigenia in Tauride.1
Pietro Leopoldo's musical interests extended to
oratorio and similar genres. Students of Handel have
paid little attention to a series of performances of
Handel's vocal music in Florence during the early
years of Pietro Leopoldo's reign.2 Alexander'sFeast,
Messiahand Acisand Galateaall received what seem to
have been their first Italian performances in Florence
between 1768 and 1772; possibly JudasMaccabaeusas
well was performedduringthis period. The first of the
performances, that of Alexander'sFeast on 21 April
1768, is the earliest performance yet documented of
one of Handel's large-scale English choral works on
the European mainland. Many of the performances
came about largelythroughthe musical interests of an
importantEnglish resident of Florence, but they were
Florence
encouraged by the Grand Duke, and his musicians
took partin them; some of the laterperformanceswere
organized by Pietro Leopoldo's music director Ligniville. The Florentine Handel revival is of particular
interest in the way it anticipated later 18th-century
revivals of Handel's music in Germany and Vienna.
Most of the works performedin Florence later formed
the core of the Handel repertory north of the Alps.
Handel's choruses won special acclaim in Florence;
indeed, as we shall see, works without choruses were
deliberately avoided. Subsequent Handel revivals in
Germany and Vienna were likewise dominated by
Handel's choral music.
Music of Handel's English period may have been
heard in Florence as early as 1742. The British charge
d'affairesHorace Mann subscribed to an organization
of Florentine music-lovers that sponsored concerts,
and he asked his friend Horace Walpole in Englandto
send music: 'I have promised for the benefit of the
accademiato get from EnglandHendel's overturesand
Corelli's concerts, and in return I'll send you all the
pretty airs I can get.'3 Twenty years later, in 1762,
Mann wrote again to Walpole about Handel's music,
requesting '12 oratoriiof Hendel, with their scores,that
is, all the parts',for a soprano who had enchanted him,
'Madame Branchi, a most divine singer'.4
But it was not until after PietroLeopoldo's arrivalin
Florence that we see evidence of an interest in
Handel's music at the Tuscan court, interest excited
mainly by the eccentric English expatriot George
Nassau Clavering, Third Earl Cowper (1738-1789)
(illus.1). LordCowperwas one of the richest residents
of Florence, a collector of paintings and a generous
patron of poets and scientists as well as of musicians.
Within a few months of Pietro Leopoldo's arrivalin
Florence, Cowperhad established close ties with the
Grand Duke. It was rumoured that Lord Cowper's
beautiful young English wife, whom he married in
1775, was one of Pietro Leopoldo's mistresses, and
that Cowperwas not entirely againstthe arrangement.
But even before his marriage Cowper exercised
considerable influence at court, and this influence
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63
"9
""
~~t
~L•
,I
r?.
I
J
*
1 George Nassau Clavering,Third Earl Cowper (1738-1789) Portrait by Johann Zoffany (Private Collection)
62
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extended to musical matters.5
Lord Cowper had several of Handel's works performed at his Florentine villa. The Gazzetta toscana, the
Tuscan court's weekly newsletter whose pages provide
us with much valuable information about musical life
in Florence during Pietro Leopoldo's reign, had
nothing but praise for the first of Cowper's Handel
programmes:
In the Villade' Tre-Visi,where MylordCowperhas previously
given magnificent entertainments, on the evening of
Thursdaythe 21st [of April 1768] he presented to a select
company of 60 ladies and at least 200 gentlemen a
sumptuous concert of vocal and instrumental music. The
noble guests, among whom were Their Excellences Count
Orsini Rosenburg, Count Thurn, court officials, foreign
ambassadors, and all the eligible foreigners who are
presently in Florence, were served continuously with
excellent refreshments; the internal illumination of the
ground-floor apartments opening onto the room corresponded to the magnificence of the rest.
The concert consisted of a cantata for three voices
(soprano, tenor and bass), which had already been set to
music by Sig. Handel, the famous English maestro di
cappella, to Englishwordsby the celebratedSig. Dryden,and
now translated into our language with such felicity that the
same music that went so well with the English language was
perfectly suited to Italian words. The poem, a dithyramb
entitled IIconvitodi AlessandroMagno.was well printed in the
form of a libretto and distributed to every guest.
