International Journal of Management and Social Sciences Research (IJMSSR)
Volume 2, No. 2, February 2013
ISSN: 2319-4421
Boko Haram: The Greatest Security Threat to the Sovereignty
of Nigeria
Abdulmajeed Hassan Bello, Ph. D, Department of Religious and Cultural Studies, University of Uyo, Uyo,
Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria
ABSTRACT
The greatest security threat to the sovereignty of Nigeria
today is the Boko Haram insurgency. The terrorist have
carried their campaign of terror up to the police force
headquarters. These developments led to the belief in
many circles that Islam and terrorism are synonymous.
The paper in its attempt to capture the issue of National
security in Islam describes the Qur’anic schools that
intend to produce self-disciplined citizens socially
integrated in their community. The Qur’anic education is
not an activity separated from other aspects of society.
Success was of course, important, but failure did not turn
the individual into a useless burden on society. It was the
British administration that labeled the system of education
they brought as Western education, while the other one
was identified as religious education. Thus in attempt to
resist the cultural invasion Muslim leaders clustered
around the Qur’anic schools, this explains the reason why
the vast majority of Muslims remained hostile to western
education. The paper however, holds that ‘fasa’d’ used in
the Qur’an is very comprehensive in its context. Thus
Islam does not only condemn ‘fasa’d’ in all forms, but
prescribes appropriate punishments for all acts of
terrorism. The paper concludes that ‘terrorism’ applies to
acts of terror, attempts to cause bomb explosions, etc. and
to all excess restrictive and punitive measures taken by a
government to suppress oppositions as well. Islam does
not provide any cover or justification for acts of terrorism,
be it committed by an individual, a group or a
government.
Keywords
Almanjirai, Boko Haram, fundamentalism, Jihad and
Qur’anic schools.
2012: xiii). A spate of attacks against Churches and
continued to target Muslim figures who opposed it. The
mounting toll of victims included the brother of the Shehu
of Borno, the traditional ruler of the Kanuri people of
northeastern Nigeria, southeastern Niger, western Chad,
and northern Cameroon; Ibrahim Ahmad Abdullahi
Bolori, a prominent Maiduguri cleric who had criticized
Boko Haram; and Ibrahim Birkuti, a cleric in southern
Borno State who was also well known for his criticisms of
the sect (J. Peter Pham, 2012: 5). The group thus
constitutes a wider threat to the political, economic, and
security interests in Africa.
All these incidents suggest a strategy of provocation,
through which the group seeks to spark a large scale
sectarian conflict that will destabilize the country. It is not
enough to crush the sectarian uprising by force of arms but
to understand their criminal nature, their irrelevance to the
contemporary Nigeria (Alexander Ekemenah, 2011:8). We
must understand the social and economic conditions that
brought them into existence in the first place and the
forces that shape their worldviews, what sustains them, the
essence of their demands, what should be the role of the
state in such situations and Islam’s response to the
terrorism. Because defeating terrorist requires not just
military victories but war of ideas. This war of ideas
needs, an understanding of the terrorist worldview and
ideology before effective countermeasures can be
determined. This paper is an attempt to examine the
socioeconomic, political and inter-religious context in
which the wave of terror carryout by Boko Haram
emerged and evolved.
WHY
MUSLIMS
ATTACHED
IMPORTANCE TO THE QUR’ANIC
SCHOOLS?
INTRODUCTION
The Islamic sect Boko Haram has been a security
challenge to Nigeria since at least 2009, but the group has
expanded its terrorist attacks to include international
targets such as the United Nations building in Abuja in
August 2011. Their attack capabilities have become more
sophisticated, and there are indications that members of
the group may have received training in bomb-making and
other terrorist tactics from al-Qaeda-affiliated groups in
the north and/or east of the continent (James J. F. Forest,
Because of the importance attached to the teaching of the
Holy Qur’an in any Muslim community, many Qur’anic
schools were established before the British role in houses,
mosques and some public places. The establishment of
such schools was not the responsibility of the government
of the day or local authority but was a communal
responsibility. Thus Muslims in Nigeria regarded the
setting up of such schools as obligatory, and believed that
any person who contributed to that kind of meritorious
activity would be abundantly rewarded by Allah (S. A. S.
