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2020, The Ethiopian Herald
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Today’s exclusive column guest goes by the name of Deputy Amb. Barkhad Mohamoud Kaariye, Somaliland Permanent Diplomatic Mission in Ethiopia.
Wardheernews, 2024
The crisis resulting from the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on January 1, 2024, between Dr. Abiy Ahmed, the PM of Ethiopia, and Muse Bihi, the President of the separatist Somaliland, has sent shockwaves across the Horn of Africa. This MoU grants Ethiopia a strategic corridor of 20 kilometers inside Somali territory at the Gulf of Aden to construct a commercial port and a naval base. In return, Ethiopia commits to recognizing Somaliland as an independent state from the Federal Republic of Somalia and offers a share of Ethiopian Airlines.
Changing Relations between Somalia and Ethiopia: Potential Risks on the Horizon, 2018
Introduction This article aims to critically analyze the possible implications of any future unification betweenthe two states of Somalia and Ethiopia. This comes at a time of major political transition within Ethiopia, which began at the start of 2018. What emerged was a new leadership with an unprecedented governance style and new political views towards internal and external affairs—a great departure from Ethiopia’s former political scene over the past decades. Dr. Abiy Ahmed was elected as the prime minister of Ethiopia on April 2, 2018. Since coming to power, Dr. Abiy has put into force a new regional political strategy, which is already havingan immediate impact on the political situation of the Horn of Africa. One of the first capitals visited as part of this political campaign was Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, where he met with Somali president Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, with whom he signed a communique . After returning to Addis Ababa, the prime minister delivered a speech to the Ethiopian parliament regarding the significance of this agreementon the future relationshipbetween his country and Somalia. One of the more striking remarks was Abiy’s indication that he saw the prospects of the political integration of Ethiopia and Somalia in the future, under a single leadership. In light ofthis statement, this article will analyze the potential impacts of such a unification on both parties, as well as the region. It argues any attempt at unification by the two states poses more challenges than opportunities, and instead exacerbates the potential conflict.
This paper is going to analyze and light on the political, economic, and trade cooperation between Somaliland and Ethiopia, the paper explores how Somaliland and Ethiopia's bilateral rel sustained to the existing political context based on the status of de jure concept of statehood and de facto statehood Ethiopia and Somaliland respectively political and trade implications encounter and economic relations. Despite that Somaliland is unrecognized state, it is notable to highlight that the prolonged which de facto state sustaining its display for more than customary law in the eyes of international community, which Somaliland has proved its competence to contribute security interests of its neighbor Somaliland is gaining political legitimacy and because of its geopolitical strategic location in the Horn of Africa and Gulf of Aden. Somaliland has also demonstrated the capacity and capability to enter bilateral and multilateral deals and there are many regional states and wider international community members who are dedicated to promote the democratic credentials and peacefulness in Somaliland, population in Africa, fastest economic growing and diplomatic home of the African Union. Copyright©2017, Mohamed A. Mohamoud-Barawani. unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
2021
Ethiopia, having all the assets [natural and human resources] the rest of Africa have, in addition to being a pioneer in cementing African unity and, forming and hosting the OAU (now AU), and it influence in shaping the African political discourse [more specifically in the horn of Africa (HOA)] – the global powers from West to East have always competed to win Ethiopia as their sole trophy in the geopolitically significant Horn of Africa. With the exception of the Derg regime that was forced to stick with the communist bloc betrayed by the west that sided with Somalia’s ZaedBarre& the separatist insurgents in the north, and the TPLF- led – EPRDF regime that made itself of full service to the western powers who brought them to power while playing with the Chinese along the side, Ethiopia has always taken a neutral stance in global political affairs – thereby expanding its diplomatic reach on all fronts from Africa to Europe, from Middle East to the Caribbean, and from the US to Russia, China, Japan, Korea and other Asian powerhouses. Under Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia has further strengthened its diplomatic ties with the Middle East who relied on Africa for food and water security – and port and military domination over the Red Sea and Bab-el-Mandeb, while influencing the global political dynamics using their oil resource as leverage. Similarly, Ethiopia has strengthened its diplomatic ties with China and Russia – whose growing economic and military influence in HOA countries [ET, ERI, SOM, DJI and SUD] and the rest of Africa is of immense threat to western [most particularly, US] interest in the region. As a result, Ethiopia is under the surge of diplomatic pressures on account of several strategic issues arising from the GERD, global geopolitical rivalry between western powers, China & Russia; as well as some Middle East/Arab states. Sudan's irredentist border claims as potential trigger of high risk border conflict in the horizon, the intense global political pressure on Ethiopia is being shooted from all sides-be it the US, UK, European Union and the Arab League. It is to be noted that all these problems are coupled with one another. Decoupling these problems might help the Ethiopian government and the diplomatic community.
ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY, 2019
Bildhaan: An International …, 2006
Today's Somali regional State of Ethiopia has been the Ogaden and Haud of British Colonials. It was only the late 1940s that the region was handed over to Ethiopia by British Colonials. There was hidden agreement between the two and Somali people of every where had, by any means, no idea about that cession. This paper examines the history of Somali Region from the colonial period to the recent period. The paper aims presenting the history of Somali Region in short way.
2008
This thesis owes a debt of gratitude to many souls. This study has been six years in the making, a multi-faceted and challenging intellectual journey, and one which would indeed not have been possible without the cooperation and encouragement of numerous individuals and institutions. Permit me to begin with my beloved wife Naseema and sons Adeeb and Faadil, who supported my nine visits to Somaliland, the Horn of Africa and tolerated my absence from them during the school holidays, where I was able to quietly work on my thesis. A debt of gratitude is also due to Professor John J Stremlau, my supervisor, for his intellectual support and consistent reminders to develop the chapters of this thesis. His significant feedback and time during difficult moments is gratefully appreciated. Mohamoud Salah Nur (Fagadhe) and Abdillahi Duale's official foreign policy mission to South Africa in July 2000 kindled my interest in the topic. I also wish to thank Dr Edna Adan Ismail for support and access to materials at the Somaliland Foreign Ministry. Dr Hussein Bulhan, former Director of the Academy of Peace and Development in Hargeisa, facilitated my field visits and interviews in Somaliland. Dr Ahmed Esa, Director of the Hargeisa-based Institute for Practical Research and Training and Mr Bashir Goth, Editor of Awdalnews.com, both gave their invaluable time to read my chapters and make significant comments. African Union Commission senior officials Patrick Mazimhaka, Ben Kioko and archival staff, for important materials and time to interrogate key continental issues. Somali studies experts Matt Bryden, John Drysdale, Hussein Adam and Ioan M Lewis for the many opportunities to discuss and respond to inquiries. The encouragement of Professor Ali Mazrui spurred me on with this study at a critical juncture of my life.
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