The characterof the music was always varied and always
lively, expressing almost every passion of man, for it passed
from the majestic to the cheerful, from the mournful to the
tender, and so on. The arias were frequent and enlivened by
choruses that completed them, and arrangedin such a way
that every singer and diverse instrument had a real part in
the choruses. On account of all these things the distinguished assembly of persons was fully contented with this
amusement, which one can say was new of its kind.6
Less than a week after the performance of Alexander's
Feast at Cowper's villa, it was repeated at the Pitti
Palace, at Pietro Leopoldo's request:
In a privateconcert held at court, on the evening of Saturday
23rd [April 1768], the cantata that Mylord Cowper had
performed, as we reported last week, was repeated at the
request of the Royal Sovereign. The cantata, performed by
the same musicians, both singers and instrumentalists,
earned the satisfaction of both TheirRoyalHighnesses. The
merit of having adapted the English music to Italian words
belongs to Sig. Pazzaglia, and no less to Sig. Abate Pillori,
who together produced the concert, the formeras maestro di
cappella and the latter as translatorand poet.'
The approval of the Grand Duke and Duchess would
64
have led Florentines to suspect that further performances of Handel's works were forthcoming. In August
1768 they read the following in the Gazzetta toscana:
In order to satisfy the inclinations of His Royal Highness,
who found in the CantataAlessandro,a work of the famous
Hendel, music of astonishing taste and depth, Mylord
Nassau ClaweringCowperorderedthat many scores by this
composer be sent from London, among them an oratorio
entitled II Messia, composed with no less spirit than the
above-mentioned cantata. And in as much as this oratorio
was a setting of English poetry, it was necessary to translate
it, with the same quantity and quality of words, into our
idiom; this was done by the previously mentioned Signore
Abate Pillori. Thus faithfully translated, and after several
rehearsals(alwaysunder the direction of Sig. Pazzaglia,who
led about 40 persons, instrumentalistsand singers, through
the English score), the above-mentioned Mylord had the
honour of dedicating the score and the printedlibrettoto His
Royal Highness, who, as a sign of his approval,wished, on
Saturdaylast, to hearthis production at the RegioPalazzode'
Pitti, with the same number of musicians as was needed at
the rehearsal.8
Cowper had Alexander's Feast performed again in
October, according to Horace Mann: 'Yesterday many
of us dined at Court', he wrote to Horace Walpole on
25 October 1768, 'and in the evening Lord Cowper had
Alexander'sFeast by Handel performed at his villa about
a mile from town, and it was followed by a ball.'9
The performances continued under the auspices of
the Accademia degl'Armonici, a society of Florentine
music-lovers of which Cowper was a member. A
concert on 3 March 1769 which included 'many
learned compositions' featured a performance of Il
convito di Alessandro,- on 18 April 1769 Il convito di
Alessandro was repeated at court.1' The grand-ducal
virtuoso Tommaso Guarducci took part in a performance of II Messia at another academy, the Accademia
degl'Ingegnosi, on 8 April 1770."
One of the musicians that we might expect to have
taken a particular interest in the performances of
Handel's music in Florence was Marchese di Ligniville, Pietro Leopoldo's music director from 1767
(illus.2). Ligniville was a composer of merit, especially
in a strict contrapuntal style. His contrapuntal skills
are evident in his Stabat mater a 3 voci in canone,
published in Bologna and Florence in at least two
editions, and dedicated to Pietro Leopoldo. Leopold
Mozart and his son met Ligniville on their travels
throughout Italy in 1770. Leopold's high opinion of
Ligniville's musical abilities has already been cited;
here it might be added that the Mozarts were so
1990
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i
3xA
>
ot•
\'q\••
v, ,O'SV'
]
,
2 Marchese Eugeniodi Liginville(1730 - 1788).Portraitby Angelo Crescimbeni(Bologna,Civico Museo BibliograficoMusicale).
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65
impressed by the Stabat mater that young Wolfgang
copied out nine of its canons, and these were
subsequently attributed to Mozart for many years.12
It was not difficult for the contrapuntally-minded
Ligniville to see the value of Handel's choral music.
The Gazzetta toscana reported the performance of
several Handel works in Ligniville's palace, but not
until March 1772, considerably after the performances
sponsored by Cowper. Ligniville's concerts included
performances of II convito d'Alessandro and II Messia.