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Galadanci, 1993:100). A learned respected person would
be assigned to teach and train the children of both sexes in
these schools. The children would be taught the art of
reading and writing with a view to developing their mental
and intellectual capacities. Besides teaching the skill of
reading and writing, the teacher was expected to teach his
pupils the basic principles of Islam and rudimentary
principles of ethical values. In addition to these, they
would be introduced to some occupations like farming,
sewing and the like; depending on the location the school
was situated (Galadanci, 1993: 100).
Immediately the British entered in to the Northern part of
Nigeria they realize the extent of the spread of Qur’anic
Schools there. Arabic was then the official language used
in royal courts, offices and the legal courts. They also find
out that the majority of the people were literate because
almost everybody had to go to school (Galadanci,
1993:102).
Two drastic changes were immediately
introduced: (i) Arabic desisted to be the official language.
English replaced it as the official language of the
administration. (ii) New alphabet – the Roman alphabet
was similarly introduced to replace the Arabic one being
widely used by the Muslims.
Education was greatly expanded soon after independence.
It was generally expected at that time that Western
education was the only genuine passport to good living. In
an attempt to resist the cultural invasion of the EuroChristian missionary schools, Muslim leaders clustered
around the Qur’anic schools, and sometimes, gave out
fatwa i.e., formal legal opinion prohibiting Muslim
children to be enrolled in the missionary schools (AlAminu Adu Manga, 1993:129). This explains the reason
why the vast majority of West African Muslims remained
hostile to western education.
In tracing the progress of Qur’anic schools in Nigeria
before the British occupation, we should not have the
impression that the system was properly conducted and
organized to the best interest of the community; and that it
was not defective (Abu Manga, 1993: 129). The existing
schools at that period were not organized under any central
body to co-ordinate their activities but were left entirely in
the hands of their proprietors. Consequently, standard
varies and the system remained static without any
improvement for long time (Galadanci, 1993; 104). No
arrangements were made for the welfare of the students
and many of them used to travel from one town to the
other in search of competent teachers. This no doubt
caused a great deal of hardship to many students especially
minors who invariably ended up as almanjirai roaming
about asking for alms to survive. Some teachers at those
schools have been known to abuse these children, in some
cases taking a potion of whatever people give them, and in
other cases using them as foot soldiers in religious clashes.
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These minors created a social problem Nigeria is facing
today.
THE BOKO HARAM
Islamic fundamentalism Arabic: usul (from لوصأ, the
"fundamentals"), is a term used to describe religious
ideologies seen as advocating a return to the
"fundamentals" of Islam: the Qur’an and the Sunnah.
Islamic fundamentalism is not a distinct from Islamism but
as a subset, "The most conservative element among
Islamists." Its "strictest form" includes “Wahhaabism,
(
) sometimes also referred to as Salafiyya (
)
(Jamaal Al_Din M. Zarabozo, 2006: 187).
There are differences in opinion over precise date and
conditions under which the group that became known as
Boko Haram was first established. But a senior Nigeria
military officer suggested that the group has existed in
some form or another since 1995, while others have
written that it was founded in 2003 or 2004: Nigeria
reporters Isioma Madike contends that the group began in
) (Isioma Madike, 2011: online
1995 as shabaab (
at:http:/nationalmirroronline) under the leadership of the
conservative Islamist Lawan Abubakar, who later left for
Islamic University of Medina in Saudi Arabia for further
studies. Isa Umar Gusau suggests that the origins of the
group can be traced to a group of Muslim students who
dropped out of the University of Maiduguri around 2002
(onlineat:http).