Among the singers were two of Pietro Leopoldo's
virtuosi di camera, Giovanni Manzuoli and Giacomo
Veroli; Pietro Nardini, Pietro Leopoldo's most famous
instrumentalist, enlivened the proceedings with the
performance of a violin concerto.13
The following month Acis and Galatea entered the
repertory:
A magnificent and sumptuous academy of vocal and
instrumentalmusic, honoured by the Royalpresence of our
Sovereigns,was given on Thursdayevening [9 April1772]by
Sig. Marchese di Ligneville, Chamberlainof TheirRoyaland
Imperial Majesties [Maria Theresa and Joseph II], a
nobleman strongly inclined to music, and by consequence
to other sublime sciences. A superb cantata entitled Acis e
Galatea,set to music by the famous Hendel, was played, and
accompanied by excellent musicians, who merited the
sovereign's satisfaction.'4
Pietro Leopoldo seems indeed to have been pleased,
because soon after these performances Ligniville
wrote to his friend Padre Giovanni Battista Martini in
Bologna, informing him (inaccurately, in view of
Cowper's role) that he himself had introduced Handel's music to the Grand Duke, and asking him to send
more of Handel's music to Florence.15 Ligniville
named the compositions by Handel already performed
in Florence, including in his list Judas Maccabaeus, a
work unmentioned by the Gazzetta toscana in its
reports of Handel performances. He made it clear that
it was 'Handel's music with choruses' that had pleased
Pietro Leopoldo; and in asking Martini to send more of
Handel's music, he specified 'works with chorus'.
Havinggiven His RoyalHighness the GrandDuke a taste for
Handel's music with choruses, and having taken great
pleasure in the same, but having no more than four works,
namely IItrionfod'Alessandro,
IIMessia,II GiudaMaccabeoand
L'Acie Galatea,which have already been heard with great
pleasure several times, and in orderto maintainthis prince's
taste for true, good music, I turn to you with a request that
you please send me all the works with chorus of the abovementioned Handel. I shall be eternally grateful for this,
being sure that in all Italy I can obtain this favour only from
66
you, given that these works cannot be understood except by
those who appreciate and recognize what is good.'6
Ligniville went on to promise that he would have Padre
Martini's originals quickly copied and returned to
him.
We know from Ligniville's next letter to Martini,
dated 5 June 1772, that Martini sent him a single book
containing music by Handel, together with a list of
other works by Handel in his collection. In his letter of
5 June Ligniville thanked Martini for 'the book of
music of our celebrated Handel', and asked him in the
same sentence to send some of the works on the list
that Martini had sent: Atalante, Admetus, Adriano,
Ariodante, Orfeus, Araxerseo, Pastor fido and Apollo's
feast17 Atalante is evidently the opera Atalanta (1736);
Admetus, the opera Admeto (1727); Ariodante,the opera
Ariodante(1735); Araxerseo,the opera Serse (1738); Pastor
fido, the opera IIpastorfido (1712, revised 1734). Adriano
is possibly a corruption of Ariadne,the English title of
the opera Arianna (1734); Apollo's Feast is the title of an
anthology of Handel's operatic arias, issued in five
volumes by J. Walsh and J. Hare, London. Orfeus may
be the cantata beginning with the words 'Dalle tenebre
orrende', based on the story of Orpheus and Euridice, a
work whose attribution to Handel is doubtful.
Ligniville was bound to be disappointed by Padre
Martini's response to this request. Pietro Leopoldo's
music director had asked specifically for works with
chorus; unknowingly he now was asking Martini to
send him works that-in
so far as they can be
few
choruses
or none at all, in the
identified--contain
case of the operas whose only coro is the short,
homophonic ensemble with which they end. On 23
June 1772 Padre Martini sent Ligniville three works:
Apollo'sFeast Adriano and Admetus.18Ligniville realized
quickly that these were not the kind of works he had in
mind. He sent them back to Martini on 27 June,
explaining that he had not had them copied, 'since
they have no choruses, without which they are
unsuitable for the purpose they must serve'. 9
Librettos for some of the Handel performances in
Florence survive to give us an idea of what the
performances were like. Shown in illus. 3 and 4 are the
title pages of a Messiah performed in Florence in 1770
and an Alexander'sFeast performed in 1772. The two
texts have been treated quite differently. Messiah has
been condensed from three parts to two, with many
numbers, including recitatives, arias and choruses,
omitted. Dryden's text for Alexander's Feast, on the
1990
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other hand, has been translated in its entirety.
Part I of II Messia is an abridged version of Handel's
Part I. with the Halleluia chorus transferred from the
end of Handel's Part II to replace the chorus that
originally ended Part I, 'His yoke is easy'. Part II
combines Handel's Parts II and III. A survey of what is
left of Handel's Part II indicates the extent to which
Messiah has been abridged. The beginning of Part II in
the Italian corresponds to the beginning of Part II in
Handel's original. The chorus 'Behold the Lamb of
God' ('Gia vien l'Agnel di Dio') is followed by the air for
contralto 'He was despised' ('Tormento -atroce/Disprezzo, e Croce'). The great sequence of choruses,
'Surely He hath borne our griefs', 'And with His stripes
we are healed' and 'All we like sheep have gone astray'
is entirely omitted by the translator, who takes up
again with the recitative for tenor 'All they that see
Him, laugh Him to scorn' ('Ognun che il vede, in faccia
a Lui ridea'), which is followed by the fugal chorus'He
trusted in God' ('In Dio confida'); after this, as in
Handel's original, comes the recitative for tenor 'Thy
rebuke hath broken His heart' ('L'acerba tua censura il
cuor gli punge' and the short arioso'Behold and see if
there be any sorrow' ('Deh dimmi, o passeggiero / Se v'e
dolor si fiero'). The Florentine version omits the
following recitative and air for tenor and goes straight
to the chorus 'Lift up your heads, o ye gates' ('Nubi
rompete/I1 vostro velo').
The translation tries to reconcile two conflicting
aims. It attempts to transform the English prose of
3 Title page of
a libretto of
Messiah as
performed in
Florence in 1770.
(Florence,
Biblioteca del
Conservatorio
Luigi Cherubini)
ILM
E
I
OIN
A
ED
IN
IA
ioCT
ININGLESE
'.R1TTO
M
H
S
S
A QuAARO
ourDxIO
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ORA
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PO
11S
D
E
L
TRADOTTO
PAROLE
ITALIAN
I:
LLLAMUSICASTESSA.
&
4 Title page of
a libretto of
Alexander'sFeast
as performed in
Florence on 19
April 1772.
(Florence,
Biblioteca del
Conservatorio
Luigi Cherubini)
IL
CONVITO
D ALESSANDRO
M A G N O,
051
.4
LAFORZA
D L'AR"MONA
DI
T I
R A NMBO
DEL SIG. DRYDEN
POETA
lE$OS
INNGLESE
MU
I
IN
SIC
DAL SIGNOR HANDEL
,ID
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AI)ATI'41O
A It
O)N PROLL
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a
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STAMPERIA
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tiri.
Ak
Handel's original text into Italian poetry, and at the
same time it claims to be singable to Handel's music.
The idea that a composer could set prose to music, as
Handel did, must have seemed strange to the Italian
poet. Italian librettos of the 18th century, both sacred
and secular, comic and serious, consisted normally of
poetry throughout: blank verse of seven or eleven
syllables for recitative, various poetic forms with
various rhyme-schemes for arias, ensembles and
choruses. The translation adopts these elements, with
the predictable result that the text differs greatly from
Handel's in number of syllables, patterns of accents,
and in its use of rhyme. Take, for example, the first
recitative 'Comfort ye my people', and the air 'Ev'ry
valley'.
Comfortye me people, saith your God:speak ye comfortably
to Jerusalem,and cry unto her, that her warfareis accomplish'd, that her iniquity is pardon'd.
The voice of him that crieth in the wilderness, Prepare ye
the way of the Lord,makestraightin the desert a highwayfor
our God.
AIR
Ev'ryvalley shall be exalted, and ev'ry mountain and hill
made low; the crooked straight, and the rough places
IN FIRENZE MDCCLXX.
Pg
h CimBaziSc <chi, e,Anfxi.oGuLppc
CM
b--ism
plain.
Handel's arioso setting of the first part of the text
encouraged the translator to treat that part of the text
as an aria, that is, a poem with metre and rhyme (the
versification and rhyme here are both somewhat
irregular):
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67
Burney'scriticism does not apply well to the translation under consideration here, which is certainly not
unintelligible, and does, for the most part,fit Handel's
music well. Neither the translator'sexplanation nor
Burney's criticism applies to the recitatives in this
Italian version. Here there is no 'tenderness for the
musician': the Italian poet transformed most of the
recitatives into standard seven-and eleven-syllable
The Italian poet translated the next part of the lines of Italian recitative verse. But the translator's
recitative as standard seven- and eleven-syllable concern to preservethe integrityof the music, even at
the expense of his Italian poetry, does indeed hold
Italian blank verse:
true for most of the arias and choruses.
Odila voce,che gia grida attorno;
The first aria-chorus,
Drittocamminoadorno
Confortatio Sion:
L'annunziaIddio.