Despite the existence of various conflicting accounts, it is
agreed by most observers that in 2002, a 32 years old
charismatic Muslim cleric ustaz Muhammad Yusuf,
established a religious complex with a mosque and an
Islamic boarding school in Maiduguri in Borno state,
along with a prayer group which he called Jamā'atu Ahlis
Sunnah Lildda'awatih wal-Jihad, (
) loosely translated from Arabic as “People
Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings
and Jihad,” Better known by its Hausa name Boko Haram
(Farouk Chothia, 2011: Online). The movement, translates
as "Western education is sinful," according to Toni
Johnson of the Council on Foreign Relations, Yusuf
originally intended his salafist prayer and self-isolation
movement to promote the religion of Islam and encourage
the enforcement of shari’ah in the countries northern
states, he attracted mostly disaffected young people and
unemployed university students and graduates, many of
them animated by deep-seated socioeconomic and political
grievances like poor governance and corruption (2011,
online). In essence, Boko Haram sought to create a better
Nigeria through strict adherence to Islam. Over time, the
group’s members saw themselves increasingly at odds
with the secular authorities, whom they came to view as
representatives of a corrupt, illegitimate, Christian-
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dominated federal government. Their disappointment in
local government leaders was worsened in the July 2009,
when authorities in Bauch refused to allow them to preach
and recruit publicly (Freedom Onuoha article: 58).
Like many religious terrorist groups around the world,
Boko Haram’s ideology portrays the world in terms of an
epic struggle between good and evil, and they are
convinced in their own revealed truth from God. Many
religious terrorist groups share a common belief that they
are following the will of God, and that only the true
believers are guaranteed salvation and victory (Jessica
Sterm, 2004: 282).
At the individual level, for the religious extremists there is
no room for the other person’s point of view. Because they
believe their cause is just, and because the population they
hope to protect is purportedly so deprived, abused, and
helpless, they persuade themselves that any action-even a
heinous a crime-is justified. They believe God is on their
side (Forest, 2012:13).
In their eyes, the superiority of God’s rules provides them
with a feeling of justification for violating man made rules
against violent atrocities. Doing the bidding of a higher
power demands sacrifice but also means fewer limits on
violence. It is easier to kill if you think you are doing
God’s will; violence is seen as necessary in order to save
oneself, one’s family, or even the world ( Forest, 2012:14).
The sect advocates religious intolerance. And present a
case-study of such religious fundamentalism of Islamic
typology that is inevitably fraught with its own internal
contradictions upon closer perusal. The teachings of the
sect were opposed to all forms of western education and
civilization because these were considered unlawful.
Member of the sect were indoctrinated in to believing that
their state of hopelessness was caused by the government
imposition of western education and culture on them, and
failure to manage the resources of the country to their
benefit.
It is believed that fundamentalism informed the sect’s
mission to destroy the government and its establishments
especially as they were not built according to pure Islamic
tradition. Among the goals set by the sect were: to capture
the entire Northern Nigeria, attack the city of Jos, the
plateau state capital which the sect has even given another
name that is not known to the Nigerian state but a
reflection or indication of its crusade to Islamize the
country and impose Shari’ah. Many Nigerians hold belief
that this is an affront to Christendom in an attempt to
provoke the Christians to a street fight (Alexander
Ekemenah, 2011:8). Most especially when they will start
attacking Christians, burning their houses and churches in
Northern Nigeria.
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Therefore, Boko Haram like, other religious terrorist
groups throughout the worlds, capitalizes on local
conditions by offering envisioned solutions to the
grievance shared by the surrounding communities. They
portray the situation in term of a Muslim population
oppressed by non-Muslim rulers, infidels, and apostates
backed by sinister forces that intend to keep the local
Muslim communities subservient (Forest, 2012:15).
Its followers are reportedly influenced by the Qur’anic
verses such as:
And whoso judges not by that which Allah has
sent down, these it is who are the disbelievers, . .
. and whoso judges not by what Allah has sent
down, these it is who are wrongdoers (Qur’an, 5:
44-45).
...and whoso judges not by what Allah has
revealed, those it is who are the transgressors
(Qur’an, 5: 47).
And that thou should Judge between them by
which Allah has revealed and follow not their
evil desires and be on thy guard against them,
lest they involve thee in trouble on account of a
part of what Allah has revealed to thee. But if
they turn away, then know that Allah intends to
punish them for some of their sins. And indeed a
large number of men are disobedient (Qur’an, 5:
49).
Controversy still rages as to the origin of Boko Haram
whether it was essentially a creation of the Northern
political establishment; whether it was by product of the
inter-political rivalry between the ruling PDP and ANPP,
whether it was essentially of socio-psychological and
environmental product of the North eastern state of Borno,
Gombe and Bauch; whether they are maggots of
conservative political rottenness and the putrefying
corruption that has eaten deep in to the fabric of Nigeria
collective society, whether it was as hybrid product of the
present international security context in which the world
live today as symbolized by the global jihadist movement
against western neo-imperialism spearheaded by al
Qae’da against united states etc (Ekememenah, 2011:8).
Without doubt when we sit down with the task of
unraveling the mystery and mystique of Boko Haram in a
holistic manner, without prejudices and with all objectivity
that we are capable of, we will discover that it is a
combination of all the above factors and forces. But one of
the problems governments are having in tackling Boko
Haram is the inability to define Boko Haram.
An understanding of internal contradiction of Boko Haram
is essential for widening the scope of this study without
which the knowledge base will be in completed. First, an
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understanding of the socio-economic climate of Borno,
Gombe, Bauch and its environ in particular and that of the
country as a whole is necessary for understanding doubt,
general economic crisis in the country contribute to the
recurrent occurrence and fueling of religious crisis in the
country especially in the Northern part of the country.
Extreme poverty, illiteracy or lack of proper education,
religious intolerance and fanaticism, bad governance all
these contributed to the phenomenal emergency of Boko
Haram. Thus Boko Haram was formed as the Nigeria state
emerged from the decade’s long despotism of military
rules at a time when democracy was still fledging and has
not stated yielding its proverbial dividends (Ekemenah,
2011:8).
At the psycho-social level we can understand the meaning
of the phenomenon called Boko Haram (western
Education is a sin) from the apparent failure of the social
system especially the educational system in the state and
its environ; the inability of the social and educational
system to liberate the individual from the evil yoke of
ignorance, to render meaning to life and dignity of human
Being; the inability of the state government to provide
sustainable employment opportunities and living for the
graduates that led to the unconscious creation of rebellious
social forces against the state and society, forces that turn
round to manacle society and threaten social stability such
as street urchins known as almanjirai and now Boko
Haram (Ekemenah, 2011:8).
While at the psychological level of the individual member
of the sect, it is the collapse of psychological apparatus in
its inability to withstand the shocks of modern life and a
political system that is still finding its feet on the terra
firma of constructive and sustainable economic
development model (Ekemenah, 2011:8).
Thus western education became the object of their
venomous hatred. Its hatred of western education seen as
the root of the evil ravaging society and individuals was
made manifest in the burning of their acquired school
certificates. In fact it is the rite that must be performed
before one can be admitted as a member of the sect
(Ekemenah, 2011:8). It is obvious that the perceived
failure and collapse of a world order or world view around
them accentuated by the collapse and failure of their own
psychological apparatus to absorb the shocks of modern
life dominated by western education and culture.
As a result of jobless and unemployment Boko Haram
members engage in commercial trading among themselves
and to limited extent with the outside world, cutting
themselves from the mainstream and large scale
commercial activities of the outside world. They are not
industrious in terms of managing small or medium scale
industries which would task their management skill and
would involve having constant interface with commercial
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banks that are inevitable interest (Ekemenah, 2011:8).
Thus the members of the sect do not involved in
agricultural activities as such because they are urban bred
and urban based youths that are frustrated with urban
demands on their lives. Besides this, there are no largescale agricultural settlements that could engage and absorb
them on a permanent basis and thus giving those basic
means of survival within the overall economic frame work
of the state (Ekemenah, 2011:8).