Ecco adempito
Tuobel desio.
Esclama,esclama,
La mia felicita
Giaiviene,ed ha perdono
L'iniquita.
Si preparial Signore;
E a Lui dentroal deserto
Un nuovosia da voi sentieroaperto.
Happy, happy, happy pair!
None but the brave
None but the brave
None but the brave deserves the fair.
And for Handel's aria the poet fitted his translation
is rendered thus:
into the rhymes and metres of Italian lyric poetry:
Caracoppiaamorti fe
Cheal fortesol
[Cheal fortesol
Cheal fortesoll la bella di?.
Ognivalle
Ecco esaltata,Ed ogni monte
Al basso e gia.d
II tortocalle
Svanisce,e l'aspro
Sappianera.d
Here the translatorpreserved Dryden'ssyllable-count
and rhyme scheme, giving up only the repetition of
'happy' in the first line, a repetition that Hande'l's
There are only a few lines here that can be sung to music takes great delight in. The result, while not
Handel's notes as he wrote them. The translation particularlyelegant, convey's Dryden'smeaning, and
forced the singer of this passage to add and subtract is certainly singable.
notes in many measures of Handel's vocal line. The
In the translation of Handel's chorus in praise of
same can be said for much of the rest of the Bacchus the poet gave up his attempts at rhyme and
translation.
regular metre and concentrated instead on finding
From a note that the translator appended to the words that would fit Handel's music. Dryden wrote:
version of Alexander'sFeast cited above, we might Bacchus ever fair and young
expect that in this translationhe showed more respect Drinkingjoys did first ordain;
for Handel's music than did the translatorof Messiah. Bacchus' blessings are a treasure;
In apologizing for the weaknesses of his translation, Drinkingis the soldier's pleasure;
the author pointed out that 'he was limited by the Rich the treasure,
music to certain words and certain phrases, because Sweet the pleasure;
he wished that the metre of the original poet and the Sweet is pleasure after pain.
In Florence audiences heard:
expression of the composer be preserved'.
Charles Burney harshly criticized a Florentine Baccobelloin fresca etd
translation of Alexander's
Feast, blaming the translator Invent l'uso del bere.
for shaping his text to Handel'smusic, with no regard I suoi doni son potabili,
for the sense of Dryden's poetry. The music, said Del guerrierconfortoamabile.
Ricchidoni,
Burney, was
Almopiacer.
set to a literalItaliantranslationgiven totidemsyllabis,in
Bel goderdopo il penar.
orderto preservethe music as entireas possible.Butthis
tenderness for the musician, was so much at the expence of
the poet, that Dryden's divine Ode, became not only
unpoetical, but unintelligible in this wretched version.20
68
In ending
the third and fourth lines
with two
unaccented syllables the translator had in mind not
Dryden's poetry but Handel's music; the translation
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87
Bac-chus' bless - ings are a
.I suoi do - ni son po
-
trea - sure;
ta - bi-li,
Drink- ing
is the
sol - dier's plea - sure;
Del guer - rier con - for - to a - ma - bi-le.
Feast'Bacchusever fairandyoung',
Ex.1Handel,Alexander's
bars 87-94
necessitates only the omission of two of Handel'sslurs
(ex.1).The penultimate line in the Italianis clumsy:the
music needs a weak syllable at the end of the line; the
Italian provides a strong one; but in general this ariachorus is effectively rendered by the translator.
The series of performances of Handel's vocal music
organized by Marchese Ligniville duringthe Springof
1772 was the last major public manifestation of
interest in Handel's vocal music in Florence. But
Handel's music may have continued to interest
Florentine music-lovers. The music library of the
Conservatorio Luigi Cherubini in Florence, which
preserves much of the music assembled by the grandducal family during the 18th and 19th centuries,
includes many 18th-century scores of Handel's vocal
music: Belshazzar, Alexander's Feast, Messiah,
Jephtha,
Judas Maccabaeusand several other works.21 Another
important Florentine collection, the music library
assembled during the late 18th and early 19th
centuries by the Ricasolifamily, includes an unexpectedly large number of manuscriptsof works by Handel,
mainly oratorios: full scores of Alexander'sFeast and
Judas Maccabaeus,and a set of orchestral parts for
Messiah.22 The presence in the ConservatoryLibrary
and the Ricasoli Collection of much of the music
performed during the Florentine Handel revival of
1768-72 suggests that the revival led to further, less
publicized performances of Handel's music at court
and in the palaces of the Ricasoli and other Florentine
music-lovers.