All these socio-economic changes combined to produce a
sense of insecurity and vulnerability among northern
Nigerians, and particularly among Muslim communities.
This is in turn, offers insight in to why Boko Haram’s
ideology has resonated among many, including frustrated
university graduate who find legitimacy in their argument
that western society has failed them; their aspiration
cannot be met by the system currently in place.
Another level of analyzing the phenomenon called Boko
Haram is political violence. According to James J. F
forest, terrorists and criminals thrive in a climate of
sustained grievances. It is no coincidence that the worst
forms of political violence in Nigeria today originates in
the most socio economically disadvantaged part of the
country. In the north, where unemployment and poverty
are the highest, radical Islamists and the imposition of
Shari’ah have challenged the authority of the state (Forest,
2012: 45).
In the south, where environmental destruction resulting
from oil extraction in the Niger Delta has made local
Nigerians traditional groups and armed militant gangs
often consisting of unemployed youth have engaged in
kidnapping, extortion, car bombings, murder, and other
forms of violent attack against the government and the
nation’s critical oil infrastructure.
An understanding of these security challenges and other
complex dimensions of the Nigerian security environment
is necessary for placing any analysis of Boko Haram in the
proper context. Nigeria government has struggled for
several decades with security challenges in the south and
south east of the country, particularly in the Niger Delta.
The civil war is one of the earliest examples of how
violent unrest in this rein has font been fueled by ethnic
identity politics and inequality in the distribution of
resources. But, while the violence in the south of Nigeria
is mainly secular and driven by grievances associated with
resources and environmental damage, the north has seen
far more ethnic, tribal, and religious violence, often
manipulated by politicians for political gain and profit
especially in area where neither Muslims nor Christiana
are clear majority (Forest, 2012:52).
Resources scarcity and ethnic identity politics play
prominent role in the conflicts of this region. For example,
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over the last decade an increasing number of the
pastoralist Hausa-Fulani have migrated south ward from
the drought-ridden north, bringing with them cattle that are
encroaching on more fertile lands historically owned by
other ethnicities. The resulting conflicts have sometimes
been portrayed in the media as being Muslim versus
Christian, while in fact the violence has frequently been
fuelled by land use issues and indigenous versus settler
rights (Zuwaqhu A. Bonat, 1995: 209). Therefore,
accumulation of a broad range of socio economic and
political grievances now justifies in their minds, a terrorist
campaign. There are few other terms that could be used to
describe the steady drumbeat of terrorist attacks have
taken place since 2009 (Forest, 2012:47).
SOURCES
HARAM
OF
FINANCING
BOKO
The Boko Haram set is suspected of receiving foreign
financial assistance. In February 2004, the department of
state service arrested Sheikh Muhidden Abdullah, a
Sudanese and director of a Saudi funded charity, al)ىدتنملا: Trust, over
muntade al-Islami (
alleged involvement in 2003 in funding a short-lived
violent uprising seeking to establish an Islamic theocracy
in Yobe state. He was arrested after the discovery of his
financial transactions running in to millions of naira with a
Kano based business man, Alhaji Sharu, who confessed to
be acting as middleman between the Boko Haram groups
almuntada al-Islami. They later built 42 Mosques in Kano,
and worked to promote the conservative wahabi Islamic
ideology espoused by the out Taliban regime in
Afghanistan (C. Nna-Emeka Okereke, 2012:176).
The link between Al-muntada Al-Islami and the Boko
Haram is rooted in the fact that Alhaji Sharu’s
organization mutated into the Boko Haram following the
preaching and mobilization of activities of Muhammad
Yusuf (Okereke, 2012:176). Unfortunately, wherever one
follow the flow of Saudi aid; he will also observe a rapid
increase in the narrow, non-tolerant attitudes of Muslim
clergy.
Besides that of almuntada al-Islami, the group has also
been allegedly linked to specific individuals with power
and access to resources given the extensive system of
patronage in Nigeria, this come as a surprise. Several of
these individuals have been arrested, but some were killed
before and judicial process could determined their guilt for
example, on 31 July 2009 Alhaji Buji Boi- former
commissioner for religious affairs in Borno state during
the administration of former governor of Borno state Ali
Modu Sherif was arrested and taken to the police
headquarters in Maiduguri, where he was publicly
executed on 31 July 2009, a day after Yusuf was killed at
the same location (Forest, 2012: 71). In January 2011,
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another suspected financial, a local contractor, Alhaji
Bunu Wakil, was arrested in Maiduguri alongside 91
others suspected of being members or supporter of Boko
Haram. A month later another alleged sponsor of the
group, Alhaji Salisu Damaturu was killed during a
shootout with police. And in November 2011, authorities
arrested a member of the Nigerian senate Ali Ndume, a
people Democratic Party senator from Borno state and
charged with financing Boko Haram (Okereke, 2012:
176).
Whatever the sources of Boko Haram’s financing,
individuals involved in supporting the group does so
largely because they find some resonance in the group’s
radical jihadist ideology. When this ideology resonates
among the individuals with access to resources, it clearly
benefits the group’s operational capacities. In addition to
that, whatever resources Yusuf had access to, he invested
part of it in acquiring dozes of taxes buses and
motorcycles that he distributed to unemployed youths,
members of the sects, and from which that made daily
monetary returns to the sect’s coffers. It has been reasoned
that this singular act of youth’s empowerment endeared
Yusuf to the teeming populations of jobless youths who
pleaded loyalty to him.
ISLAM RESPONSE TO TERRORISM
Islam means the religion of peace. A person following
Islam will find that he or she is surrounded by noble
teachings, the aim of which is to establish peace between
man and Allah, the creator of all; between man and man;
between man and the rest of Allah’s creation (Naseer
Ahmad Qamar, 2010: 20). But Islam today is viewed by
many as an aggressive religion that promotes terrorism.
Sadly, it is often the case that the killing of innocent
people, suicide bombings and terrorism activities are
caries out by people who claim to be Muslim; however, in
reality, the responsibility for such malicious acts actually
rests with the so called scholars of Islam, who are gravely
mistaken in their understanding of the issue of Jihad. They
consider the unjustified killing of human beings by the
sword as a religious duty. These scholars have deliberately
misinterpreted some verses of the holy Qur’an and equate
true Islamic Jihad to rebellion for their own benefits
(Qamar, 2010:20).
The Arabic word Jihad ( ) has neither the connotation
of holy nor that of war. The translation of the word Jihad
with holy war is arbitrary, tendentious and absurd. The
word simply applies to any activity or job which is
accomplished with great effort and which calls for striving
hard. Maximum effort applied one’s wealth, of one’s
personal honour for a noble cause circumstances involving
great risk to one’s life is jihad. To rise against a tyrant in
defense of the victim of oppression is jihad. The struggle
against one’s own weaknesses, one’s egoism, against the
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moral decay of the society, against oppression and wrong,
against an enemy who attack one’s country, against
compulsion in matters of faith and against the persecution
of the innocent, all these comes under the category of
jihad (Sheikh Nasir Ahmad, 1986: 18).
How does such a religion deal with the issue of terrorism?
And what does the word terrorism mean? Dictionaries will
define terrorism as the use of violence and intimidation to
force a government or community or an organized system
of intimidation (Mairi Robinson, 2007: 1458), to achieve
political ends. Thus terrorist is he who systematically uses
violence and intimidation to achieve political ends or who
controls or forces others to do something by violence, fear
or threats. All these definitions are covered by two words
of the Holy Qur’an, fitna ( ) i.e., sedition, riot, discord,
and dissention, civil strife (Cowan, 1960: 696), and ikra’ah
) i.e., compulsion coercion and use of force (Cowan,
(
1960: 823). In support of the above definitions Mirza
Tahir Ahmad says:
The terrorism’ applies to acts of terror, attempts
to cause bomb explosions, and so on. But this is
not the only type of terrorism the world is
referring from… whenever repressive measures
are taken by governments against their own
countrymen to still the voice of disagreement,
those measures too should be included within the
term “terrorism”… I considered all oppressive
measure taken by governments against the left or
right within their own countries as terrorism of
the worst type (1990:115-116).