And the Florentine Handel revival had repercus-
sions in a musical capital far more important than
Florence: Vienna. The political and dynastic links
between Florence and Vienna meant that there were
musical connections between the two cities. The
couriers and post-chaises that travelledback and forth
between the Habsburg and Tuscan capitals carried
letters, diplomatic papers and financial documents;
they carried music as well. Already in 1772, when
CharlesBurneyvisited Vienna, a Florentineversion of
Alexander'sFeast had reached the shores of the
Danube. Burney had nothing but disdain for the
Italian translation, as we have seen. But even in what
he called a 'wretchedversion', Handel'swork was well
received in Vienna: 'Many parts of it were very much
liked, in despite of the nonsense throughwhich it was
conveyed to the ears of the audience'.23
The performancein Viennato which Burneyalluded
may have been witnessed by Count Zinzendorf,
Viennese bureaucrat and tireless music-lover, who
wrote in his diaryon 10 March1771: 'Au concert ofi on
donna Timoth6e et Alexandre,cantate de Hendel.' A
year later Zinzendorf had another chance to hear
Alexander'sFeast On 15 March 1772 he wrote: 'au
concert spirituel. L'Oratoirede Thimothee et d'Alexandrefut mal rendu.'Wherethese concerts took place
is unknown. Pohl, who quotes these entries from
Zinzendorf's diaries, suggests that the first concert
was one of a series that Zinzendorf attended at the
palace of Prince Schwarzenberg.24The 'concert
spirituel' of 1772 is likely to have been one of the
Lenten concerts in the Burgtheater.
In 1774, shortly after Handel's Alexander'sFeast
began to find favourwith Viennese audiences, Johann
Baptist Schenk began musical studies with Georg
ChristophWagenseil in Vienna. Wagenseil's teaching
materials included the oratorios of Handel, among
them Alexander's Feast and Messiah. Schenk remem-
bered that 'the sublime Handel was my highest ideal';
his memoirs make clear that, in Vienna just as in
Florence, 'the sublime Handel'was the choral Handel,
not Handel the composer of operas or instrumental
music.
Feastwasthe firstwork[of Handel's]myteacher
Alexander's
calledto myattentionandhe followedit withthe oratorios
AthaliaandJudasMaccabaeus.Wagenseil also acquainted me
with the beautifulpassages that could so frequentlybe
withhis choruses,
foundin Handel'sworks,andin particular
andhe usedthese examplesforhis instruction.Theoratorio
Messiahwas the last work which I studied under his
guidance.25
Further evidence for the central place of Handel's
choruses in the revival of interest in his music is a
Viennese review of Haydn'soratorioIl ritornodi Tobia,
first performedin Vienna in 1775. The review praised
Haydn's choruses, which, it said, 'glowed with a fire
that was otherwise only in Hindel'.26 Later, when
EARLYMUSICFEBRUARY
1990
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
69
Baron Gottfried van Swieten presented concerts of
Handel's music in Vienna, his choice of repertory
continued to emphasize Handel's choral music. As
one of his admirers put it, Van Swieten 'especially
loves the Handelian style, and mostly gives large
choral works by him'.27
It is normal to credit Baronvan Swieten's influence
for the increasing interest in Handel's vocal music in
Viennafromthe late 1770s onward,as EdwardOlleson
does in his article on Van Swieten in TheNew Grove
('The performance...
of Judas Maccabaeus by the
Tonkiinstler-Sozietit in 1779 was surely due to his
influence.'). Baron van Swieten is said to have
developed a taste for the music of Johann Sebastian
Bach and Handel in northern Germany, where he
served as Austrian ambassador, and to have brought
that taste back to Viennawith him when he returnedin
1777. CertainlyBaronvan Swieten'srole in the revival
of interest in Handel is an importantone, and it is good
to recognize his achievement. But it is also clear that
Van Swieten's productions of Acis and Galatea, Alex-
ander'sFeast,Messiahand other worksduringthe 1780s
and 1790s built on an appreciationof Handel'schoral
works that was already firmly established in Vienna.
That tradition of appreciation can be traced back to
the Viennese performance of a Florentine version of
Feastin 1771, when Baronvan Swieten was
Alexander's
still in Berlin.Throughthat performanceof Alexander's
Feast the tradition can be traced back further, to the
revival of Handel's choral works in Pietro Leopoldo's
Florence.
Ishould like to thank RobertL Weaver,who read a draft of
this paper, for his corrections and suggestions.
John A. Rice, VisitingAssistant Professorof Music at Colby
Collegein Waterville,Maine, is presently working on a book
on Mozart's La Clemenza di Tito for the CambridgeOpera
Handbooh series.
1Forfurtherdetails on PietroLeopoldo as musical patron see J.A.
Rice, Emperorand Impresario:LeopoldII and the Transformation
of
VienneseMusicalTheater1790-1792 (diss., U. of California,Berkeley,
1987), and, by the same author, 'GrandDuke Pietro Leopoldo as
Patron of Florentine Music, 1765-1790', forthcoming in the
preceedings of Patrons,Politics,Music and Art in Italy, 1738-1859:
for the RicasoliCollection,Louisville, Kentucky,
InauguralConference
1989. The spelling of the names Campion and Ligniville adopted
here is based on their own signatures as they appear in letters and
financial documents.
2M. Fabbri,'La giovinezza di Luigi Cherubininella vita musicale
nel secondocentenariodella
fiorentina del suo tempo',LuigiCherubini
nascita (Florence, 1962), calls attention to the performances of
Handel's vocal music in Florence; in 'Nuova luce sull'attivita
fiorentino di Giacomo Perti, Bartolomeo Cristofori e Giorgio F.
Haendel',Chigiana,xxi (1964),pp.143-90, Fabbriquotes extensively
70
from reports in the Gazzettatoscana,see especially pp. 186-90. The
Florentine Handel revival is briefly discussed in T. Antonicek, Zur
des 18. Jahrhunderts(Vienna,
Musil in der2. Hdiilfte
PflegeHdndelscher
1966). Antonicek'sstudy has much to say about EarlCowperand his
family, but disappointinglylittle about the Handel revivalitself (see
pp.37-40).
3Mannto Walpole, 12 August 1742, HoraceWalpole'sCorrespondence,ed. W. S. Lewis,48 vols. (New Haven,Connecticut, 1937-1983),
xviii, p. 13
4Mannto Walpole, 15 May 1762, HoraceWalpole'sCorrespondence,
xxii, pp.35-6
5For a broad view of Cowper's patronage of both the arts and
sciences see B. Moloney, Florenceand England:Essays on Cultural
Relationsin theSecondHalfof the EighteenthCentury(Florence, 1969),
pp.47-64. On Cowper's musical patronage see, in addition to
Antonicek, Fabbri,'La giovinezza di Luigi Cherubini':on Cowper's
role as an agent for impresarios in London, see E. Gibson, 'Earl
Cowperin Florence and his Correspondencewith the Italian Opera
in London', ML,lxviii (1987), pp.235-52.
6Nella villa de' Tre-Visi,dove MylordCowperha dato altre volte
magnifici trattenimenti,la sera del giovedi 21. andante fece sentire
ad una scelta compagnia numerosa di sessanta Dame, e di almeno
dugento Cavalieriuna suntuosa Accademia di canto, e di suono. I
Nobili Convitati, fra' quali le L.L.E.E. il Sig. Conte Orsini di
Rosenberg,il Sig. Conte di Thurn,le Carichedi Corte,MinistriEsteri,
e tutti i Forestieriqualificati, che al presente si trovano in Firenze,
furono serviti continuamente di eccellenti rinfreschi: l'illuminazione interna dei quartieri terreni che mettono sulla sala era
corrispondente alla magnificenza di tutto il resto. L'Accademiae
consistita in una cantata a tre voci di soprano, tenore, e basso, che
fu gidmessa in musica dal Sig. Handel famoso maestro di cappella
Inglese, sopra parole parimente Inglesi del celeberrimo poeta Sig.
Dryden, state ora tradotte nel nostro idioma con tanta felicitY, che
quella medesima musica, che faceva bene sopra il linguaggio
Inglese si adatta benissimo all'espressioni Italiane. La poesia e del
genere dei Ditirambicol titolo il Convito di Alessandro Magno, e
questa propriamentestampata in libretto fu distribuita a ciascheduno dei Sigg. Convitati.Il genio della musica e stato semprevario, e
sempre spiritoso, esprimendosi quasi tutte le passioni dell'uomo,
poiche si passava ora dal maestoso all'allegro, ora dal flebile al
tenero, ec. Le arie sono state frequenti, e rallegratedai cori, che le
ripigliavano, e concertate cosi che ciascheduno cantore e i diversi
strumenti aveva nei cori parte reale; per le quali cose tutte quel
distinto congresso di persone restato pienamente pago di questo
divertimento, che si pu6 dire nel suo genere nuovo.