It is really astounded to see many medieval minded
Muslim scholars, erroneously referred to as
fundamentalists, subscribe to the view that Muslims must
confront non-Muslims in an armed struggle and remain at
war with them till either they are exterminated or they
accept Islam. Islam, as found in the holy Qur’an, has
nothing whatsoever to do with this distorted and corrupt
notion of a holy war (Tahir Ahmad, 1997:137).
Islam realized that dissensions and disorders undermine
unity, of the nation, and therefore, was evil. The word
fasa’ad ( )داسفcorruption, disorder and mischief used
in the words of the Qur’an such as”
i.e.
create not disorder in the earth” Qur’an, 2:11) is very
comprehensive in its context, and denotes all kinds of evildoings. Thus the Qur’anic expression “creates not
disorder in the earth” both in religious and non-religious
senses are strongly deprecated in the Qur’an
(Manzoordden Ahmad, 2006: 201).
The Qur’an does not only condemn disorder in all its
forms, but prescribed definite punishments. Allah says:
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The only reward of those, who wage war against
Allah and His Messenger and strive to create
disorder in the land, is that they be slain or
crucifies or their hands and feet be cut off on
account of their enmity, or they be expelled from
the land (Qur’an, 5:33).
It is cleared that Islam does not hesitate to take extreme
measures when the interest of the state or society at large
so demand to uproot a dangerous evil. Islam refuses to
pander to the false sentiments of emotion visionaries but
follows the dictates of reason and sound judgment while
prescribing punishment for public offences. The
punishment prescribed here is of four categories, the form
of the punishment to be inflicted in a particular case would
depend upon the attending circumstances (Malik Ghulam
Farid, 1969: 251). And awarding or imposition of
punishment is the concern of government and not that of
any individual.
When we examine the so called Boko Haram insurgency
in Nigeria we discover political force working behind an
Islamic façade. And this is a bitter truth. Almost every
form of communal violence witnessed in Nigeria today,
wherever that is and whatever cloak it wears, is essentially
political in nature. Religion is not the exploiter; it is
exploited by internal or external political interests. But the
government can stop these disturbances at all levels if it
can live up to its constitutional obligations and
responsibilities by fulfilling its primary goal which is the
welfare and security of the people with absolute justice
and equality. It should provide employment and social
security for the youth to shield them from being tools in
the hands of unpatriotic, unscrupulous and self serving
politicians.
CONCLUSION
We all agree that, among the factor fuelling religious
extremism which manifest in terrorism, are the persistence
of mass poverty, unemployment, corruption, and the
scandal lousy behavior of public office holder in the
conduct of governance. These breed frustrations, which
are vented against the state and citizens, in the hope of
forcing a change in the system through channels outside of
the approved electoral process and other constitutional
means. According to Islam, all attempt to impose
religious tenets, social system, political behavior and
selective way of life chosen by a people under specific
conditions unacceptable according to the Holy Qur’an that
says: “Let there be no compulsion in religion” Qur’an
2:256. Thus all acts of killing of innocent people, suicide
bombings, and all restrictive and punitive measure taken
by a government against its own people to suppress a
popular movement or suspected opposition, that go
beyond the limits of genuine legal measures and end up as
brutal acts of violence designed to strike terror in the
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hearts of a dissatisfied section of their own people are all
acts of terrorism. And as far as Islam is concerned, it
categorically rejects and condemns form of terrorism. It
does not provide any cover or justification for any act of
violence, be it committed by an individual, a group or a
government.
NOTE AND REFERENCES
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[12] Isa Umar, (2011) “Boko Haram: How it All
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