Gazzettatoscana(1768), p.79; quoted in an abbreviatedversion by
MarioFabbri,"Nuovaluce," p. 187. Fabbrimistakenlygives the date
of this performanceas 18 April.TheAustriannoblemen Count Franz
Xavervon Orsini-Rosenbergand Count Franzvon Thurnwere both
important officials of Pietro Leopoldo's court.
7Gazzettatoscana(1768), p.83; for the original see Fabbri,'Nuova
luce', p. 187. SalvadorPazzaglia(1723-1807) was a native of Pistoia
or Volterra.A keyboard player, composer and teacher, Pazzaglia
served Cowperas music directorfor several years; he also served as
music teacher to the grand-ducal court and, on the death of
Carl'AntonioCampion in 1788, took over the position of grandducal maestro di cappella; see L. F. Casamorata, 'Salvatore
Pazzaglia',Gazzettamusicaledi Milano,vi (1847), pp.297-9.
8Gazzettatoscana(1768), p.141; for the original see Fabbri,'Nuova
luce', p. 188.
9Mannto Walpole, 25 October 1768, HoraceWalpole'sCorrespondence, xxiii, p.64; notice in the GazzettaToscana(1768), p.185
loGazzettatoscana (1769), pp.34,41,61; see Fabbri,'Nuova luce',
pp.188-9
toscana(1770),p.57; see Fabbri,'Nuova luce, pp.188-9
11Gazzetta
Verzeichnissdmt12L.R. von K5chel, Chronologisch-thematisches
licher TonwerheWolfgang Amad6 Mozarts (Weisbaden, 7/1965),
EARLYMUSIC FEBRUARY1990
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Anhang A 17
toscana(1772), p.50; for the original see Fabbri,'Nuova
13Gazzetta
luce', p. 189.
14Gazzetta
toscana(1772), p.57; for the original see Fabbri,'Nuova
luce', p. 190.
15Lignivillemust have been awarethat Martinihad by 1772 built
up an extensive collection of Handel'smusic, partlywith the help of
his former student J. C. Bach. In a letter from London dated 10
February1769 (A. Schnoebelen, PadreMartini'sCollectionof Lettersin
Musicalein Bologna:an AnnotatedIndex
the CivicoMuseoBibliografico
(New York, 1979), no.4869) one Giovanni Salpietro reported to
Martini that Bach was planning to send him some of Handel's
oratorios in printed editions. In another letter, dated 25 July 1769,
Salpietroreferredagain to a book of Handel's oratoriosdestined for
Padre Martini'slibrary(Schnoebelen no.4870).
16Letterfrom Ligniville to Martini, 30 May 1772 (Schnoebelen
no.2754), Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale. I am
grateful to Professor Giorgio Piombini of the Civico Museo for
providing me with photocopies of the Ligniville letters.
17Letterfrom Ligniville to Martini, 5 June 1772 (Schnoebelen
no.2755)
IsAlist of workssent by Martiniis preservedin Ligniville'sletter of
20 June 1772 (Schnoebelen no.2756).
19Letterfrom Ligniville to Martini, 27 June 1772 (Schnoebelen
no.2757)
20P.A. Scholes, ed., Dr.Burney'sMusicalToursof Europe,(London,
1959) ii, p.83
21R.Gandolfi, C. Cordara,A. Bonaventura, Catalogodelle opere
musicali... Bibliotecadel Conservatorio
di Musica di Firenze(Parma,
1929; Bologna R1977)
22TheRicasoli Collection of musical manuscripts and prints is
now part of the music library of the University of Louisville,
Louisville, Kentucky.
23Scholes, Dr.Burney'sMusicalTours,ii, p.83, Antonicek,ZurPflege
HaiidelscherMusik,p.6, was first to point out this passage in Burney
as an important link between the revival of Handel's music in
Florence and the later interest in Handel's music in Vienna.
24C.F. Pohl, JosephHaydn (Leipzig, 1878-82), ii, p.161.
25JohannBaptist Schenk, autobiographical sketch published in
Studienzur Musihwissenschaft,xi (1924), pp.75-85; trans. P. Nettl,
ForgottenMusicians(New York, 1951)
26Quotedin translationby H. C. RobbinsLandon,Haydn:Chronicle
and Works,5 vols. (Bloomington, 1976-80), ii, p.215.
27Landon,Haydn,iv,p.28.
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